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Antinomianism  in  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay. 


opy  j 


e 


THE 


$ufiltcattotts  of  tt)e  prince  §>octetp. 

Eftablifhed  May  25th,  1858. 


ANTINOMIANISM 

IN  THE 

COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY, 

1636-1638. 


Boston: 

PRINTED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY, 
By  John  Wilson  and  Son. 

1894. 


TWO  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY  COPIES 


ANTING)  MIANIS 


IN  THE  COLONY  OF 


MASSACHUSETTS  BAY, 

1636-1638. 


INCLUDING 


THE  SHORT  STORY  AND  OTHER  DOCUMENTS. 


EDITED  BY 

y 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS. 


Boston: 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  PRINCE  SOCIETY. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1894,  by 
The  Prince  Society, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page 

Preface  .  9 

Introduction  by  the  Editor .  11-65 

The  Short  Story  .  67-233 


The  Examination  of  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson . 235-284 

Trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  before  the  Church  in  Boston  .  285-336 

Extracts  from  Cotton’s  “Way  of  the  Churches  Cleared”  337-391 
Extract  from  Robert  Keayne’s  Book,  1639 . 393-402 


Index 


405-415 


- 


Nt- 


Preface. 


QUESTION  whether  there  is,  in  the  literary  way, 
^  anything  pleafanter  than  editorial  work  of  the  kind 
involved  in  preparing  this  volume,  when  that  work  is  un¬ 
dertaken  with  proper  facilities;  when  performed  under 
difficulties,  few  things  are  more  irkfome. 

The  laft  edition  of  the  Short  Story  was  brought  out 
juft  two  centuries  ago.  To  edit  and  annotate  properly 
another  edition  now,  implies  a  conftant  reference  to  books 
but  few  copies  of  which  are  known  to  exift.  If  the  ufe  of 
thofe  copies  is  reftricted,  the  labor  of  editing  becomes  almoft 
intolerable,  involving  poffibly  a  day’s  journey  in  fearch  of 
a  flatement  or  to  verify  a  reference. 

In  finifhing  my  work  on  this  volume,  I  with,  therefore, 
to  exprefs  my  fenfe  of  the  obligation  I  have  been  under 
while  engaged  in  it  to  John  Nicholas  Brown,  of  Providence, 
the  prefent  owner  of  the  invaluable  John  Carter  Brown  col¬ 
lection,  and  to  Mrs.  Charles  Deane,  of  Cambridge.  The 
liberality  with  which  Mrs.  Deane  —  following  in  that  re¬ 
flect  the  large-minded  practice  of  her  late  hufband  —  and 
Mr.  Brown  —  as  his  father  before  him  —  allow  the  treafures 
they  control  to  go  out  to  meet  fcholarly  needs,  is  nothing 
lefs  than  a  public  benefaction. 

C.  F.  A. 

Quincy,  Mass.,  November,  1893 


Introduction  by  the  Editor. 


TD  OS  WELL’S  Tour  to  the  Hebrides  was  publifhed  in 
1785,  and  his  Life  of  Johnf on  fix  years  later,  in  1791 ; 
but  not  until  1831  did  John  Wilfon  Croker,  the  third  editor 
of  the  Life ,  incorporate,  at  the  fuggefiion  apparently  of 
Walter  Scott  and  Lockhart,1  the  firft  publifhed  epifode  in 
its  proper  place  in  the  completed  narrative. 

The  Short  Story ,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  bore  much  the 
fame  relation  to  Winthrop’s  Hiftory  of  New  England  that 
Bofwell’s  Tour  to  the  Hebrides  did  to  the  Life  of  Johnf  on. 
In  the  preface  to  his  edition  Mr.  Croker  not  only  referred 
to  the  Tour  as  part  of  Bofwells  Johnfon ,  but  he  did  not 
hefitate  to  pronounce  it  “  the  mofl  original,  curious,  and 
amufing  portion  of  the  whole  ”  book ;  and  very  fimilar  lan¬ 
guage  might  with  propriety  be  ufed  of  the  Short  Story  in 
connection  with  Winthrop’s  Hiftory:  for,  written  by  the 
fame  hand  as  the  Hiftory ,  though  publifhed  under  different 
circumfiances  and  long  anterior  to  it,  the  Short  Story  gave 
a  graphic  and  detailed  account  of  certain  occurrences,  only 
a  comparatively  brief  fummary  of  which  is  contained  in  the 
more  comprehenfive  work.  To  the  importance  of  thofe 
occurrences  in  his  own  efiimate  Winthrop  bore  emphatic 

tefiimony 


1  Croker’ s  Correfp  on  deuce  and  Diai'ies ,  Vol.  I.  p.  427. 


12 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

teftimony  by  writing  down  at  the  time  his  own  account  of 
them,  and  lending  that  account  to  England  for  publication 
there,  —  fomething  he  is  not  known  to  have  done  on  any 
other  occafion  ;  and  in  confirmation  of  that  judgment,  look¬ 
ing  back  through  the  hiftorical  perfpedtive  of  more  than  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  it  is  no  exaggeration  now  to  fay 
that  in  the  early  ftory  of  New  England  fubfequent  to  the 
fettlement  of  Bofton,  there  was  in  truth  no  epifode  more 
charadteriftic,  more  interefling,  or  more  far-reaching  in  its 
confequences,  than  the  fo-called  Antinomian  controverfy. 
As  a  defignation,  “  Antinomian  ”  is  in  this  cafe  a  thorough 
mifnomer,  —  an  epithet  of  opprobrium,  rather  than  a  name, 
affixed  by  a  triumphant  fadtion  upon  one  defeated  and 
exiled,  which  ever  refufed  to  accept  it.  Neverthelefs,  though 
two  centuries  and  a  half  have  fince  elapfed,  it  is  hill  referred 
to  as  “  the  Antinomian  controverfy  ”  by  the  hiftorical  hudent ; 
though  to  the  general  reader  the  words  convey  only  a  vague 
idea  of  fome  incomprehenfible  theological  complication  long 
pah  and  now  happily  forgotten. 

In  the  theological  fenfe,  an  Antinomian  has  been  defined 
as  “  one  who  maintains  that  Chrihians  are  freed  from  the 
moral  law,  as  fet  forth  in  the  Old  Tehament,  by  the  new 
difpenfation  of  grace  as  fet  forth  in  the  gofpel ;  an  opponent 
of  legalifm  in  morals.  Antinomianifm  has  exihed  in  three 
forms :  in  the  early  church,  as  a  fpecies  of  Gnohicifm,  in 
the  dodtrine  that  fin  is  an  incident  of  the  body,  and  that  a 
regenerate  foul  cannot  fin ;  later,  in  the  Reformation,  as  a 
readtion  againh  the  dodtrine  of  good  works  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  in  the  antagonize  dodtrine  that  man  is 
faved  by  faith  alone,  regardlefs  of  his  obedience  to  or  difobe- 

dience 


Introduction. 


13 


dience  of  the  moral  law  as  a  rule  of  life ;  finally,  as  a  phafe 
of  extreme  Calvinifm,  in  Englifh  Puritan  theology,  in  the 
dodtrine  that  the  fins  of  the  eledt  are  fo  transferred  to  Chriffc 
that  they  become  his  tranfgreflions,  and  ceafe  to  be  the 
tranfgreffions  of  the  actual  finner.”1 

“  In  Europe  the  fedl  known  as  Antinomians  were  the 
difciples  of  John  Agricola,  a  tailor,  born  at  Eiflaban  in  1492, 
afterwards  a  univerfity  fcholar,  rector,  and  preacher,  and  in 
1526  chaplain  of  the  Eledlor  of  Saxony  at  the  Diet  of  Spire. 
As  a  difciple  and  worker  with,  and  afterward  an  opponent 
of,  Luther  and  Melanfthon,  he  carried  to  extreme  the  doc¬ 
trine  of  the  former  of  juftification  by  faith,  in  oppofition  to 
the  Roman  Church  doctrine  of  good  works.  He  afterward 
renounced  his  errors.  Both  his  difciples  and  his  enemies 
perverted  doftrines  which  he  had  carefully  and  guardedly 
defined.  So  Antinomianifm  came  to  ftand  for  —  what  the 
authorities  of  Maffachufetts  held  it  to  be  —  a  groffly  im¬ 
moral  doctrine,  fuperfeding  the  need  of  good  works,  and 
reaching  the  monftrous  conclufion  that  nothing  which  a 

o  o 

believer  might  do  could  be  fin.” 2  And  this  general  accept¬ 
ance  of  the  term  Antinomian  was  reflected  in  the  warning 
words  of  John  Wheelwright  to  thofe  liftening  to  his  famous 
Faft-day  fermon  of  1637,  that  they  fhould  in  life  fo  bear 
themfelves  “  that  we  give  not  others  to  fay  we  are  libertines 
or  Antinomians.” 3 

As  the  twig  is  bent  the  tree  inclines.  Maffachufetts  was 
at  the  period  of  the  Antinomian  controverfy  in  “  the  twig,” 
—  not  yet  paft  the  years  of  human  infancy ;  and  it  is  no 

exaggeration 

1  Century  Dillionary. 

2  Ellis,  Puritan  Age  in  Maffachufetts ,  pp.  322,  323. 

3  Bell’s  Wheelwright ,  p.  175. 


14  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

exaggeration  to  fay  that  the  outcome  of  the  controverfy 
influenced  the  courfe  of  Maffachufetts  development  both 
perceptibly  and  gravely  through  more  than  a  century  and  a 
half.  In  point  of  faff,  we  can  now  fee  that  in  1636  the 
nafcent  community  came  to  a  place  where  the  roads  forked. 
The  iffue  between  religious  toleration  and  a  compelled  theo¬ 
logical  conformity  was,  as  a  matter  of  eftablifhed  policy,  then 
to  be  decided.  It  was  decided.  And  the  decifion  reached 
was  final  fo  far  as  colonial  and  provincial  Maffachufetts  was 
concerned.  In  other  words,  it  held  through  the  lives  of  five 
generations. 

In  its  earlieft  days  there  was  in  the  Maffachufetts  fettle- 
ment  a  ftrong  and  outfpoken  element  of  intellectual  inquiry 
and  religious  proteft.  It  found  intelligent  expreffion  in 
Roger  Williams  and  Sir  Harry  Vane,*  and  inarticulate 
expreffion  in  Anne  Hutchinfon.  Roger  Williams  did  not 
lack  fympathy  and  fupport  in  his  church  and  among  his 
neighbors;1  while  Vane,  as  is  well  known,  numbered  among 
his  aCtive  adherents  the  great  majority  of  thofe  dwelling  in 
Bofton.  Thefe  two  both  then  and  afterwards  reprefented 
the  ideas  of  extreme  civil  liberty  and  religious  tolerance. 
The  evidence  is  unmiftakable  that  in  the  early  period  the 
environment  was  moft  favorable  to  the  reception  of  thofe 
ideas.  The  Short  Story  is  in  itfelf  conclufive  on  that  point. 
The  iffue  was  prefented,  confufedly  it  is  true,  but  ftill  after  a 
fafhion,  in  the  written  controverfy  carried  on  between  Vane 

and 

1  Cotton  ftates  explicitly  “  that  the  trates  ...  to  put  upon  him  a  winters 
increafe  of  concourfe  of  people  to  [Wil-  journey  out  of  the  Countrey.” —  An- 
liams]  on  the  Lords  dayes  in  private,  fwer  to  Majler  Roger  Williams,  p.  57. 
to  the  negledt  or  deferting  of  publick  Publications  of  Narraganfett  Club, 
Ordinances  .  .  .  provoked  the  Magif-  Vol.  II.  p.  93. 


Introduction. 


i5 


and  Winthrop  in  November,  1636;  and  thefe  papers  confti- 
tute,  as  it  were,  the  pleadings  in  a  great  caufe.1  The  decifion 
took  fhape  in  the  outcome  of  the  Antinomian  controverfy. 
It  was  unmistakable,  and,  as  the  refult  Showed,  irreversible. 
For  good  or  evil,  it  committed  Maffachufetts  to  a  policy  of 
drift  religious  conformity.  Hence  its  historical  fignificance.2 
The  domination  eftablifhed  in  1637  was  not  ferioufly  Shaken 
until  1819,  when  at  laft  the  Unitarian  movement,  under 
Channing,  brought  about,  fo  far  as  Maffachufetts  was  con¬ 
cerned,  refults  to  Calviniftic  theology  Similar  to  thofe  which, 
upon  the  larger  ftage,  the  theories  of  Darwin  worked  half  a 
century  later  on  the  Mofaic  account  of  the  origin  of  man. 

Owing  to  this  historical  importance  and  its  far-reaching 
effects,  the  Antinomian  controverfy  has,  almofl  as  matter 
of  courfe,  been,  and  indeed  Still  is,  debatable  ground,  re¬ 
peatedly  fought  over  by  historical  writers.  Every  line  of 
evidence  bearing  upon  it  has  been  carefully  fcanned.  But, 
after  all,  the  great  body  of  this  evidence  is  comprifed  within 
a  very  narrow  compafs,  —  a  few  paragraphs  in  Winthrop’s 
Hijiory  and  the  Short  Story. 

In  bringing  out,  therefore,  after  an  interval  of  almoft 
exactly  two  centuries,3  a  new  edition  of  the  Short  Story ,  it 
is  not  neceffary  to  preface  it  with  any  detailed  account  of 
the  controverfy  of  which  that  book  is  the  original  narrative. 
The  history  of  the  controverfy  can  be  read  in  Hutchinfon’s 
Maffachufetts ,  the  author  of  which  was  a  lineal  defcendant 

of 

1  Infra ,  p.  139,  n.  originally  intended  to  be  a  part  of  it. 

2  This  fubjedt  is  difcuffed  in  detail  For  obvious  reafons  it  fubfequently 
in  Adams’s  Maffachufetts :  Its  Hifio-  affumed  an  independent  fhape. 
rians  and  its  Hifory.  That  fludy,  it  3  The  laft  previous  edition,  copies  of 
maybe  here  added,  was  fuggefled  by  which  are  not  uncommon,  was  publifhed 
the  preparation  of  this  volume,  and  was  in  London  in  1692. 


1 6  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

of  Miftrefs  Hutchinfon;  it  was  again  told  by  Dr.  George  E. 
Ellis  in  his  Life  of  Anne  H2itchinfon  in  Sparks’s  American 
Biography,  and  retold  by  him  after  the  lapfe  of  nearly  half 
a  century  in  the  ninth  chapter  of  his  Puritan  Age  in  Maf 
fachufetts.  Dr.  Palfrey  devoted  to  it  aim  oft  the  whole  of 
Chapter  XII.  of  his  Hiftory;  and  Charles  H.  Bell  went 
minutely  over  the  fame  ground  in  his  memoir  prefixed  to 
the  John  Wheelwright  volume  in  the  publications  of  this 
Society.  John  A.  Vinton,  in  1873,  wrote  a  feries  of  four 
articles  in  the  Congregational  Quarterly ,  fubfequently  pub- 
lifhed  feparately,  in  which  he  attempted  a  full  and  com¬ 
plete  defence  of  the  courfe  purfued  by  Winthrop  and  his 
affociates.  The  other  fide  of  the  iffue  is  more  or  lefs  fully 
prefented  in  the  two  biographies  of  Vane  by  Upham  and 
Hofmer.  Finally  “  The  Antinomian  Controverfy  ”  confti- 
tutes  the  fecond  part  of  the  Three  Ep  if  odes  of  Maffachufetts 
Hiftory ,  by  the  editor  of  the  prefent  volume. 

It  remains,  therefore,  only  to  fpeak  of  the  authorfhip  of 
the  Short  Story ;  the  circumftances  under  which  it  was  firffc 
printed ;  and  the  curious  bibliographical  intereft  which  has 
fince  attached  to  it. 

The  events  which  led  to  the  preparation  of  the  Short 
Story  all  took  place  during  the  eighteen  months  between 
November,  1636,  and  May,  1638.  The  General  Court 
before  which,  while  holding  its  fittings  in  Cambridge,  the 
trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  took  place,  met  on  the  ^  of 
November,  and  clofed  its  fittings  on  the  of  the  fame 
month.  Befides  trying  and  convicting  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  it 
had  recourfe  to  proceedings  againft  the  whole  body  of  her 
adherents,  refulting  in  the  difarmament  of  all,  and  the  dif- 

franchifement 


Introduction. 


17 


franchifement  and  banifhment  of  a  large  number.  Writing 
manifeftly  at  fome  time  fubfequent  to  the  adjournment  of 
the  Court  on  the  ^  of  November,  Governor  Winthrop 
made  a  general  entry  in  his  Journal  under  date  of  the  iff  of 
that  month,  in  which,  after  referring  in  fome  detail  to  what 
had  been  done  during  the  feffions  of  the  Court,  he  added : 
“  All  the  proceedings  of  this  court  againft  thefe  perfons  were 
fet  down  at  large,  with  the  reafons  and  other  obfervations, 
and  were  fent  into  England  to  be  publifhed  there,  to  the 
end  that  all  our  godly  friends  might  not  be  difcouraged  from 
coming  to  us,”1  etc.  There  was  no  printing-prefs  then  in 
America,  and  a  comparifon  of  the  text  of  Winthrop’s  Jour¬ 
nal  with  that  of  the  Short  Story  fhows  conclufively  that  the 
manufcript  of  the  Short  Story  was  referred  to  in  the  fore¬ 
going  extradt  from  the  Journal,  and  that  it  was  prepared  by 
Winthrop. 

The  purpofe  of  Winthrop  in  thus  writing  down  and 
fending  to  England  an  account  of  thefe  proceedings  is 
obvious.  He  wifhed,  in  his  paternal  care  for  the  infant 
colony,  to  anticipate  and  foreftall  hofbile  criticifm.  The 
harfh  and  intolerant  policy  purfued  from  the  beginning  in 
Maffachufetts  towards  all  intruders  and  diffentients  had 
excited  no  little  comment  in  England,  and  led  to  hoftile 
proceedings,  caufing  remonftrances  from  the  friends  of  the 
enterprife.  A  renewal  of  thefe  adverfe  comments,  and 
fubfequent  remonftrances,  might  fairly  be  looked  for  as 
foon  as  the  tidings  of  the  decifive  aftion  of  the  General 
Court  of  November,  1637,  reached  England;  for  that  aftion 
amounted  to  nothing  lefs  than  a  profcription.  Moreover, 
prior  to  the  General  Court  of  November,  the  preceding 

Court 

1  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  p.  *  248. 

3 


1 8  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

• 

Court,  held  in  June  of  the  fame  year,  had,  with  a  view  to 
preventing  any  increafe  of  the  minority  faction  in  the  Colony 
through  immigration,  enadted  an  alien  law,  forbidding  any 
town  or  perfon  under  heavy  penalties  from  receiving  any 
Grangers  “  reforting  hither  with  intent  to  refide,”  or  allowing 
any  fuch  to  remain  within  the  colonial  limits  for  above  three 
weeks  without  a  magiftrate’s  permiffion.1  The  whole  body 
of  the  magiftrates,  it  was  well  known,  belonged  to  the  domi¬ 
nant  party.  This  adt  was  paffed  in  June,  and  in  July  one 
party  at  leaft  of  emigrants  had  landed  in  Bofton,  to  thofe 
compofing  which  the  provifions  of  the  adt  were  applied. 
Notwithflanding  the  hardfhip  involved,  a  delay  of  only  four 
months  in  the  enforcement  of  the  law  could  be  obtained, 
within  which  time  the  immigrants  in  queftion  were  com¬ 
pelled  to  find  a  place  of  refuge  without  the  Mafiachufetts 
jurifdiction.  The  four  months  expired  in  November,  when 
the  general  banifhment  of  the  minority  was  entered  upon ; 
and  under  thefe  circumftances  it  required  no  forefight  on 
the  part  of  the  leaders  of  the  dominant  party  to  make  them 
realize  that  a  hoft  of  letters  then  were,  or  foon  would  be,  on 
the  way  to  England,  which  could  hardly  fail  to  give  a  ferious 
check  to  that  weftward  movement  of  population  which  was 
vital  to  Maffachufetts.  Certainly  people  would  hefitate 
long  before  embarking  themfelves  and  their  effedts  for  a 
diftant  fhore,  where,  upon  their  arrival,  they  were  to  be  met 
with  a  pofitive  inhibition  to  remain  except  with  the  permif¬ 
fion  of  a  magifirate. 

The  talk  of  preparing  an  account  of  the  proceedings  in 
queftion  which  fliould  counteradt  the  effedt  of  thefe  rumors 
and  letters  was  naturally  affigned  to  Winthrop;  and  with 

his 


Introduction. 


J9 

his  eager  intereft  in  the  welfare  of  the  colony,  it  would  be 
fafe  to  affume  that  he  loft  no  time  in  addreffing  himfelf  to 
his  work.  On  this  point  the  internal  evidence  is  conclufive 
not  only  of  agency  in  preparation,1  but  of  the  time  when  the 
work  was  done.  The  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
General  Court  againft  Wheelwright  and  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
was  prepared  in  Bofton  between  the  i ft  of  December,  1637, 
and  the  middle  of  March,  1638.2  The  “  Briefe  Apologie  ” 
had  been  prepared  earlier,  between  the  adjournment  of  the 
March  General  Court  of  1637  and  the  meeting  of  the 
November  Court  of  the  fame  year;3  but  it  was  fubfequently 
revifed  by  its  author,  and  the  references  in  its  concluding 
lines 4  fhow  that  thefe  at  leaft  were  written  in  the  early  days 
of  March,  1638. 

Having  thus  received  final  revifion,  the  internal  evidence 
further  indicates  that  all  the  documents  were  hurried  off  to 
England  by  fome  veffel  failing  late  in  March  or  early  in 
April,  1638. 

Apparently  fix  years  then  elapfed  before  the  manufcript 
was  printed ;  or,  if  any  printed  edition  of  it  earlier  than  that 
of  1644  was  publifhed,  no  copy  of  it  has  ever  come  to  light. 
Not  that  it  can,  for  this  reafon,  be  affumed  pofitively  that 
there  was  no  earlier  edition,  poffibly  with  another  titlepage ; 
but  if  fuch  an  edition  was  printed,  it  was  probably  fmall,  and 
brought  out  with  a  wholly  different  end  from  that  in  view 
in  the  edition  of  1644.  It  would  have  been  defigned  to 
circulate  folely  through  the  friends  of  the  company,  and 
been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  minifters  of  thofe  churches 
the  whole  or  a  portion  of  the  members  of  which  were  con¬ 
templating 

1  Infra ,  pp.  143-144,  158,  186,  187-  3  Infra ,  p.  144. 

19°,  233.  4  Infra ,  pp.  231,  note  1,  233. 

2  Infra ,  p.  186,  note  2. 


20 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy , 

templating  a  transfer  to  New  England.  It  hardly  needs  be 
faid  that  under  fuch  circumftances  the  chances  would  be 
largely  againft  the  prefervation  of  copies. 

Again,  in  his  preface  to  the  edition  of  1644,  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Welde  fpeaks  of  it  as  a  book  then  “  newly  come 
forth  of  the  Preffe.”  Had  there  been  a  prior  edition,  Welde 
could  hardly  have  been  ignorant  of  it;  though,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  is  ftill  poffible  he  might  in  his  note  to  the  reader  of 
a  new  edition,  brought  out  in  1644,  and  publifhed,  as  will 
prefently  be  feen,  with  a  diftindt  and  novel  end  in  view,  have 
ignored  a  fmall  earlier  edition,  printed  fix  years  previoufly 
for  a  different  purpofe  and  with  another  title,  and  then 
wholly  forgotten.  While,  therefore,  all  thefe  poffibilities  exift, 
the  probabilities  are  that  the  edition  of  1644  was  the  earlieft 
printed  publication  of  the  Short  Story ,  and  accordingly  that 
it  remained  in  manufcript  in  England  for  fix  years  after  its 
arrival.  As  Winthrop  diftindlly  fays  that  he  prepared  it  to 
be  “  fent  into  England  to  be  publifhed  there,”  the  reafons 
which  induced  the  friends  of  the  colony  thus  to  fupprefs  it, 
if  they  did  fupprefs  it,  can  now  only  be  furmifed.  In  order 
to  eftablifh  any  plaufible  theory  in  the  cafe,  it  will  be  necef- 
fary  to  review  briefly  the  courfe  of  events  at  about  that  time 
both  in  Great  Britain  and  in  New  England. 

While  in  1638  the  intercourfe  between  England  and 
Maffachufetts  was  very  great  and  tolerably  conffant,  it  was 
far  from  regular,  the  great  body  of  movement  being  weft- 
ward  during  the  fpring  and  early  fummer,  while  during  the 
later  fummer  and  autumn  it  was  eaftward.  In  other  words, 
immigrants  came  out  to  New  England  during  the  firft  half 
of  the  year,  and  the  veffels  which  brought  them  out  went 

back 


Introduction. 


21 

back  to  Great  Britain  later  in  the  feafon,  either  diredtly  or 
by  way  of  the  fouthern  ports.  The  average  direct  voyage 
occupied  fome  fixty  days.  Accordingly  while,  during  the 
months  from  May  to  Auguft,  news  from  England  would 
reach  Bofton  almoft  daily,  from  September  to  April  it  would 
come  at  long  intervals  only.  In  England  thefe  conditions 
were  reverfed,  the  outgoing  fleet  of  the  fpring  and  early 
fummer  finding  its  way  home  all  through  the  autumn  and 
winter. 

Thus  it  often  happened  that  the  two  countries  were 
mentally  not  in  touch ;  that  is,  at  any  given  time  they  might 
not  in  London  and  in  Bofton  be  thinking  of  the  fame  public 
events.  This  could  hardly  have  failed  to  be  the  cafe  in 
1638.  In  the  fummer  of  1637  the  afpedl  of  political  affairs 
in  England  was  more  favorable  to  the  court  party  than  ever 
before  or  after.  The  outlook  was  fo  difcouraging  for  the  ad¬ 
vocates  of  parliamentary  government  that  the  leaders  were 
loflng  all  hope.  The  quo  warranto  proceedings  againft  the 
Maflachufetts  company  for  the  revocation  of  the  charter  had 
been  long  pending  in  the  court  of  King’s  Bench,  and  an 
adverfe  decifion  was  looked  for  at  each  term  of  the  court. 
It  was  in  facft  reached  at  the  Eafter  term,  1637,  and  a 
judgment  declaring  the  charter  vacated  then  entered.1  The 
King  had  publicly  declared  his  intention  to  appoint  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  the  Governor-General  of  New  England, 
thus  taking  into  his  own  hands  the  entire  government  of  the 
colonies.  The  Board  of  Lords  Commiffioners  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Archbifhop  Laud, 
was  in  the  plenitude  of  its  power,  and  merely  waiting  the 

decifion 


1  Palfrey,  Vol.  I.  p.  504,  n. 


22 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

decifion  of  the  King’s  Bench  to  begin  adlive  operations  on 
the  lines  indicated  by  Gorges ;  and  this  was  proven  by  the 
fadt  that  on  the  26th  of  June  George  Cleeves,  juft  landing 
in  Bofton,  handed  Governor  Winthrop  a  fpecies  of  commif- 
fion  iffued  by  the  Board,  creating  a  provifional  government 
for  New  England,  to  a6t  until  final  order  fhould  be  made  as 
to  the  governor-generalfhip.  Hampden’s  great  fhip-money 
cafe  was  alfo  pending,  and  what  the  decifion  of  the  twelve 
judges  would  be  was  more  than  furmifed.  Everything 
promifed  well  for  King  Charles. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  London  in  the 
fummer  of  1637,  and  fuch  muft  have  continued  to  be  their 
afpecf  in  Bofton  until  the  clofe  of  the  year,  and  the  time 
when  the  manufcript  of  the  Short  Story  was  prepared.  But 
in  Great  Britain  events  big  with  confequences  had  in  the 
mean  time  taken  place.  Sunday,  the  23d  of  July,  1637,  had 
been  feledted  by  Archbifhop  Laud  as  the  date  for  eftab- 
lifhing  in  the  churches  of  Scotland  the  ceremonial  of  the 
Church  of  England.  The  famous  “  Stony  Sabbath  ”  was 
the  refult,  and  then  and  there  began  that  fucceffion  of  events 
which  refulted  in  the  great  Englifh  Civil  War. 

When,  therefore,  Winthrop  penned  the  Short  Story  in 
Bofton,  he  did  it  with  a  view  to  the  peaceful  afpedt  of  public 
affairs  in  the  fummer  of  1637;  when  the  manufcript  reached 
London,  it  was  read  by  thofe  who  faw  public  affairs  in  their 
ftormy  fpring  outlook  of  1638.  A  great  change  had  taken 
place.  The  eyes  of  King  and  Archbifhop  were  now  diredled 
toward  Scotland ;  their  minds  were  intent  on  diforders,  but 
not  the  diforders  which  troubled  Maffachufetts.  It  was  the 
fame  throughout  England.  It  would  therefore  feem  wholly 

natural 


Introduction. 


23 


natural  that  the  friends  of  the  colony  in  London  fhould, 
after  reading  Winthrop’s  manufcript,  conclude  that  the  pur- 
pofe  for  which  it  was  defigned  could  be  accomplifhed  quite 
as  effectively  without  making  any  public  printed  ufe  of  it. 
The  events  narrated  in  it  and  the  public  policy  which  it 
was  intended  to  explain  had  not  attracted  the  attention 
which  Winthrop  affumed,  or  called  forth  the  criticifm  he 
feared.  Accordingly  it  might  be  wife  not  to  invite  unnecef- 
fary  difcuffion.  Poffibly  a  few  manufcript  copies  of  the 
Short  Story ,  in  whole  or  in  part,  were  made ;  but  the  origi¬ 
nal,  whether  for  the  reafons  given  or  for  other  reafons,  feems 
to  have  remained  quietly  in  London  from  the  fummer  of 
1638  until  1644. 

During  thofe  fix  years  many  things  happened  on  both 
fides  of  the  Atlantic.  In  the  mother  country,  for  the  reafon 
which  has  been  dated,  the  fo-called  Antinomian  controverfy 
feems  never,  even  among  the  friends  of  the  colony,  to  have 
excited  more  than  a  languid  interefl:.  The  public  mind  was 
intent  on  other  iffues.  It  was  full  of  the  events  then  taking 
place  in  Scotland,  and  cared  nothing  for  Maffachufetts, 
while  by  thofe  in  England  who  felt  towards  the  colonifts 
no  kindly  interefl:,  the  Antinomian  controverfy,  if  confidered 
at  all,  was  probably  looked  upon  as  merely  a  meaninglefs 
feud  in  a  family  of  fanatics.  In  New.  England,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  excitement  of  1637  had  in  1644  become  an  unfa- 
vory  memory.1  The  Rev.  John  Wheelwright,  having  paffed 

fix 

1  “  Such  as  endeavored  the  healing  rule  of  the  Gofpel.  The  bitter  fruits 
of  thefe  diftempers  did  feem  to  me  to  whereof  do  remain  to  this  day  [1648] 
be  tranfported  with  more  jealoufies  and  in  the  letters  fent  over  that  year  from 
heats  and  paroxyfms  of  fpirit,  than  would  hence  to  England  ”  —  Cotton’s  1 1  ay 
well  Hand  with  brotherly  love,  or  the  Cleared ,  p.  62.  Infra ,  pp.  3 59-362. 


24 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

fix  years  at  Exeter,  N.  H.,  had  in  the  fpring  of  1643  found 
himfelf  compelled  to  abandon  that  place  of  exile,  over  which 
the  jurifdiftion  of  Maffachufetts  had  been  extended;  for  in 
Maffachufetts  he  was  ftill  under  the  ban.  After  leaving 
Exeter  he  had  fat  down  in  Wells  in  what  is  now  the  State 
of  Maine,  and  later  in  the  year  was  correfponding  with  the 
General  Court  of  Maffachufetts  with  a  view  to  the  revoca¬ 
tion  of  his  aft  of  banifhment.  Accordingly  on  the  29th  of 
May,  1644,  it  was  ordered  that  “  Mr.  Wheelwright  hath  his 
banifhment  taken  off,  and  is  received  in  as  a  member  of 
this  commonwealth.”  Winthrop,  who  fucceeded  Vane  as 
governor  of  the  colony  in  May,  1637,  had  himfelf  been 
replaced  by  Dudley  in  1640,  and  again  returned  to  office 
as  the  fucceffor  to  Bellingham  in  1642.  Now,  after  ferving 
two  years,  in  May,  1644,  he  gave  way  to  Endicott.  John 
Cotton  was  ftill  miniftering  as  teacher  of  the  church  of  Bof- 
ton  over  which  Wilfon  continued  as  minifter;  but  Thomas 
Welde  had  in  Auguft,  1641,  gone  back  to  England  in  com¬ 
pany  with  Hugh  Peter,  and  was  not  deftined  ever  to  return 
to  Bofton.  Anne  Hutchinfon  having  removed  from  Rhode 
Ifland  to  New  York,  or  as  the  localities  were  then  called, 
from  Aquidneck  to  Manhattan,  fhe,  with  all  the  members  of 
her  family  then  with  her,  except  one  daughter,  was  there, 
in  Auguft,  1642,  fet  upon  by  the  favages  and  maffacred. 

In  January,  1644,  therefore,  the  memory  of  the  contro¬ 
verfy  of  1636-8  had  faded  out  in  Maffachufetts  except  in 
the  minds  and  memories  of  the  clergy.  Other  iffues  had 
come  to  the  front.  The  colony  was  no  longer  in  continual 
apprehenfion  of  the  lofs  of  its  charter,  or  the  arrival  of  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  as  the  King’s  Governor-General ;  for 

two 


Introdu&ion. 


25 


two  years  before,  Charles  I.  had  left  London,  never  to  re¬ 
turn  there  except  as  a  prifoner,  and  on  September  22  of  the 
fame  year,  1642,  the  fird  fkirmidi  of  the  civil  war  had  taken 
place.  The  friends  of  the  colony  were  in  complete  control 
of  the  Parliament,  and  Maffachufetts  no  longer  had  anything 
to  apprehend  from  that  quarter.  It  was  left  to  care  for 
itfelf. 

As  iffue  after  iffue  prefented  itfelf,  the  public  mind  had 
accordingly  for  years  been  occupied  with  a  wholly  new  clafs 
of  queffions.  The  long  druggie  between  the  magiftrates 
and  the  deputies  which  originated  in  1636  in  the  quarrel 
between  Captain  Keayne  and  the  widow  Sherman  over  the 
draying  fow  of  the  latter,  refulted,  in  June,  1644,  in  the 
divifion  of  the  legiflature  into  two  independent  chambers. 
In  1643  the  firft  New  England  confederation  was  formed ; 
and  in  the  early  months  of  1644  the  minds  of  the  rulers  of 
Maffachufetts  were  altogether  intent  on  the  Indian  compli¬ 
cations  with  the  Narraganfetts,  the  bickerings  with  the 
fettlers  of  Rhode  Ifland,  the  complaints  of  the  Dutch  au¬ 
thorities  at  New  Amderdam  over  the  Connecticut  encroach¬ 
ments,  and  the  warlike  operations  of  La  Tour  and  D’Aulnay 
in  Nova  Scotia.  Thus,  in  Maffachufetts,  it  was  as  if  Sir 
Henry  Vane  and  Anne  Hutchinfon  had  never  been,  and 
his  unprinted  account  of  the  Antinomian  controverfy  mud 
have  almod  faded  from  Winthrop’s  mind.  Certainly  no 
caufe  for  the  printing  of  the  forgotten  manufcript  can  be 
found,  or  even  fuggeded,  in  the  condition  of  affairs  in  New 
England  at  that  time  ;  and  it  is  to  the  lad  degree  improbable 
that  any  movement  towards  its  publication  emanated  from 
Bodon. 


4 


But 


26  The  Antinoniian  Controver/y. 

But  in  the  Britifti  Iflands  the  cafe  flood  otherwife.  On 
that  fide  of  the  Atlantic  hiftory  was  being  made  rapidly. 
New  queflions  had  come  to  the  front;  and  as  ufual  in 
troublous,  active  times,  the  advanced  thinker  of  yeflerday 
found  himfelf  the  confervative  of  to-day.  The  voice  of  the 
radical  was  heard  in  the  land;  and  young  Sir  Henry  Vane 
was  the  typical  radical  in  England.  Returning  home  in 
the  early  autumn  of  1637,  Vane  reprefented  Kingflon  upon 
Hull  in  what  is  known  as  the  Short  Parliament,  fummoned 
by  Charles  in  confequence  of  the  Scotch  complications  in 
the  fpring  of  1640;  and  he  was  again  returned  by  the 
fame  conflituency  to  the  Long  Parliament,  which  affem- 
bled  in  the  following  September.  It  is  not  neceffary  in  this 
connection  to  narrate  in  detail  the  courfe  of  fubfequent 
events ;  but,  coming  at  once  to  the  year  preceding  the 
publication  of  the  Short  Story ,  the  famous  Weflminfter 
Affembly  met  in  Henry  the  Seventh’s  chapel  on  Saturday, 
July  1,  1643.  In  the  fubfequent  feffions  of  that  Affembly, 
the  firfl  real  Englifh  battle  over  religious  toleration  was 
fought  out,  and  it  was  in  connection  with  that  battle  the 
Short  Story  appeared  in  print,  —  it  was  in  faCt  one  of  the 
pamphlet  miffiles  which  the  participants  in  that  battle  freely 
hurled  at  each  other.  And  it  is  to  this  Thomas  Welde 
refers  when,  in  the  clofing  words  of  his  preface,  he  fays,  —  “  I 
bow  my  knees  to  the  God  of  truth  and  peace  to  grant  thefe 
Churches  as  full  a  riddance  from  the  fame  or  like  opinions, 
which  doe  deftroy  his  truth,  and  difturbe  their  peace.” 1 

In  his  detailed  account  of  thofe  times,  —  by  far  the  molt 
thorough  and  virile  account  of  them  in  exigence,  —  Dr. 

Maffon 


1  Infra ,  p.  94. 


Introduction. 


2  7 


Maffon  fays,  —  “Nowhere  on  earth  prior  to  1640,  unlefs  it 
were  in  Holland,  was  Toleration  in  any  effective  form  what- 
foever  anything  more  than  the  dream  of  a  few  poor  perfe¬ 
cted  fedlaries  or  deep  private  thinkers ;  ”  and  then  he 
adds,  —  “  Immediately  after  the  meeting  of  the  Long  Parlia¬ 
ment,  Toleration  rullied  into  the  air.  Everywhere  the  word 
‘toleration’  was  heard,  and  with  all  varieties  of  meaning.”1 
It  might  well  admit  of  queftion  whether  adequate  emphafis 
was  given  to  the  exceptional  cafe  of  Holland  in  the  firft  of 
thefe  ftatements;  for  not  only  is  it  a  well-eftablifhed  hiftori- 
cal  fafl  that  Toleration  did  in  1640  exift  in  an  “  effebtive 
form  ”  in  Holland,  but  it  had  alfo  then  fo  exifted  there 
through  the  lives  of  two  generations.  The  faff  of  its  exig¬ 
ence  there  in  “  effective  form  ”  was  moreover  not  confined 
to  the  knowledge  of  “  deep  private  thinkers,”  but  it  was  fo 
generally  known  among  “  poor  perfecuted  febtaries,”  that  as 
early  as  1607,  —  thirty-three  years  before  the  Long  Parlia¬ 
ment  met, —  thofe  compofing  the  little  church  at  Scrooby 
in  the  fens  of  Lincolnfhire  knew  “that  in  the  Low  Countries 
was  freedom  of  religion  for  all  men,”  and  exiles  “from  Lon¬ 
don  and  other  parts  of  the  land  ”  had  already  gone  thither. 
Dr.  Maffon’s  ftatement,  therefore,  would  hand  in  more  correbl 
form  did  it  read  “  except  in  Holland,”  inftead  of  “  unlefs  it 
were  in  Holland.”  But  it  has  always  been  the  practice  of 
Englifh  fcholars  and  ftudents  to  fhut  their  eyes  to  the  pio¬ 
neer  experience  of  the  Dutch  on  this  great  ilfue ;  and  the 
American  hihorian  has  fomewhat  blindly  followed  them  in 
fo  doing.2  While,  therefore,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  in 

England 

1  Life  of  Milton,  Vol.  III.  pp.  108,  2  Campbell,  The  Puritan  in  Hol- 

109.  land \  England ,  and  America ,  Vol.  I. 

pp.  xxxi,  xxxix,  13,  79,  81,  197,  248-252. 


28 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

England  the  idea  of  toleration  “  rufhed  into  the  air  ”  fhortly 
after  1640,1  it  is  equally  true  that  in  the  matter  of  toleration 
Holland  had  then  flood  a  familiar  and  almoft  obtrufive  objedt- 
leffon  to  the  Englifh  people  for  more  than  half  a  century. 

The  Weftminfter  Affembly  was  made  up  almoft  exclu- 
fively  of  Prefbyterians ;  indeed,  to  fuch  a  degree  was  this 
the  cafe  that  the  few  of  “  the  Epifcopal  perfuafion  ”  who  at 
firft  took  part  in  it  were  “confpicuous  by  their  canonical 
dreffes  among  the  bulk  of  the  members  in  all  forts  of  plain 
Puritan  fuits,”  and  thofe  few  fpeedily  dropped  away.  “  The 
real  tug  of  verbal  war”  did  not  begin  until  the  end  of  Jan¬ 
uary,  1644.  The  ftruggle  was  between  the  Prefbyterian 
majority  and  a  little  knot  of  fo-called  Independents;  and  the 
queftion  at  iffue  is  thus  ftated  by  MafTon :  — 

“  The  battle  was  effentially  between  two  principles  of  church- 
organization.  Was  every  individual  affembly,  or  affociation  of 
Chriftians  (it  might  be  of  hundreds  of  perfons,  or  it  might  be  of  as 
few  as  feven  perfons,  voluntarily  drawn  together),  to  be  an  indepen¬ 
dent  ecclefiaftical  organifm,  entitled  to  eledt  its  own  paftor  and  other 
officers,  and  to  exercife  the  powers  of  admonition  and  excommunica¬ 
tion  within  itfelf,  any  adtion  of  furrounding  congregations  upon  it 
being  an  adtion  of  mere  obfervation  and  criticifm,  and  not  of  power 
or  jurifdidtion ;  and  no  authority  to  belong  to  meetings  of  the  office¬ 
bearers  of  congregations  of  the  fame  city  or  neighbourhood,  or  to 
general  fynods  of  office-bearers,  however  ufeful  for  various  purpofes 
fuch  occafional  meetings  and  fynods  might  be  ?  This  was  what  the 
Independents  maintained ;  and  to  this  the  Prefbyterians  vehemently 
faid  Nay.  It  was  not  defirable,  they  faid  in  the  firft  place,  that 

congregations 

1  “  There  have  been  more  Books  for  all  other  things,  every  day  now 
writ,  Sermons  preached,  words  fpoken,  brings  forth  Books  for  a  Toleration.” 
befides  plottings  and  adtings  for  a  Tol-  —  Edwards’s  Gangrcena  (1646),  p. 
eration,  within  thefe  four  laft  years,  than  59. 


Introduction. 


29 

congregations  themfelves  ffiould  be  mere  gatherings  of  Chriftians 
drawn  together  by  chance  affinities.  That  would  be  to  put  an  end 
to  the  parochial  fyftem,  with  all  the  advantages  of  orderlinefs  and 
effective  adminiftration  that  belonged  to  it.  Let  every  congregation 
confift,  as  heretofore,  mainly  of  the  inhabitants  of  one  pariffi  or 
definitely  marked  ecclefiaftical  territory.  Then  let  there  be  a  ftridt 
inter-connedtednefs  of  all  thefe  parochial  congregations  over  the 
whole  land  by  means  of  an  afcending  feries  of  church-judicatories. 
Let  the  congregations  of  the  fame  town  or  diftridt  be  connedled  by  a 
Prefbyterial  Court,  confiding  of  the  affembled  minifters  and  the 
ruling  lay-elders  of  all  the  congregations,  periodically  reviewing  the 
proceedings  of  the  faid  congregations  individually,  or  hearing  appeals 
from  them ;  and  let  thefe  Prefbyteries  or  Prefbyterial  Courts  be  in 
like  manner  under  the  authority  and  review  of  Synods,  embracing 
many  Prefbyteries  within  their  bounds,  and  finally  of  National  Af- 
femblies  of  the  whole  Church.”  1 

Congregationalifm  was  then  known  diftindtively  as  the 
“  New  England  way.”  John  Cotton  was  its  father  and 
leading  exponent,  and  fo  referred  to  in  the  difcuffion,  —  “  if 
not  the  author,  yet  the  greateft  promoter  and  patron  of 
Independency,  a  man  of  very  excellent  parts,  of  great  wit 
and  learning,”  wrote  Baillie,  the  Covenanter.2  When  at  laft 
in  the  courfe  of  debate  in  the  Affembly  the  five  exponents 
of  Independency  faw  defeat  plainly  impending,  they  took 
the  precaution,  before  a  final  decifion  was  reached,  to  make 
what  amounted  to  a  practical  appeal  from  the  Affembly  to 
Parliament,  and  their  appeal  took  the  fhape  of  a  tradf,  famous 
at  the  time,  and  Thill  prominent  in  hiftory,  under  the  name 
of  the  Apologetical  Narration ,  which  appeared  and  was  in 
circulation  by  early  January,  1644.  In  taking  this  ftep  the 

Independents 

1  Life  of  Milton,  Vol.  II T  p.  21. 

2  Infra,  p.  33 7,  ti.  See  alfo  HofmePs  Young  Sir  Henry  Vane,  pp.  166-172. 


3<=> 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Independents  appealed  not  only  to  Parliament  but  to  public 
opinion,  and  confequently,  in  order  to  fuftain  the  formal 
decifion  of  the  Affembly,  it  became  neceffary  for  the  cham¬ 
pions  of  the  Prefbytery  to  meet  the  iffue  and  argue  the 
queftion  through  the  prefs.  So,  throughout  the  year  which 
followed,  pamphlet  crowded  on  pamphlet.  Among  thefe 
pamphlets  appeared,  probably  in  June  or  July,  the  famous 
Bloudy  Tenent  of  Roger  Williams,  in  which  “  the  principle 
of  abfolute  liberty  of  confcience  was  proclaimed,  for  the 
benefit  of  all  opinions  whatfoever,  in  tones  that  could  never 
more  be  filenced.” 

Roger  Williams  had  then  been  in  England  about  a  year, 
fent  there  by  the  Rhode  Ifland  people  to  fecure  a  charter 
for  eredting  their  fcattered  Plantations  into  a  diftindt  Colony. 
During  the  year  he  had  been  going  about  England  more  or 
lefs,  but  had  paffed  moft  of  his  time  in  London,  in  the  fociety 
of  the  younger  Vane;  in  frequent  contadt  alfo  with  other 
leading  men  in  Parliament  and  in  the  Weftminfter  Afifem- 
bly.  “The  New  England  way  ”  was  thus  more  than  ever 
brought  into  difcuffion,  and  affumed  a  far-reaching  afpedt,  — 
that  of  full  religious  freedom.  The  younger  Vane  alfo,  who 
only  eight  years  before  had  been  governor  of  Maffachufetts, 
was  its  moft  adtive  exponent  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons;  for 
wrote  Williams,  referring  to  him,  “  Mine  eyes  were  glad 
and  late  witneffes  of  an  heavenly  fpeech  of  one  of  the  moft 
eminent  of  that  High  Affembly  of  Parliament :  ‘  Why  fhould 
the  labors  of  any  be  fuppreffed,  if  fober,  though  never  fo 
different?  We  now  profefs  to  feek  God,  we  defire  to  fee 
light!’”1 


1  Hofmer’s  Young  Sir  Henry  Vane ,  p.  172. 


Thus 


Introduction.  3 1 

Thus  matters  flood  in  the  fummer  of  1644.  “  The  New 

England  way  ”  had  been  fet  up  by  the  Independents  in 
oppofition  to  the  Prefbytery;  Religious  Toleration  in  its 
wideft  form  had  been  frefhly  enunciated  by  Roger  Williams  ; 
Sir  Harry  Vane,  the  ex-governor  of  Maffachufetts,  was  in 
Parliament  the  most  adtive  exponent  of  the  new  herefy ; 
which  the  Prefbyterian  party,  ftimulated  by  “  the  exquifite 
rancor  of  theological  hatred,”  was  fighting  with  the  energy  of 
defperation.1  Already  the  Independents  had  been  upbraided 
“with  the  fa 61  that  their  Toleration  principle  had  broken 
down  even  in  their  own  Paradife  of  New  England,”  and  for 
additional  evidence  on  this  head  eager  fearch  was  made.  At 
this  jundture  Winthrop’s  narrative,  after  refiing  fix  years  in 
oblivion,  went  to  the  printer.  It  fupplied  the  Prefbyterian 
leaders  with  exadtly  the  ammunition  they  wanted.  In  it 
was  fet  forth  not  only  the  breaking  down  of  the  Toleration 
principle  in  the  very  land  of  its  birth,  but  that  breaking 
down  had  taken  place  under  the  magiftracy  of  him  who 
was  now  in  England  the  Parliamentary  mouthpiece  of 
the  Independents.  Both  Williams  and  Vane  were  to  be 
confounded  by  an  anfwer  out  of  their  own  mouths. 

Early  in  Auguft,  1644,  the  Weftminfter  Affembly  refumed 
its  fittings  after  a  fortnights  vacation,  and  proceeded  with¬ 
out  any  delay  to  fall  paffionately  on  the  archherefy  of  Tol¬ 
eration  ;  in  the  words  of  Baillie,  —  “  The  firft  day  of  our  fit¬ 
ting,  after  our  vacance,  a  number  of  complaints  were  given  in 

again  ft 

1  “After  the  meeting  of  the  Weft-  neck  of  Independency,  fluff  the  two 
minfter  Affembly,  and  the  publication  of  ftruggling  monfters  into  one  fack,  and 
the  Apologetical  Narration  of  the  In-  fink  them  to  the  bottom  of  the  fea.”  — 
dependents,  the  one  aim  of  the  Prefby-  Masson’s  Life  of  Milton,  Vol.  III.  pp. 
terians  was  to  tie  Toleration  round  the  129,  130. 


32 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

againft  the  Anabaptids’  and  Antinomians’  huge  increafe  and 
infolencies  intolerable.”  And  the  records  of  both  Houfes  of 
Parliament  bear  witnefs  to  the  urgent  appeals  then  made  by 
official  delegates  from  the  Affembly  for  the  prompt  paffage 
of  meafures  deemed  needful  “  to  prevent  the  fpreading  opin¬ 
ions  of  Anabaptifm  and  Antinomianifm.”  “  Thefe  men,”  it 
was  urged,  “  have  caff  off  all  affedtion  and  are  fo  imbitter- 
ated,”  that  the  Affembly  could  not  but  urge  on  Parliament 
that  “  it  is  high  time  to  fupprefs  them.”  1  There  is  no  oc- 
cafion  to  emphafize  the  probable  connection  between  this 
adtion  and  the  publication  of  the  firft  edition  of  Winthrop’s 
documents.  It  is  not  known  by  whom  the  manufcript  was 
hunted  up  and  fent  to  the  prefs ;  but  the  original  titlepage 
of  the  pamphlet  affords  pofitive  evidence  as  to  the  year,  at 
lead,  in  which  it  was  printed,  and  alfo  that,  as  a  publication, 
it  was  aimed  at  “Antinomians  and  Familids.”2 

The  Rev.  Thomas  Welde  was  at  that  time  fettled  over 
a  church  at  Gatefhead,  oppofite  Newcadle.  The  date  of 
Welde’s  birth  is  not  known ;  but  he  came  of  pure  Saxon 
dock  long  fettled  in  Suffolk.  One  of  a  family  of  nine  chil¬ 
dren,  he  was  graduated  at  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  in 
1613,  and  was  vicar  of  Terling  from  1624  to  1631,  when 
Laud,  then  Bifhop  of  London,  depofed  him  for  nonconform¬ 
ity.3  Emigrating  to  America,  he  landed  in  Bodon  in  June, 

1632, 

1  MalTon’s  Milton,  Vol.  III.  pp.  89,  8  Young’s  Chronicles  of  Maffachu- 

150,161.  fetts ,  pp.  51 1,  521,  522.  As  Savage 

2  As  will  prefently  appear,  there  characteriftically  expreffes  it  ( Genea - 

were  two  differing  titlepages  to  the  logical  Dittionary  of  ATew  England, 
pamphlet,  for  both  of  which,  reproduced  Vol,  IV. p.459),  he  “enjoyed  the  benefit 
in  fac-fimile  and  placed  fide  by  fide,  vide  of  being  excommunicated  ...  by  the 
infra ,  pp.  52,  53.  drivelling  malevolence  of  Archbifhop 

Laud,  then  only  bifhop  of  London.” 


Introduction. 


33 


1632,  and,  the  next  month,  was  inftalled  as  the  firft  paftor 
of  the  Roxbury  church.  In  the  following  November  “the 
Apoftle  ”  Eliot  was  affociated  with  him  as  teacher.  His 
unpleafant  paftoral  experiences  during  the  Antinomian  ex¬ 
citement  can  be  inferred  from  the  Preface  to  the  Short 
Story ;  for  the  lapfe  of  feven  years  and  a  complete  change 
of  clime  had  in  no  way  obliterated  from  his  memory  the 
“  half-a-dozen  [theological]  piftols  ”  then  occafionally  dif- 
charged  on  him  “  in  the  open  affembly,”  or  “  the  dung  caft 
on  [the]  faces  [of]  the  faithful  minifters  of  Chrift.”  During 
the  trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  before  the  General  Court,  he 
and  his  affociate,  Eliot,  were  the  two  clerical  witneffes  called 
on  to  give  teflimony  under  oath  to  fecure  a  judgment  againft 
her;  and,  after  the  was  fentenced  to  banifhment,  fhe  was 
configned  as  a  prifoner  to  the  charge  of  Welde’s  brother 
Jofeph,  a  prominent  refident  of  Roxbury,  where,  at  his 
houfe,  throughout  the  winter  and  fpring,  fhe  was  fubje6ted 
to  much  importunity  on  the  part  of  the  minifter  of  the  Rox¬ 
bury  church.1  In  1641  Thomas  Welde  and  Hugh  Peter 
were  fent  back  to  England,  commiffioned  to  reprefent  the 
colony  in  the  mother  country,  and  obtain,  if  poffible,  financial 
aid.  They  fought  a  paffage  by  way  of  Newfoundland,  and, 
being  detained  there  waiting  for  a  veffel  homeward  bound, 
they  “  preached  to  the  feamen  of  the  Ifland,  who  were  much 
affefted  with  the  word  taught,  and  entertained  them  with 
all  courtefy.”2  Reaching  their  deffination  at  laft,  they  in 
England  had  exceptional  fuccefs  in  their  miffion,  though  their 

efforts 

1  Savage  fays  fhe  was  “fubje&ed  to  2  New  England  Hiflorical  and 
the  perpetual  buzzing  of  the  clerical  Genealogical  Regijler  (1851),  Vol.  V. 
tormentor”  ( Wmlhrop ,  ed.  1853,  Vol.  p.  235. 

I.  p.  295,  «.). 


5 


34  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


efforts  do  not  feem  to  have  been  appreciated  by  the  General 
Court,  which,  in  Oftober,  1645,  adopted  a  vote  that  Mr. 
Peter  and  Mr.  Welde,  “having  been  long  abfent,  may  un- 
derftand  the  Court’s  mind,  that  they  delire  their  prefence 
here,  and  fpeedy  return.”  Neither  of  them  returned1  in 
refponfe  to  this  ungracious  invitation,  but  both  diffinguifhed 
themfelves  during  the  civil  troubles  in  England,  and  Welde 
for  many  years  forwarded  money  contributed  to  the  fupport 
of  Harvard  College.  Much  in  London,  he  led  generally  an 
active,  influential  life,  printing  various  tradls  of  no  great 
value  now.  He  difappears  at  the  Refforation,  and  is  fup- 
pofed  to  have  died  in  London,  March  23,  1661. 2 

A  man  of  intenfe  and  narrow  mind,  Thomas  Welde  was, 
like  all  men,  and  efpecially  all  theologians,  of  his  type,  natu¬ 
rally  intolerant.  He  was  a  nonconformift,  orthodox  divine, 
adtive,  ufeful,  energetic,  wholly  unimaginative,  and  intereffing 
to  pofterity  only  in  an  objedtive  way.  In  the  midft  of  the 
religious  feething  going  on  in  England  in  1644,  Welde 
doubtlefs  flood  ready  to  ufe  publicly  the  contemporaneous 
language  of  the  “  Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam,”  —  “I  dare 

take 


1  “  I  could  tell  Cratenfis  of  Mr.  Pe¬ 
ters  juglings  and  indirect  walking  for 
four  years  by  gone  between  Old  England 
and  new  England,  having  every  Spring 
taken  his  leave  in  the  Pulpit  of  old 
England,  and  yet  he  is  not  gone.  .  .  . 
I  could  relate  alfo  Matter  Wells  his  halt¬ 
ing  between  Giles  Criplegate  and  New 
England,  between  Mr.  Walker  and  the 
money  for  the  poor  children’s  fending 
over  to  New  England.”  —  Edwards’s 
Second  Part  of  Gangrcena.  p.  69.  Vide 
alfo  Proceedings  of  the  Majfachiifetts 
Hiforical  Society ,  June,  1862,  pp. 


63-65.  But  fee  the  paper  entitled  Rev. 
Thomas  Welde' s  “  Innocency  Cleared f 
in  New  England Hiflorical and  Genea¬ 
logical  Regijler  (1882),  Vol.  XXXVI. 
pp.  62-70. 

2  Some  further  fadls  in  regard  to  the 
Rev.  Thomas  Welde,  and  the  refults  of 
his  miffion  to  England,  have  been  com¬ 
municated  by  G.  D.  Scull,  of  Oxford, 
England,  and  are  printed  in  the  New 
England  Hiflorical  and  Genealogical 
Regifer  (1882),  Vol.  XXXVI.  pp.  371- 
373, 405-407  5  and  Vol.  XXXIX.  (1885), 
pp.  179,  182.  See  alfo  Ibid.  p.  300. 


Introduction. 


35 


take  upon  me  to  be  the  herald  of  New  England  fo  far  as  to 
proclaim  to  the  world  in  the  name  of  the  Colony,  that  all 
Familifls,  Antinomians,  Anabaptifls,  and  other  enthufiafts 
fhall  have  free  liberty  to  keep  away  from  us ;  and  fuch  as 
will  come  to  be  gone  as  faff  as  they  can,  the  fooner  the 
better.”  In  Maffachufetts,  Welde  had  been  one  of  the  moft 
aCtive  and  earneft  fupporters  of  Winthrop  and  Wilfon  in 
their  conteft  with  Sir  Harry  Vane;  and  now,  in  England, 
all  his  fympathies  were  enlifted  on  the  fide  of  Rutherford 
and  Baillie,  the  intolerant  leaders  of  the  Prefbyterians  in 
their  even  more  bitter  ftruggle  with  that  fame  Sir  Harry 
Vane,  of  whom,  as  governor  of  the  Maffachufetts  Colony 
during  one  momentous  year,  —  every  incident  of  which 
rankled  in  the  memory  of  the  former  paftor  of  the  Rox- 
bury  church,  —  it  was  impoffible  that  Thomas  Welde  fhould 
have  friendly  recollections;  and  Vane  was  now  the  recog¬ 
nized  parliamentary  head  and  mouthpiece  of  the  hated  and 
dreaded  Independents.  It  is,  therefore,  frnall  matter  for 
furprife  that  it  was  afterwards  confidently  believed  by  well- 
informed  perfons  in  America  that  Baillie,  Rutherford  and 
the  Scotch  Prefbyterians  “  had  a  fecret  hand  to  provoke 
Mr.  Welde  to  fet  forth  his  Short  Story -”1  In  any  event, 
it  was  under  thefe  circumftances  that  the  manufcript  of  1638 
was  rummaged  up  and  fent  to  the  printer ;  and  apparently 
it  went  to  him  exactly  in  the  fhape  in  which  it  had  come 
over  from  New  England  fix  years  before.  The  references 
in  its  concluding  pages  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  otherwife 
than  decifive  on  this  point.  Thefe  indicate  that  the  manu¬ 
fcript,  as  it  came  to  England  from  Winthrop,  was  in  no 

refpecl 

1  Savage’s  Genealogical  Dillionary  of  New  England, ,  Vol.  IV.  p.  463. 


36  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

refpe6l  changed,  —  was  fubjedied  to  no  revifion.  Events 
which  had  occurred  in  1638  were  mentioned  in  the  printed 
book  of  1644  as  ftill  occurring,1  and  no  allufion  was  made 
to  anything  which  afterwards  took  place.  An  early  copy 
of  the  newly  printed  pamphlet  came,  as  he  afferts,  into 
Welde’s  hands,  and  he  naturally,  from  his  clofe  perfonal 
knowledge  of  the  courfe  of  fubfequent  events,  fpoke  of  them 
to  the  leaders  of  the  Prefbyterians.  Thefe  would  of  courfe 
wifh  to  make  their  controverfial  miffile  as  effective  as  poffi- 
ble,  and  urged  their  friend  and  informant  to  fupplement  and 
complete  the  narrative.  This  he  finally  did,  writing  a  brief 
introductory  note  addreffed  to  the  reader,  and  fifteen  pages 
of  additional  prefatory  matter.  Meanwhile  the  type  of  the 
firft  publication  had  been  kept  Handing;  a  partially  new 
titlepage  was  then  fet  up,  and  a  frefh  edition  of  the  pam¬ 
phlet  (truck  off  and  iffued  under  the  name  of  A  Short  Story, 
by  which  it  has  fince  been  generally  known. 

However  much  or  little  Winthrop’s  book  had  been  ufed 
at  the  earlier  period  for  the  purpofe  he  defigned  it,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  it  was  made  to  do  good  fervice  in  the  hands 
of  thofe  in  whofe  behalf  it  was  now  publifhed.  It  was 
freely  quoted  from  by  Baillie  and  Rutherford,  by  Edwards 
and  Paget,  and  by  numerous  others  of  the  writers  of  the 
Prelbyterian  manifeftoes  of  the  day ;  indeed,  according  to 
Savage,  who  had  doubtlefs,  for  reafons  prefently  to  be  ftated 
at  length,  made  a  careful  count,  Rutherford  has  no  lefs  than 
three  hundred  references  to  the  Short  Story  in  the  fecond 
part  of  his  Survey  of  Spiritual  Antichrift,  printed  in  London 
in  1648. 

Winthrop 

1  Infra,  pp.  141,  144,  160,  186,  233. 


Introduction. 


37 


Winthrop  makes  no  mention  of  the  Short  Story  fubfe- 
quent  to  its  publication,  but  early  copies  of  it  doubtlefs 
found  their  way  to  New  England ;  for  not  only  does  Cotton 
make  conffcant  reference  to  it  in  his  Way  Cleared \  but  John 
Wheelwright,  then  pallor  of  the  church  of  Wells,  deep  in 
the  Maine  wildernefs,  received  a  copy,  and  prepared  in  his 
own  vindication  an  anfwer  to  it  under  the  title  of  Mercurius 
A  mericanus .  Neither  as  a  literary  nor  as  a  controverfial 
production  does  this  pamphlet  add  to  Wheelwright’s  reputa¬ 
tion,  and  it  throws  almoft  no  additional  light  on  the  events 
of  the  controverfy  which  originally  called  it  forth,  and  no 
light  at  all  on  the  authorfhip  of  the  Short  Story. 

Four  editions  of  the  Short  Story  feem  to  have  been 
publifhed :  — 

1.  The  original  (1644)  edition,  without  Welde’s  preface 
and  with  the  titlepage  reproduced  on  page  52. 

2.  A  fecond  (1644)  edition,  from  the  fame  type,  but  with 
a  flightly  altered  titlepage,  reproduced  on  page  53,  and  with 
Welde’s  preface  and  addrefs  “  To  the  Reader.” 

3.  A  third  (1644)  edition,  for  which  the  type  was  wholly 
refet,  though  the  lall  former  titlepage  appears  to  have  been 
kept  Handing  and  was  alfo  ufed  for  this  edition. 

4.  A  new  edition,  printed  in  1692,  from  other  type  and 
with  a  frefh  titlepage. 

A  fingular  and  fomewhat  interefting  bibliographical  con¬ 
troverfy,  not  without  its  comical  features,  arofe  in  regard  to 
the  Short  Story  about  the  year  1850,  involving  not  only  its 
authorfhip  but  the  fequence  of  the  feveral  editions.  In 
February,  1851,  the  late  Dr.  Charles  Deane,  noting  the 

references 


3  8  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

references  to  the  Antinomian  controverfy  in  Winthrop’s 
journal,  firft  called  attention  to  the  faCt  that  Winthrop  evi¬ 
dently  was  the  writer  of  a  confiderable  portion  at  leafb,  if 
not  the  whole,  of  the  Short  Story.  James  Savage  was  then 
engaged  on  his  fecond  (1853)  edition  of  Winthrop’s  Hijiory 
of  New  England,  reviling  and  greatly  enlarging  the  notes 
to  his  previous  (1825)  edition.  Mr.  Savage  was  a  man  of 
marked  character  of  the  peculiar  New  England  type. 
Though  by  nature  an  inveftigator,  he  was  educated  to  the 
law,  and  followed  its  practice  until  the  innate  fenfe  of  call¬ 
ing  drew  him  wholly  into  antiquarian  and  hiftorical  purfuits. 
His  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New  England  will  endure,  a 
monument  of  untiring  induftry,  well-nigh  endlefs  refearch 
and  indomitable  will.  A  man  of  high  ftandards  and  the 
utmoft  finglenefs  and  integrity  of  purpofe,  he  had  a  hot 
temper,  a  ftrong  will  and  great  courage.  While  a  faft  and 
true  friend,  he  was  alfo  what  Dr.  Johnfon  called  “a  good 
hater ;  ”  his  diflikes  were  as  intenfe  as  his  likes,  nor  was  he 
chary  in  the  expreffion  of  either.  Though  his  judgment  was 
not  equal  to  his  induftry,  Savage  had  no  fuperior  in  his  day, 
nor  has  he  had  any  fince,  as  an  authority  on  matters  con¬ 
nected  with  early  New  England  hiftory;  and  the  profound 
perfonal  refpeCt  infpired  by  the  earneftnefs,  the  intenfe  indi¬ 
viduality,  and  fmcere,  lofty  character  of  the  man,  combined 
with  his  kindly,  companionable  and  vivacious  difpofition, 
greatly  enhanced,  both  generally  and  among  thofe  brought 
in  clofer  contaCt  with  him,  the  weight  of  thofe  opinions  to 
which  he  was  wont  freely  to  give  utterance.  Thus,  taken  al¬ 
together,  Mr.  Savage  was  locally  one  of  the  moft  attractive  as 
well  as  noticeable  Bofton  characters  of  his  day ;  but  perhaps 

the 


Introdticiion. 


39 

the  moff  ftriking  thing  about  him  was  the  individuality 
expreffed  in  his  every  word  and  adt.  This  is  efpecially 
obfervable  in  his  notes  to  Winthrop,  and  affords,  indeed,  a 
not  unpleafant  contraff  with  the  text,  —  the  latter  calm,  felf- 
reffrained  and  inclined  to  the  profaic ;  the  former  intenfe, 
outfpoken,  replete  with  pith,  individuality,  learning  and 
prejudice.  Thefe  notes  are,  and  will  always  remain,  delight¬ 
ful  as  well  as  inftruftive  reading;  and  to  the  fludent  of  New 
England  hiftory  it  is  almoft  as  difficult  to  think  of  Winthrop 
apart  from  Savage  as  it  is  for  one  learned  in  the  Engliffi 
common  law  to  feparate  Littleton  from  Coke. 

Among  the  names  of  the  men  of  Boffon,  “  chief  ftirrers,” 
as  Winthrop  expreffes  it,  “  in  thefe  [Antinomian]  conten¬ 
tions,”  and  for  that  reafon  ordered  by  the  General  Court  of 
November,  1637,  to  be  difarmed,  was  Thomas  Savage,  who 
had  recently  married  Faith,  the  daughter  of  William  and 
Anne  Hutchinfon.  And  at  the  church  trial  of  the  mother 
of  his  young  wife  in  March,  1638,  this  Thomas  Savage  did 
himfelf  infinite  credit  by  rifing  and  courageoufly  protefting 
againft  the  admonition  about  to  be  beffowed  ;  and,  as  a  refult 
of  fo  doing,  he  had  the  honor  of  being  himfelf  admonifhed 
together  with  her  he  fo  manfully  fought  to  protedb  James 
Savage  traced  his  lineal  defcent  in  the  fifth  generation 
from  Thomas  and  Faith  (Hutchinfon)  Savage.  He  was, 
therefore,  one  of  the  offfpring  of  Anne  Hutchinfon,  to  whom 
indeed  in  a  charadteriftic  note  to  Winthrop  he  refers  as  “his 
great,  great,  great,  great  grandmother.”  Confcious  of  a  bias 
due  to  this  remote  relationfhip  by  defcent,  Savage  through¬ 
out  his  notes  to  Winthrop  endeavored  to  hold  himfelf  under 
ftricf  control  while  dealing  with  events  of  the  Antinomian 

controverfy 


4o 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

controverfy,  and  he  fucceeded  in  fo  doing  to  a,  for  him,  con- 
fiderable  extent;  but  the  Short  Story  he  looked  upon  as 
a  difcreditable  literary  production,  the  fcurrilous  produCt  of 
a  mind  at  once  narrow,  vindictive,  virulent  and  malignant. 

Into  the  juftice  of  this  eftimate  it  might  be  unneceffary  to 
enter,  for  in  thefe  refpeCts  the  Short  Story  fpeaks  for  itfelf. 
But  the  book,  taken  as  a  whole,  has  certainly  got  a  bad 
name.  Bell,  in  his  Wheelwright  (p.  52),  characterizes  it 
“  as  a  very  bitter  and  partifan  production,  even  for  that 
day;”  and  others  have  regarded  it  in  much  the  fame  light. 
With  a  book,  as  with  other  things,  a  bad  name,  once  given, 
is  apt  to  ftick ;  but  none  the  lefs,  in  the  cafe  of  the  body  of 
the  Short  Story ,  feparated  from  the  preface,  this  unfavory 
reputation  is  diftinCtly  undeferved.  While,  thus  taken,  the 
Short  Story  is  an  outfpoken  and  earneft  prefentation  in 
defence  of  one  fide  of  a  political  ftruggle,  written  at  the 
time  and  with  a  view  to  prejudge  the  cafe  in  the  minds 
of  thofe  for  whom  it  was  prepared,  a  careful  reading  re¬ 
veals  in  it  little  that  is  vituperative,  and  nothing  which  can 
be  properly  called  fcurrilous.  Indeed,  tefted  by  the  ftandards 
of  the  time,  if  it  is  in  any  way  unufual,  it  is  in  its  modera¬ 
tion.  As  the  pages  of  Milton’s  profe  works  conclufively 
prove,  the  feventeenth-century  controverfialift  was  apt  to  be 
quite  outfpoken  towards  his  opponent ;  but  there  is  noth¬ 
ing  in  the  Short  Story  which  in  this  refpeCt  exceeds  the 
bounds  then,  or,  for  that  matter,  now,  deemed  permiffible. 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  is,  indeed,  referred  to  as  “  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Jezabel;”1  but  this  is  mild  compared  with  the  epithets 

freely 

1  “A  General  Court  held  at  Bofton  Jezabel,  Auguft  the  30.  where  the  opin- 
againft  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  the  American  ions  and  errors  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 

and 


Introduction. 


4i 


freely  hurled  about  by  the  author  of  Paradife  Loft  in  his 
Pro  Populo  Anglicano  Defenfio ; 1  while  in  other  refpects 
the  reflraint  fhown  throughout  the  Short  Story  in  the  ab- 
fence  of  all  references  to  Vane  is  moft  noticeable.  Neither 
is  there  in  it  any  perfonal  denunciation  of  the  other  leaders 
among  the  Antinomian  faction ;  while,  as  to  the  detailed 
reference  to  the  misfortunes  in  childbirth  of  Mrs.  Hutch- 
infon  and  Mrs.  Dyer,  repellent  to  the  laft  degree,  and  the 
worft  thing  in  the  whole  book,  Winthrop  muff,  as  the  Hiftory 
proves,2  be  held  accountable.3  Unhappily,  alfo,  that  fort  of 
writing  cannot  be  faid  to  be  otherwife  than  charaCteriftic  of 
him.  He  was  fomewhat  prone  to  congenital  monftrofities.4 
Finally,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Short  Story  which  at  all 
approaches  in  vituperative  intenfity  Savage’s  own  references 
to  Thomas  Welde,  prefently  to  be  referred  to. 

Still,  Mr.  Savage  had  always  been  in  the  cuftom  of  attrib¬ 
uting  the  authorfhip  of  this,  to  him,  moft  objectionable 
pamphlet  to  Thomas  Welde;  and,  “good  hater”  as  he  by 
nature  was,  he  grew  to  clafs  the  Rev.  Thomas  Welde 
with  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  and  Governor  John  Hancock  of 
fubfequent  times,  as  an  objeCt  of  his  fpecial  and  hearty 

averfion. 


and  her  Affociates  80  errors  were  con¬ 
demned.”  —  Josselyn,  Chronological 
Obfervations  of  America  (1673),  p.  257. 

1  “  Foot  beetle ,  afs,  blockhead, ,  liar , 
Jlanderer ,  ap  oft  ate,  idiot ,  wretch ,  igno¬ 
ramus,  vagabond ,  French  vagabond, 
Burgundian  Jlave, — thefe  or  their 
equivalents  are  the  epithets  applied 
to  Salmafius,  page  after  page,  and 
almoft  fentence  after  fentence.  .  .  . 
There  are  decencies  and  limits,  how¬ 
ever,  in  civilized  warfare ;  and  with  all 


allowance  for  the  cuftoms  of  contro- 
verfy  in  Milton’s  time,  one  cannot  al¬ 
ways  excufe  him.”  —  Masson’s  Milton, 
Vol.  IV.  pp.  263-264. 

2  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  pp. 
3I3-3I7- 

8  But  fee  Savage’s  Genealogical 
Dillionary  of  New  England ,  Vol.  IV. 
pp.  459,  460. 

4  For  example,  the  very  Angular  cafe 
of  circumftantial  evidence  defcribed  in 
the  Hijlory ,  Vol.  II.  p.  *61. 


42 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

% 


averfion.  So  far  did  he  carry  this  prejudice  that  it  became 
a  byword  and  a  jeft  among  his  affociates ;  for  at  laft  Mr. 
Savage  never  uttered  the  name  of  any  one  of  thefe  three 
Maffachufetts  notabilities  without  accompanying  the  men¬ 
tion  with  fome  intellectual  effort  the  equivalent  of  a  phyfical 
kick ! 1 

As  Welde  and  Mather  and  Hancock  were  the  objects  of 
his  contempt  and  averfion,  fo  John  Winthrop  was  regarded 
by  Savage  with  a  warmth  of  admiration  almoffc  devout.  He 
looked  upon  the  firffc  Bolton  governor  as  the  incomparable 
Father  of  Maffachufetts.  When,  therefore,  his  friend  Charles 

Deane 


1  There  is  a  tradition  that  Rufus 
Choate  once  expreffed  a  hope  that  he 
fhould  fome  day  have  Mr.  Savage  called 
as  a  witnefs  for  the  other  fide  in  alawfuit, 
fo  that  he  (Choate)  might  have  a  chance 
to  crofs-queftion  his  learned  brother  as 
to  why  he  fo  hated  Cotton  Mather. 
There  is  likewife  an  extraordinary  and 
amufing  anecdote  ftill  lingering  about 
the  rooms  of  the  Maffachufetts  Hiftor- 
ical  Society  defcriptive  of  Savage’s 
return  home  late  one  evening  from 
fome  entertainment.  Accompanied  by 
a  friend  hardly  lefs  mature  and  quite  as 
learned  as  himfelf,  he  fuddenly  ftopped 
before  the  John  Hancock  manfion,  then 
ftill  Handing  on  Beacon  Street,  and 
proceeded  with  minatory  geftures  ex- 
preffive  of  hatred  and  contempt,  to  ob¬ 
jurgate  the  former  owner  of  the  houfe 
with  a  ftrength  and  point  of  language 
moft  fecular,  but  more  refrefhing  than 
conventional. 

The  following  extremely  charadter- 
iftic  anecdote  is  from  O.  B.  Frothing- 
ham’s  Bojlon  Unitarianifm  (p.  178). 
The  incident  occurred  at  a  meeting  of 


the  Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society. 
“It  was  at  one  of  the  darkeft  epifodes 
of  the  war.  Defeat  had  followed  defeat. 
The  credit  of  the  government  was  fink¬ 
ing.  Conflidt  with  England  feemed 
imminent.  An  informal  converfation 
on  the  fituation  went  round  the  circle; 

Mr.  R - joined  in  and  criticifed  the 

proceedings  at  Wafhington,  uttering 
fentiments  that  jarred  on  the  ears  of 
loyalifts.  One  of  the  members,  an  old 
man,  influential  and  honored,  who  had 
loft  a  fon  in  battle,  bore  it  as  long  as 
he  could,  chafing  and  fretting  in  his 
chair;  but  at  length,  unable  to  fit  any 
longer,  got  up,  faced  the  offender,  fhook 
his  clinched  fift  at  him,  and  ejaculated, 
“Then”  (in  the  eventyof  Northern 
overthrow  and  bankruptcy)  “we  will 
all  go  to  hell  together  !  ” 

No  member  of  the  Society  in  thofe 
times  could  entertain  the  flighted:  doubt 
as  to  who  that  “old  man”  was  ;  and  it 
was  fturdy  ebullitions  of  this  fort  which 
conftituted  one  of  the  charms  of  Mr. 
Savage’s  impetuous,  outfpoken  char¬ 
acter. 


Introduction . 


43 


Deane,  whofe  authority  on  fuch  a  point  he  could  not  but 
defer  to,  and  whom  otherwife  he  regarded  with  that  deep 
refpeCt  not  unmixed  with  perfonal  affeCtion  which  Dr.  Deane 
infpired  to  fuch  a  marked  degree  in  all  who  were  fo  fortunate 
as  to  come  in  contact  with  him,  —  when  Charles  Deane,  by 
the  careful  collation  of  paffages  proved  incontrovertibly  that 
John  Winthrop  and  not  Thomas  Welde  was  the  author  of 
the  Short  Story ,  the  refult  was  the  reverie  of  agreeable  to 
James  Savage.  The  fa6t  nevertheless  was  one  not  to  be 
denied. 

In  his  firft  edition  of  Winthrop,  Mr.  Savage,  while  deal¬ 
ing  leniently  with  Winthrop  himfelf  in  matters  pertaining 
to  the  troubles  of  1636-38,  had  referred  to  Welde,  then 
affumed  by  him  to  be  the  author  of  the  Short  Story}  in 
divers  contemptuous  ways,  but  more  efpecially  as  an  “  in- 
quifitor,” 2  or  as  “  one  of  the  chief  inquifitors,” 3  in  that 
affair.  When,  therefore,  it  Suddenly  appeared  that  Win¬ 
throp  and  not  Welde  was  “  the  virulent  pamphleteer  ”  re- 
fponfible  for  the  Short  Story ,  Savage,  though  perplexed  in 
the  extreme,  girded  himfelf  for  the  occafion.  The  refult 
was  the  following  curioufly  complacent  allufion  at  the  clofe 
of  the  Preface  to  his  new  edition  (1853):  — 

“  Expofure  of  the  infirmity  of  unhappy  Thomas  Welde,  in  his 
Short  Story  of  the  Rife,  Reign,  and  Ruin  of  Antinomianifm,  will 
compenfate,  I  think,  the  curious  hunter  in  bibliography.” 

The  reference  was  to  an  extraordinary  but  molt  character¬ 
istic  note  on  pages  298,  299  of  his  firft  volume.  Winthrop, 

in 

1  “Thomas  Welde  .  .  .  himfelf  fur-  age’s  Winthrop  (ed.  1825),  Vol.  I.  pp. 
nifhed  a  Narrative  of  it,”  referring  to  77  258  263  n. 

the  Antinomian  controverfy.  —  Sav-  2  Ibid.  p.  215  n.  8  Ibid.  p.  238  n. 


44 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

in  language  already  quoted,1  mentioned  the  fa£l  that  the 
proceedings  of  the  General  Court  had  been  “  fet  down  at 
large  ”  and  fent  to  England  to  be  publifhed  there.  Refer¬ 
ring  to  the  original  manufcript  of  Winthrop’s  Hifiory ,  which 
lay  before  him,  Mr.  Savage  then  comments  as  follows:  — 

“  In  the  margin  was  written,  in  a  hand  I  thought  to  be  Cotton 
Mather’s,  ‘This  was  printed  by  Mr.  Wells  about  feven  years  after.’ 
The  miffpelling  of  the  author’s  name  is  ftrange.  From  diligent 
examination  of  Welde’s  book,  I  think  he  muft  be  held  anfwerable  for 
72  of  its  85  pages;  and  that  Gov.  Winthrop  wrote  what  is  printed 
from  the  top  of  p.  46  to  the  third  line  of  p.  59.  This  is  entitled 
‘  A  Brief  Apology  in  Defence  of  the  General  Proceedings  of  the 
Court,’  (probably  Winthrop  had  written,  Proceedings  of  the  General 
Court,)  ‘  holden  at  Bofton,  the  ninth  day  of  the  firft  month,  1636, 
againft  Mr.  J.  Wheelwright,  a  member  there,  by  occafion  of  a  Ser¬ 
mon,’  etc.,  etc.  Welde,  who  went  home  in  1641,  did  not  until  1644 
publifh  his  ‘  Short  Story  of  the  Rife,  Reign,  and  Ruin  of  the  Anti- 
nomians,  etc.,  that  infedled  the  churches  of  New  England;  and  how 
they  were  confuted  by  the  affembly  of  minifters  there  ;  as  alfo  of  the 
magiftrates’  proceedings  in  Court  againft  them;  together  with  God’s 
ftrange  and  remarkable  judgments  from  heaven  upon  fome  of  the 
chief  fomenters  of  thefe  Opinions,  and  the  lamentable  death  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  ;  very  fit  for  thefe  times,  here  being  the  fame  Errors 
amongft  us,  and  adfed  by  the  fame  fpirit.  Publifhed  at  the  inftant 
requeft  of  fundry,  by  one  that  was  an  eye  and  ear  witnefs  of  the  car¬ 
riage  of  matters  there'  Quotations  follow  from  Ephef.  4:  14,  and  2 
Peter,  3:17.  ‘  London  :  printed  for  Ralph  Smith,  at  the  fign  of  the 

Bible,  in  Cornhill,  near  the  Royal  Exchange,  1644.’  The  book  opens 
with  a  fhort  addrefs,  followed  by  fixteen  very  curious  pages  of 
preface,  and  a  poftfcript,  to  which  is  figned  the  name  of  T.  Welde. 

“  The  intent  of  the  addrefs  to  the  reader,  is  to  convince  him,  that 
T.  W.  met  with  the  book,  ‘newly  come  forth  of  the  prefs,’  and  was 

earneftly 


1  Supra ,  p.  17. 


Introduction. 


45 


earneftly  defired  ‘  to  perfedl  it  by  laying  down  the  order  and  fenfe  of 
this  ftory,  (which  in  the  book  is  omitted;)’  and  that  the  names  of 
the  parties  in  our  troubles  thus  being  ‘already  in  print  without  any 
a6t  of  his,’  he  thought  it  1  requifite  that  God’s  great  works  fhould  be 
made  known,’  whereupon  he  drew  up  the  following  preface,  k  with 
fome  additions  to  the  conclujion  of  the  book! 

“  No  fmall  reafon  to  prefume,  that  this  is  altogether  a  pretence  on 
the  part  of  the  virulent  pamphleteer,  would  be  drawn  from  infpedlion 
of  the  copy  of  the  work  in  the  Britifh  Mufeum.  It  is  in  the  wonder¬ 
ful  collection,  by  Thomafon,  of  the  pamphlets  publifhed  from  1640 
to  1660,  of  near  thirty  thoufand  pieces,  in  almoft  two  thoufand  vol¬ 
umes,  and  is  found  in  Vol.  143  of  the  fmall  quartos,  there  marked 
19  Feb.  1643,  as  the  gatherer  was  careful,  he  fays,  ‘that  the  very 
day  is  written  upon  moft  of  them  that  they  came  out.’ 

“  Very  trifling  importance  would  attach,  however,  to  the  queftion 
of  Welde’s  concern  in  the  publication;  and  we  might  flightly  regard 
his  indication  of  himfelf  on  the  title-page,  that  does  not  bear  his 
name,  as  ‘  an  eye  and  ear  witnefs  of  the  carriage  of  matters,’  had  not 
the  over-cunning  writer  caufed  another  title-page  to  be  affixed  to  the 
fame  work,  omitting  folely  the  addrefs  and  preface.  It  has  every 
word,  and  part  of  a  word,  and  abbreviation  of  names,  and  exaClly  the 
fame  references  and  figures,  on  every  page,  as  the  former  book,  from 
p.  1  to  66,  and  Finis  inclufive.  Yet,  to  myftify  a  heedlefs  obferver, 
it  is  entitled,  ‘  Antinomians  and  Familifts  condemned  by  the  Synod 
of  Elders  in  New  England ;  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Magiftrates 
againft  them,  and  their  Apology  for  the  fame ;  together  with  a  mem¬ 
orable  example  of  God’s  judgments  upon  fome  of  thofe  perfons,  etc. ;  ’ 
and  moft  exaCt  copy  of  the  laft  words  and  figures  of  the  imprint, 
‘  London :  publifhed  for  Ralph  Smith  at  the  fign  of  the  Bible,  etc., 
1644.’  It  feems,  as  if  the  types  had  never  been  difturbed ;  and  to  a 
fkilful  eye  this  tefb  is  decifive.  My  attention  to  this  extraordinary 
inftance  of  bibliographical  difingenuity  was  drawn  in  March,  1851, 
by  Dr.  Harris,  the  learned  librarian  of  our  Univerfity,  where  it  is 
preferved ;  but  probably  it  impofed  upon  nobody  until  within  two  or 

three 


46  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

three  years.  Certainly,  in  fome  ancient  chirography,  of  which  this 
fubftituted  title-page  is  probably  the  foie  poffeffor,  as  I  prefume  no 
other  copy  can  be  found  in  the  world,  (for  Thomafon  had  not  heard 
of  it,  we  may  be  fure,)  it  is  branded,  ‘  By  Mr.  Wells.’  What  a  fneak- 
ing  device  it  was,  need  not  be  argued.  Nor  can  any  one,  it  feems  to 
me,  hefitate  to  alk  the  unanfwerable  queftion,  What  did  Welde  mean 
by  acknowledging  in  his  preface  ‘ fome  additiojis  to  the  conclufion  of 
the  book  ’  when  not  a  word,  or  letter,  or  comma,  or  figure,  is  added 
to  the  laft  fix  pages  or  any  part  of  what,  for  a  fhield  of  his  own  cow¬ 
ardice,  he  wifhed  to  have  pafs  as  a  new  edition  of  a  work  heretofore 
iffued  from  the  prefs  ? 

“  No  doubt  was  ever  expreffed  about  the  true  title-page,  ‘A  Short 
Story,  etc.,’  by  Baylie,  in  Diffuafive,  1645  1  by  Wheelwright,  in  Mer- 
curius  Americanus,  1645,  both  at  London  ;  or  by  Cotton,  1648  ;  by 
our  own  General  Court,  1654,  as  in  note  to  p.  216,  ante;  by  the 
author  of  ‘A  Glafs  for  the  People  of  New  England,’  1676,  as  quoted 
by  Hutchinfon,  I.  72,  charging  Rev.  Samuel  Clark  of  London  with 
‘taking  the  lie  out  of  his  brother  Welde’s  Short  Story’  into  his  book, 

‘  God’s  Judgments  againft  herefy;’  or  by  Mather,  or  by  the  Lon¬ 
don  publifher  of  the  fecond edition,  1692  ;  or  by  the  careful  antiquary. 
Prince,  in  Catal.  of  N.  E.  Library;  or  by  Chauncey,  or  Eliot,  or  any 
other  of  our  New  England  divines  ;  and  perhaps  the  reader  may 
think  I  have  derived  too  much  gratification  from  difclosing  the 
fhameless  infirmity  or  petty  malice  of  the  ecclefiaftical  hiftorian. 
Let  it  go  for  the  leaft  fkilful  of  all  attempts  at  deception  :  an  anony¬ 
mous  title-page  to  a  pamphlet,  of  which  ‘additions  to  the  conclufion,’ 
probably  of  feven  pages,  were  before  confeffed.” 

The  epithets  freely  fhowered  on  the  Rev.  Thomas  Welde, 
—  a  “virulent  pamphleteer,”  and  “over-cunning  writer”  re- 
forting  to  the  “  fneaking  device  ”  of  an  “  extraordinary  in- 
ftance  of  bibliographical  difmgenuity  ”  “  for  a  fhield  of  his 
own  cowardice,”  thus  affording  him  (Savage)  the  “  gratifica¬ 
tion  ” 


Introduction. 


47 


tion  ”  of  “  difclofing  the  fhamelefs  infirmity  or  petty  malice  of 
the  ecclefiaftical  hiftorian,” —  all  this  collection  of  epithets1 
freely  fhowered  on  the  head  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Welde 
could  hardly  fail  to  excite  attention  even  among  thofe  not 
unaware  of  Mr.  Savage’s  editorial  foibles.  Efpecially  was 
this  the  cafe  fmce  Mr.  Savage,  while  contemptuoufly  un- 
mafking  this  “  leaft  fkilful  of  all  attempts  at  deception,”  did 
not  fee  fit  to  difclofe  a  motive,  or  to  conftruCt  even  a  theory 
upon  which  to  bafe  a  motive  for  fuch  a  difplay  of  “  coward¬ 
ice.”  Even  fuppofing  the  Rev.  Thomas  Welde  to  be  thus 
peculiarly  fufceptible  to  fear,  —  an  affumption  not  wholly 
rational  in  the  cafe  of  one  who  had  braved  the  anger  of 
Archbifhop  Laud,  —  it  would  have  feemed  that,  before  ap¬ 
plying  fuch  ftridures,  the  writer  applying  them  would  have 
been  at  fome  pains  to  invent  an  hypothecs  at  leaft  as  to 
what  the  author  of  the  Short  Story  apprehended,  and  why 
he  adted  as  he  did.  As  the  cafe  was  left  by  the  literary 
detedtive,  the  criminal  fo  completely  and  fuccefsfully  ex- 
pofed  was  adtuated  apparently  by  no  motive  other  than  an 
innate  depravity  of  difpofition,  which  revealed  itfelf  in  an 
inclination  to  cheat,  lie  and  fteal  for  the  mere  fatisfaction  to 
be  derived  from  fo  doing.2  Later  it  became  fomewhat  a 

matter 


1  In  the  edition  of  1853  Welde  is  at 
one  time  referred  to  as  an  “  inquifitor  ” 
(p.  257,  ni)  ;  and  then  as  a  “  clerical 
tormentor  ”  (p.  295,  ni)  ;  a  few  pages 
further  on  (p.  301,  ni)  he  becomes  “  the 
mild  and  candid  Thomas  Welde  ;  ”  and 
then  (p.  310,  ni)  allufion  is  made  to  “  the 
fimplicity  of  his  bigotry;”  next  he  is 
reprefented  as,  in  his  own  belief,  “  proxy 
or  attorney  of  the  Mott  High  ”  (p.  31 5, 
ni) ;  finally,  a  remark  of  Winthrop’s  that 


Jane  Hawkins  was  under  “  ‘  fufpicion 
to  be  a  witch,5  is  elegantly  expanded, 
in  the  Short  Story  of  Welde,”  who, 
fome  years  later,  “  might  then  have  en¬ 
joyed  .  .  .  the  delight  imputed  to  fome 
of  his  brethren  of  the  clergy  ...  in  the 
delufion  of  1692”  (p.  316,  ni). 

2  In  a  letter  addreffed  to  Dr.  Thad- 
deus  William  Harris,  then  librarian  of 
Harvard  College,  dated  March  4,  1853 
(the  preface  to  the  fecond  edition  of 

Winthrop’s 


48  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

matter  of  furprife  that  the  editor  failed  to  point  out  the 
degree  in  which  certain  of  thefe  qualities  of  Thomas  Welde 
were  manifefted  in  his  immediate  offspring.1  Thus  the  very 

vaguenefs 


Winthrop’s  Hiflory  is  dated  June,  1853), 
which  letter  Dr.  Harris  filed  in  a  copy 
of  the  earlieft,  or  “Antinomians  and 
Familifts”  edition  of  the  Short  Story 
then,  and  now,  belonging  to  the  College, 
Mr.  Savage  thus  charaCteriftically  ex- 
preffed  himfelf :  “  I  owe  you  many 
thanks  for  the  volume  of  Weld’s  Rife, 
Reign  and  Ruin,  with  a  fpurious  title- 
page,  and  the  moft  curious  matter  of 
the  Preface  fuppreffed.  Finding  that 
E.  A.  [Ezra  Abbot]  had  put  a  written 
bibliographical  decifion  of  the  matter, 
of  which  my  conviction  is  complete  that 
it  is  erroneous,  I  have  added  two  lines 
to  his  twenty  two,  to  challenge  attention 
to  the  fubjeCt.  .  .  .  No  rafcal  in  making 
counterfeit  bills,  having  true  impreffions 
from  the  plates,  ever  fucceeded  better 
than  Welde  in  giving  this  abnormal 
punCtuation  mark.  .  .  .  Welde  might 
well  be  afraid  of  young  Harry  Vane, 
who  had  been  his  Governour  here  fo 
few  years  before  ;  [or]  any  other  fear 
might  have  induced  him  to  [word  torn 
out ]  this  facred  thield  of  cowardice,  that 
any  weapon  and  even  eyefhot  could 
penetrate. 

“  But  the  refource  of  the  oltrich 
wholly  expofes  his  tail. 

“  I  have  a  counterfeit  piftareen,  worth 
far  more  than  any  genuine  one,  being 
ftamped  here  in  Bolton,  ‘  Philip  V.  by 
the  grace  of  God,  &c.,  1810/  But  I  do 
not  know,  that  any  defcendant  of  Rev. 
Thomas  Welde  had  a  hand,  or  a  foot, 
in  making  the  lie  on  the  die.” 

Dr.  Abbot  had,  in  his  “  bibliograph¬ 


ical  decifion  ”  referred  to  in  the  above, 
ftated  the  order  of  editions  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  Welde’s  affertion  in  his  note 
“  To  the  Reader.”  To  this  “  decifion  ” 
Savage  appended  thefe  two  lines  :  “  But 
the  later  edition  was  publilhed  firjl, 
afferts  Jas.  Savage,  and  thus  is  fhown 
the  difingenuoufnefs  of  Welde.” 

It  would  thus  feem  that  Mr.  Savage 
perfifted  in  his  theory,  though  otherwife 
advifed  in  advance  by  competent  au¬ 
thority,  more  judicious  than  himfelf. 

1  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  II.  p. 
*  167,  n.  “  Two  of  our  minifters’  fons, 
being  ftudents  in  the  college,  robbed 
two  dwelling  houfes  in  the  night  of 
fome  15  pounds.  Being  found  out,  they 
were  ordered  by  the  governours  of  the 
college  to  be  there  whipped,  which  was 
performed  by  the  prefident  himfelf  — 
yet  they  were  about  20  years  of  age ; 
and  after  they  were  brought  into  the 
court  and  ordered  to  two  fold  fatisfac- 
tion,  or  to  ferve  fo  long  for  it.”  To  this 
ftatement  of  Winthrop,  Mr.  Savage  ap¬ 
pends  a  note,  in  part  as  follows,  —  “  One 
[of  thefe  offenders]  was  James  Ward. 
.  .  .  The  other  was  a  fon  of  Rev.  Thomas 
Welde  of  Roxbury;  and  one  of  the 
houfes  fo  robbed  by  the  youthful  bur¬ 
glar  was  that  of  his  uncle  Jofeph,  then 
gone  to  London.  He  gave  up  hope  of 
the  college  honors,  though  his  father, 
fo  often  named  in  our  former  volume, 
was  one  of  the  overfeers.  Certainly  the 
fons  of  minifters  have  not  become  worfe 
fince  the  firft  generation.” 


Introduction. 


49 


vaguenefs  combined  with  the  vehemence  of  the  attack 
feemed  at  firft  to  filence  criticifm  ;  for,  unlefs  the  attention 
of  a  defcendant  or  hiftorical  ftudent  interefted  in  the  fubjedt 
was  called  to  the  charge,  a  general  impreffion  of  fomething 
very  bad  unqueftionably  difclofed  was  created  by  the  lan¬ 
guage  of  the  note,  fultained  by  the  reputation  of  him  who 
wrote  it. 

Accordingly,  though  Savage  brought  out  his  fecond  edi¬ 
tion  of  Winthrop  in  1853,  it  was  not  until  November,  1857, 
four  years  later,  that  his  “  expofure  of  the  infirmity  of  un¬ 
happy  Thomas  Welde  ”  feems  to  have  attracted  the  notice 
of  any  queftioning  eye.1  Then  at  laft  a  communication  on 
the  fubjedt  of  the  “  authorfliip  of  the  Short  Story  ”  appeared 
in  the  Hiftorical  Magazine.  It  was  written  by  J.  Wingate 
Thornton  under  the  fignature  of  “  Hutchinfon,”  and  in  clear 
language  pointed  out  the  obvious  fadts  in  the  cafe,  and  the 
wholly  gratuitous  nature  of  Savage’s  affumptions.  Savage 
had,  without  the  flighted;  evidence  or  authority  for  fo  doing, 
inverted  the  order  of  the  editions,  making  the  laft  what  was 
obvioufly  the  firft ;  and  having  thus  created  a  myftery  where 
none  exifted,  had  proceeded  to  belabor  the  unfortunate 
Thomas  Welde  for  a  fraud  and  crime  of  the  belaborer’s  own 
device. 

It  was  not  in  Mr.  Savage’s  nature  to  accept  this  corredtion, 
and  revife  his  judgment.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  light  of 
Mr.  Thornton’s  criticifms,  he  became  only  the  more  fet  in 
his  own  belief  and  determined  to  prove  its  corredtnefs.  So 

in 

1  it  was  alluded  to  by  Samuel  G.  Hijlorical  and  Genealogical  Regijler 
Drake  in  a  review  of  Savage’s  1853  edi-  (pp.  84,  85)  ;  but  the  critic  in  this  cafe 
tion  of  Winthrop,  printed  in  the  eighth  did  not  undertake  to  “  fet  the  matter 
volume  (1854)  of  the  New  England  right.” 

7 


50 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

in  the  following  number  of  the  Hiftorical  Magazine  (Janu¬ 
ary,  1858)  he  publifhed  an  anfwer  to  Mr.  Thornton’s  paper. 
This  anfwer  reads  to-day  like  a  curious  exemplification  of 
how  completely  a  man  of  a  mind  at  once  acute  and  educated 
may  be  befogged  and  led  affray  by  paffion  and  prejudice  fo 
as  to  fee  in  everything,  no  matter  how  unexpected  or  con¬ 
tradictory,  only  new  evidence  of  an  utterly  erroneous  pre¬ 
conceived  theory.  After  writing  his  note  to  the  1853  edition 
of  Winthrop,  Mr.  Savage  had  learned  of  the  exiftence  of 
two  other  copies  of  the  Short  Story  in  the  famous  Choules 
collection.  Thefe  copies  bore  the  two  different  titlepages 
upon  which,  in  the  note  which  has  been  quoted  from  his 
1853  edition,  Mr.  Savage  laid  fo  much  ftrefs,  —  the  one 
beginning  with  the  words  “  Antinomians  and  Families,” 1  and 
the  other  with  the  words  “  A  Short  Story.”  Both  of  thefe 
titlepages  are  here  reproduced  in  fac-fimile  (pp.  52,  53). 

In  his  original  note,  already  quoted  in  full,  “  difclofing  the 
fhamelefs  infirmity  or  petty  malice  of  the  ecclefiaftical  hifto- 
rian,”  Mr.  Savage,  it  will  be  remembered,  referred  to  the 
“  Antinomians  and  Familifts  ”  titlepage  copy  in  the  library 
of  Harvard  College,  faying,  “  I  prefume  no  other  copy  can  be 
found  in  the  world.”  When,  therefore,  he  fuddenly  came 
acrofs  another  copy  in  the  Choules  collection,  this  alfo,  it 
might  be  fuppofed,  would  have  given  him  paufe,  and  led  him 
to  reconfider  the  conclufion  to  which  he  had  fo  haftily  com¬ 
mitted  himfelf.  Copies  of  the  book,  with  “a  fpurious  title- 
page,  and  the  moft  curious  matter  of  the  Preface  fuppreffed,” 

were 

1  This  copy,  at  the  fale  of  the  Nicholas  Brown,  for  that  purpofe,  has 
Choules  collection,  in  May,  1856,  was  been  ufed  in  the  editing  of  the  prefent 
bought  by  the  late  John  Carter  Brown,  volume, 
and  now,  kindly  lent  by  his  fon,  John 


Introduction. 


5i 


were,  it  was  evident,  by  no  means  fo  rare  as  he  had  at  firft 
fuppofed.  After  all,  might  not  Thomas  Welde  have  told 
the  truth  when  he  faid  that  he  had  met  the  “  Book,  newly 
come  forth  of  the  Preffe,”  and  a  copy  with  the  “  Antinomians 
and  Familifts  ”  titlepage  been  the  book  thus  met  with  ? 

If  any  fuch  queftion  or  doubt  ever  fuggefted  itfelf  to  Mr. 
Savage’s  mind,  it  certainly  never  effedted  a  lodgment  there. 
He  had  conceived  a  theory;  he  was  bound  to  eftablifh  its 
truth.  But,  in  fo  doing,  his  troubles  were  not  yet  over; 
new  difficulties  prefented  themfelves.  The  charge  of  fraud 
and  a  fpurious  titlepage,  fo  confidently  advanced,  had  been 
bafed  on  the  abfolute  identity  of  the  body  of  the  book, 
whether  under  the  “  Antinomian  and  Familifts  ”  titlepage, 
or  the  “Short  Story”  titlepage.  In  his  introductory  “  To 
the  Reader,”  Welde  had  fpoken  of  “  fome  additions  ”  made 
by  him  “  to  the  conclufion  of  the  Book ;  ”  and  Savage,  taking 
the  expreffion  in  the  verbal,  literal  fenfe,  had  proceeded  to 
fhow  that  the  clofing  pages  of  the  two  editions  were  exadtly 
the  fame,  —  verbatim ,  punOluatim,  et  literatim ,  —  while,  in 
one  cafe,  the  firft  fignature  (A)  confifted  of  a  titlepage  and 
feventeen  fubfequent  pages  of  prefatory  matter,  but  in  the 
other  cafe  that  fignature  was  confined  to  the  titlepage  alone. 
This,  to  his  mind,  fhowed  conclufively  that,  after  publica¬ 
tion,  all  of  the  firft  fignature  except  the  titlepage  had  been 
fuppreffed,  while  “  the  additions  to  the  conclufion,”  confeffed 
to  by  “  T.  W.,”  neceffarily  made  up  a  confiderable  portion 
of  the  clofing  part  of  the  body  of  the  work.  For  this  unaf- 
certainable  quantity  of  the  obnoxious  publication,  as  well  as 
for  the  whole  of  the  fuppreffed  preface,  Thomas  Welde  was 
refponfible,  and  John  Winthrop  was  not. 


So 


er&» 


ANTINOMIANS 

FAMILISTS 

CONDEMNED 

By  the  SYNOD  of  ELDERS 

NEW  ENGLAND: 

WITH  THE 

Proceedings  of  the  Magi  (Irate  s  againft  them, 

And  their  Apology  for  the  fame. 

Together  with 

A  Memorable  example  of  Gods  Iudgements 

upon  fome  of  thofe  Perfons  fo 
proceeded  againft. 


LONDON , 

Printed  for  Ralph  Smith  at  the  figne  of  the  Biblein  Cornhill 

neare  the  Rojall  Exchange,  1644. 


SHORT  STORY 

OF  THE 

Rife,  reign,  and  ruine  of  the  nAntinomians, 

Familijls  z?  Libertines  ft hat  infected  the  Churches 

_  NEW  ENGLAND: 

|f|  And  how  they  were  confuted  by  the  Aflembty  of  Mi 

—  niftemhere :  AsalFoofthc  Magiftrates proceedings 

m  Court  againft  them. 

Together  with  Gods  ftrange  and  remarkable  judge¬ 
ments  From  Heaven  upon  fbme  of  the  chief  fomenters  of 
thefe  Opinions  j  And  the  lamentable  death  of  M^.Hutcbifon: 

Very  fit  for  thefe  times ;  here  being  the  fame  errours  amongjl 

m,  and.  acted  by  the  fame  ftirit. 

Publifhed  at  theinftam  requeft  of  fundry,  by  one  that  was  an  eye 
ttk  .  anc*  care*  wicneHTe  of  the  carriage  of  matters  there. 


EpheC  4.  14^ 

Be  no  more  children  tiffed  to  and fro^  and  carryed  about  with  every  wind  of  dotirim^ 
by  ike  jl eight  of  meny  ind  cunning  cr  fftineffe^wbereby  they  lie  in  wait  to  deceive . 
Beware^  left  yee being  led  army  with  the  tYror  of  the  wicked \  yte  fall  from  your  own 
ftedUftneffe.z  Pet.  3.  17. 


LON  DO  N,  ~ 

Prirrted.for  Ralph  Smith  at  the  Figne  of  the  Bible  in  Cornhill  ^ 

neare  the  Royall  Exchange.  1644. 


54 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

So  far  as  the  firft  of  thefe  two  points,  —  the  fuppreffion  of 
the  preface,  —  was  concerned,  the  very  obvious  explanation, 
that  originally  the  titlepage  alone  conftituted  the  firft  figna- 
ture,  and  that,  as  Welde  quite  truly  faid,  the  preliminary 
matter  prepared  by  him  was  fubfequently  inferted  between 
the  titlepage  and  the  fecond  fignature,  —  this  obvious  expla¬ 
nation  Mr.  Savage  wholly  declined  to  liften  to. 

The  fa6t  that  the  titlepage  alone  conftituted  the  firft  (A) 
fignature,  and  that  the  next  (B)  fignature  began  with  the 
fecond  page,  though  by  no  means  unufual,  might  ftill  at  firft 
glance  excite  fufpicion  of  fuppreffed  matter.  But,  in  the 
prelent  cafe,  it  does  not  feem  to  have  occurred  either  to  Mr. 
Savage,  or  the  practical  printers  he  confulted,  that  the  fig- 
natures  of  the  Short  Story ,  it  being  a  fmall  quarto,  confided 
of  eight  pages  each.  Welde’s  preliminary  matter,  fuppofed 
on  Savage’s  theory  of  fuppreffion  to  have  been  part  of  the 
original  firft  edition,  required  eighteen  pages,  —  feventeen 
of  them  printed  and  one  blank.  If,  therefore,  Savage  was 
correft,  the  firft  two  (A  and  B)  fignatures  of  the  earlieft, 
bona  fide ,  edition  would  have  included  the  titlepage  and 
fourteen  pages  of  introductory  matter;  the  next  (C)  figna¬ 
ture  would  have  included  the  remainder  of  the  introductory 
matter  (four  pages,  one  of  them  blank)  and  the  firft  four 
pages  of  the  body  of  the  book ;  while  the  fourth  (D)  figna¬ 
ture  would  have  begun  on  what  is,  in  the  original,  page  5 
of  the  Short  Story .  Upon  Savage’s  theory,  therefore,  a 
quarto  originally  began  with  a  fingle  fignature  (A)  of  twenty 
pages ;  and  the  neceffary  inference  would  have  been  that 
the  Rev.  Thomas  Welde  defigned  the  fraud  and  fuppreffion, 
including  the  “fpurious  titlepage,”  from  the  ftart,  and  ar¬ 
ranged 


Introduction. 


55 


ranged  for  a  fignature  (A)  of  an  irregular  number  of  pages, 
fo  that  afterwards,  the  preliminary  matter  having  been  at 
the  proper  time  withdrawn,  the  apparently  regular  fucceffion 
of  fignatures  fhould  begin  at  what  was  originally  the  twenty- 
firffc,  but  would  then  become  the  firff,  page  of  the  body  of 
the  book.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Mr.  Savage  had  not  been 
obfiinately  prepoffeffed  by  a  convidlion  of  Welde’s  wicked- 
nefs,  the  mere  faffs  that  the  introductory  matter  was  not 
paged,  and  that  an  irregular  and  wholly  unufual  number  of 
pages  was  found  between  the  titlepage  and  the  beginning  of 
the  fecond  (B)  fignature,  —  thefe  obvious  faffs  would  alone 
have  convinced  him  of  the  truth  of  Welde’s  fimple  and 
natural  ftatement,  that  “  meeting  with  this  Book,  newly 
come  forth  of  the  Preffe,”  he  had,  at  the  inftance  of  others, 
“  drawne  up  this  following  Preface,  and  prefixed  hereunto.” 

So  far  as  the  fecond  point  made  by  Mr.  Savage,  —  the 
argument  from  abfolute  typographic  identity  that  the  “  addi¬ 
tions  to  the  conclufion  of  the  Book  ”  had  been  made  by 
Welde  before  the  firft  edition  was  firuck  off,  —  fo  far  as  this 
point  bafed  on  typographic  identity  was  concerned,  it  now  fo 
chanced  that  one  of  the  two  copies  of  the  Short  Story  in  the 
Choules  collection  was  a  copy  of  the  fecond  edition  under 
that  title  of  1644,  —  the  edition  for  which  the  type,  except 
that  of  the  titlepage,  had  been  refet.  When,  therefore,  Mr. 
Savage  fent  on  to  New  York  and  caufed  a  complete  collation 
of  the  two  copies  to  be  made,  inftead  of  the  abfolute  identity 
of  type  in  “  every  word,  and  part  of  a  word,  and  abbreviation 
of  names,  and  exaCtly  the  fame  references  and  figures,  on 
every  page,  as  the  former  book,  from  p.  1  to  66,  and  Finis 
inclufive,”  on  which  he  had  fo  confidently  bafed  his  argu¬ 
ment, 


56  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

ment,  —  in  place  of  this  abfolute  identity,  the  new  collation 
revealed  “  thirty,  forty,  or  more  than  fifty,  if  not  one  hun¬ 
dred  ”  variations ;  and,  having  before  argued  from  abfolute 
identity,  Mr.  Savage  now  triumphantly  appealed  to  this 
great  lack  of  identity  as  conclufive  proof  of  his  hypothecs ! 
His  amended  theory  was  that  the  newly  difcovered  and 
varying  edition  was  yet  an  earlier  imprint,  alfo  containing 
Welde’s  preliminary  matter,  the  typographical  errors  of 
which  earlier  impreffion  had  been  corrected  for  the  later 
imprint  and  the  yet  fubfequent  imprint  from  which  the 
introductory  matter  had  been  fuddenly  dropped  and  fup- 
preffed.1  The  knowledge  of  his  calling  poffeffed  by  “any 
printer’s  apprentice,”  he  contended,  would  fuffice  to  eftablifh 
this  as  an  “  irrefiftible  inference.” 

The  real  fad  was,  as  clearly  appears  on  clofe  examination, 
that  two  wholly  diftinCt  editions  of  the  pamphlet,  both  of 
them  with  Welde’s  prefatory  matter,  were  printed  in  1644, 
from  the  fame  font  of  type.  The  titlepage  was  identical, 
and  had  evidently  been  kept  {landing;  but,  for  the  reft,  the 
variations  average  fome  twenty  to  a  page,  the  paging  itfelf 
is  not  the  fame,  while  different  ornamental  fcroll-work  is 
found  at  the  beginning  of  the  chapters.  Yet  to  the  end 
Mr.  Savage  maintained  that  thefe  were  mere  prefs  correc¬ 
tions  ;  fo  that  even  the  impoffible  was  made  to  afford  addi¬ 
tional  evidence  of  the  correftnefs  of  an  otherwife  untenable 
theory. 

To  this  fingular  difplay  of  perverted  mental  acumen,  not 
to  fay  wrong-headednefs,  Mr.  Thornton,  ftill  writing  under 

the 

1  See  the  paper  by  W.  B.  Trafk,  in  logical  Regijler  (1882),  Vol.  XXXVI. 
New  England  Hijlorical  and  Genea-  p.  36. 


Introduction. 


57 


the  fignature  of  “  Hutchinfon,”  replied  in  the  Hijiorical 
Magazine  of  June,  fix  months  later  (1858).  The  fabts  and 
reafoning  he  now  prefented  can  hardly  be  confidered  other- 
wife  than  conclufive  ;  for  he  demolifhed  completely  the 
“  printer’s  apprentice  ”  argument  bafed  on  the  abfence  of  all 
but  one  page  in  the  firft  fignature  of  the  firft  edition,  claimed 
by  Savage  to  be  the  laft.  The  controverfy  between  Mr. 
Thornton  and  Mr.  Savage  here  came  to  a  clofe.  Mean¬ 
while  Samuel  G.  Drake  had  taken  the  fubjeft  up,  and,  in 
his  Hiftory  of  Bofton}  controverted  the  pofition  of  Savage, 
calling  him  to  fevere  account.  Dr.  Palfrey  alfo,  in  his  Hif 
tory  of  New  England ,1 2  indicated  his  diffent;  and,  above  all, 
Charles  Deane  correfponded  with  Mr.  Savage,  endeavoring 
to  induce  him  to  fee  the  thing  in  a  correct  light.  Felt,  in 
his  Ecclefafiical  Hiftory ,3  enforced  the  efforts  of  the  others, 
—  all,  with  one  exception,  friends  and  warm  admirers  of 
the  editor  of  Winthrop.4  It  was  in  vain.  Savage,  hating 
Welde,  had  conceived  a  theory ;  nothing  fufficed  to  difabufe 
him  of  it.  On  the  contrary,  every  new  development,  no 
matter  what,  only  confirmed  him  in  it,  until  at  laft,  in  1862, 
he  finally  delivered  himfelf  on  the  fubjedt  at  great  length 
under  the  head  of  “  Welde,  Thomas,”  in  his  Genealogical 

Dictionary 


1  The  Hijlory  and  Antiquities  of 
Bofton  (1856),  p.  148,  n. 

2  Hiftory  of  New  England ,  Vol.  I. 
p.  495,  n. 

3  Ecclefafiical  Hifory ,  Vol.  I.  p. 
329- 

4  The  fame  conclufion  was  reached 
by  Rev.  John  A.  Vinton,  who,  in  his 
Antinomian  Controverfy  of  1637,  {peak¬ 
ing  of  the  author  of  the  Short  Story , 
fays  he  “  could  be  no  other  than  Gov¬ 


ernor  Winthrop  himfelf,”  baling  the 
affertion  on  “a  careful  comparifon  of 
fome  paffages  in  Winthrop’s  Jour7ial 
with  fome  paffages  in  the  Short  Story  ” 
(pp.  39,  40).  Drake,  on  the  fame  evi¬ 
dence,  afferts  :  “  It  may  fafely  be  af¬ 
firmed,  that,  if  Welde  wrote  the  Short 
Story,  he  alfo  wrote  Winthrop’s  Jour¬ 
nals  —  New  England  Hiforical  a7id 
Ge7iealogical  Regifer  ( 1 854) ,  Vol.  V 1 1 1. 
p.  84. 


58  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

DiElionary  of  New  England ,  making  his  final  appeal  “  to 
the  competent  tribunal  of  gentlemen  and  fcholars  in  this 
and  all  fucceeding  ages.” 

What  he  there  fays  is  too  long  to  quote  at  length,  filling, 
as  it  does,  twelve  clofely  printed  pages  packed  with  abbre¬ 
viated  words.  A  mod  diffufe  and  intricate  ftatement,  it  is 
in  parts  hardly  intelligible ;  but  in  it  he  made  no  retrac¬ 
tion  or  confeffion  of  error.  He  ftill  referred  to  Welde  as 
“  the  crafty  writer,”  the  “  reverend  cafuift,”  whofe  “  fneaking 
devife,”  at  laffc  expofed,  had  been  defigned  to  “  fupply  a 
fliield  for  his  temerity  or  a  cover  for  his  cowardice.”  But 
now,  at  lad,  he  did  undertake  to  fupply  an  anfwer  to  the 
natural  quedion, —  What  motive  had  Welde  in  his  courfe 
of  deceit  and  fupprefdon  ?  He  finds  that  motive  in  Welde’s 
datement  in  the  note  “  To  the  Reader”  that  “the  names  of 
fome  parties  .  .  .  are  already  in  print  without  any  a6t  of 
mine.”  His  fuggedion  is  that  Welde  “  might  fear  profecu- 
tion  for  libels  by  one  or  another.” 

But  for  a  perfon  curious  in  fuch  matters  it  would  be 
neceffary  to  read  all  that  Savage  here  fays  to  realize  fully 
how  a  learned,  confcientious  and  acute  invedigator  may  at 
times  unadvifedly  advance  a  theory,  and  in  fupport  of  it 
wander  into  a  wholly  gratuitous  affault  upon  fome  well-nigh 
forgotten  hidorical  perfonage  whofe  only  crime  was  that  he 
made  a  fimple  and  draightforward  datement  of  fa6fs  not 
altogether  palatable.  The  controverfy  does  indeed,  as  Sav¬ 
age  remarks,  though  not  in  the  way  he  intended,  afford 
compenfation  to  “  the  curious  hunter  in  bibliography.”  1 

While 

1  The  following  is  from  the  Genea-  “Whatever  hand  reported  thefe  pro- 
logical  Dictionary  (Vol.  IV.  p.  459):  ceedings,  it  could  not  well  have  been 

Governor 


Introduction. 


While  it  is  unneceffary  to  follow  the  difcuffion  further,  it 
is  a  very  effential  portion  of  the  introduction  to  a  new  edi¬ 
tion  of  the  Short  Story ,  for  it  involves  the  queftion  of  a 
joint  authorfhip.  Starting  from  Welde’s  flatement  in  the 
note  “  To  the  Reader,”  that  he  had  “drawn  up  this  following 
Preface,  and  prefixed  hereunto,  with  fome  additions  to  the 
conclufions  of  the  Book,”  Savage,  eager  to  reduce  Win- 
throp’s  refponfibility  for  the  Short  Story  to  the  narrowed 
poffible  limits,  concludes,  as  the  refult  of  “  diligent  examina¬ 
tion,”  that  Winthrop  “wrote  what  is  printed  from  the  top  of 
page  46  to  the  third  line  of  page  59.”  For  the  reft,  dropping 
the  queftion  of  authorfhip,  treating  Welde’s  ftatement  that 
he  had  met  the  book  “  newly  come  forth  of  the  Preffe  ”  as 
a  simple  downright  falfehood,  and  falling  back  on  Welde’s 
acknowledgment  of  refponfibility  for  “  fome  additions  to 
the  conclufion  of  the  Book,”  Savage  argued  that  Welde, 
as  editor,  was  “  refponfible  for  all  but  the  ftridtly  official 

document 


Governor  Winthrop,  at  leaft  in  the  full 
tranfcript,  for  on  page  27  it  is  alleged 
that  Wheelwright  was  required  ...  4  to 
render  himfelf  at  the  houfe  of  Mr.  Stan¬ 
ton,  one  of  the  magiftrates.’  .  .  .  Now 
this  could  not  have  fallen  from  the 
Governor,  whofe  narrative  [in  the  Hif- 
tory~\  in  feveral  items  varies  from  this 
report,  and  does  not  name  the  magif- 
trate,  but  ufes  the  phrafe  ‘one  of  the 
magiftrates/  which  were  then  only  feven, 
befide  himfelf  and  the  Deputy.  But 
Colonial  Records  (I.  207)  has  the  name 
of  Stoughton  ;  and  no  Stanton  was  ever 
one  of  the  magiftrates.” 

Vide  note,  infra ,  p.  148.  It  feems 
almoft  incredible  that  it  fhould  never 
have  occurred  to  a  man  of  Mr.  Savage’s 


experience  in  fuch  matters  that  in  this 
cafe  the  name  written  in  the  manufcript 
was  Stouton,  —  being,  by  the  pronun¬ 
ciation  of  that  day,  idem  fonans  as 
Stoughton,  —  and  the  compofitors  in 
England  read  and  fet  it  up  Stanton.  In 
another  than  Mr.  Savage  fuch  an  argu¬ 
ment,  bafed  on  fo  obvious  an  error  of 
mifreading,  would  be  attributed  rather 
to  perverfity  than  to  obtufenefs  ;  efpe- 
cially  as  no  one  living  was  so  familiar 
as  he  with  the  almoft  illegible  charadler 
of  what  he  himfelf  refers  to  as  Win- 
throp’s  “  chirography.”  In  the  Short 
Story ,  alfo,  many  of  the  proper  names 
arecurioufly  abbreviated;  Wheelright, 
for  inftance,  being  printed  Wheel.,  and 
Wilfon,  Wil.  (; infra ,  pp.  132,  133). 


6o 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy , 

document  .  .  .  becaufe  it  was  printed  under  his  direction 
and  moft  of  it  is  evidently  his  own  compofition.” 1  And 
he  even  goes  fo  far  as  to  affert  that  if  “  refort  be  had  to 
critical  comparifon  of  ftyle,  flight  difficulty  will  attend  the 
feparation  of  what  is  between  the  two  covers  of  the  binding. 
Againft  the  errors  of  Wheelwright,  and  the  fantaftic  revela¬ 
tions  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  Welde  could  not  more  fmcerely 
fhow  his  zeal  than  Winthrop ;  but  his  zeal  is  denunciatory, 
fierce,  and  virulent,  while  that  of  the  Governor  feems  cau¬ 
tious,  calm,  and  moderate,  in  terms,  decifive  in  fpirit.  Even 
in  type  of  the  fame  forms,  it  may  be  followed,  like  that 
fabled  river  in  its  namelefs  courfe  under  the  fea,  as  told  by 
Virgil,  En .  III.  686,  bearing  the  true,  unmixed  proof  of  its 
fountain,  — 

“  ‘  Nunc 

Ore,  Arethufa,  tuo  Seculis  confunditur  undis.’  ” 

On  the  flrength  of  this  “  critical  comparifon,”  he  then 
arbitrarily  affigns  feventy-two  of  the  eighty-five  printed  pages 
to  Welde,  and  thirteen  to  Winthrop,  quite  regardlefs  of  the 
fa6t  that  other,  and  much  more  decifive,  internal  evidence 
fhows  that  the  portions  affigned  to  Welde  were  written  in 
Bofton  fix  years  before  Welde  made  his  “  additions  to  the 
conclufion  of  the  Book.” 

Dr.  Palfrey,  while  “  differing  with  great  reluctance  from 
Winthrop’s  learned  editor,”  afcribed  to  Winthrop’s  hand  all 
of  the  body  of  the  Book,  —  excluding  the  prefatory  matter 
to  which  Welde’s  initials  were  attached,  —  adding  merely  an 
uncertainty  “  whether  it  is  the  laft  three  or  the  laft  eight 
pages  of  the  volume  that  conftitute  the  ‘  additions  ’  referred 
to  in  the  ‘  Addrefs  to  the  Reader.’  ”  A 


1  Genealogical  DIG  ion  ary  of  New  England ,  Vol.  IV.  p.  464. 


Introduction. 


61 

A  careful  and  unprejudiced  examination  would  feem  to 
fhow  no  good  reafon  for  putting  this  clofe,  verbal  confiruc- 
tion  on  Welde’s  language.  The  words  “  fome  additions  to 
the  conclufion  of  the  Book  ”  by  no  means  neceffarily  imply 
that  a  part  of  what  was  added  was  tacked  on  to  the  laffc 
printed  pages  of  it.  By  the  “conclufion  of  the  Book” 
Welde  prefumably  meant  the  end  of  the  ftory  narrated  in  it 
up  to  the  time  when  it  left  the  hands  of  the  writer.  Welde 
then  completed  it  by  bringing  the  courfe  of  events  down  to 
the  time  of  publication  ;  and  this  part  of  the  narrative,  all 
included  in  the  preface,  conffituted  his  “  additions  to  the 
conclufion  [or  ending]  of  the  Book.”  On  this  point  there 
feems  no  Q-ood  reafon  to  diffent  from  the  fiatement  of  Mr. 
Thornton  :  — 

“Mr.  Welde’s  ‘additions  to  the  conclufion  of  the  Book’  relate  to 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon.  Winthrop’s  manufcript  being  prepared  ‘foon  after 
the  court  brake  up,’  could  contain  nothing  of  a  date  fubfequent  to 
her  banifhment  from  the  colony.  Welde  takes  up  the  wondrous 
tale,  from  that  date,  narrates  fome  incidents  of  her  life  in  Rhode 
Ifland,  her  removal  ‘  to  live  under  the  Dutch,  neare  a  place  called 
by  Sea-men,  and  in  the  map,  Hell-gate,’  and  the  news  of  the  deftruc- 
tion  of  herfelf  and  family  by  the  Indians,  as  he  had  ‘  received  it  very 
lately  from  a  godly  hand  in  New-England.’  In  ‘A  Poftfcript  ’  he 
*  thinkes  it  fit  to  adde  a  comfortable  paffage  of  newes  from  thofe 
parts  written  to  me  very  lately  by  a  faithfull  hand,’  about  ‘  two  Saga¬ 
mores,  or  Indian  Princes  ’  having  ‘  voluntarily  fubmitted  themfelves 
to  the  will  and  law  of  our  God.’  Thefe  were  his  ‘  additions.’  ’’ 

But  the  whole  quefiion  of  authorfhip  as  between  Winthrop 
and  Welde  may  be  faid  to  have  originated  in  this  century 
with  Savage,  and  to  have  been  difpelled  by  Deane.  In  both 

England 


62 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

England  and  in  America  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  thofe 
referring  to  the  book  attributed  it,  as  a  matter  of  courfe,  to 
Winthrop.  Baillie,  for  inftance,  in  his  Diffuajive  (1645) 
makes  three  diftindt  references  to  the  authorfhip  of  the 
Short  Story ,  and  in  fuch  a  way  as  to  fhow  that  he  was 
corredily  informed.  The  firft  reference  is  in  the  lift  of 
“  Principall  Authors  ”  prefixed  to  his  book.  Among  thefe 
is,  “  A  fhort  ftory  of  the  rife  &c  publifhed  with  Mr.  Welds 
large  preface,  1644.”  Later  on  (p.  57)  he  fpeaks  of  “the 
witneffe  of  Matter  Winthrop,  the  wife  ft  of  all  the  New  Eng- 
lifh  Governours  hitherto,  and  of  Matter  Weis,  a  gracious 
minifter  of  that  Land,  in  their  printed  relations  of  the 
Schifms  there.”  And  finally  (p.  64),  referring  to  a  paffage 
in  the  body  of  the  work,  he  fays,  —  “Out  of  the  Governour 
Winthrop’s  Narration,  I  remark  one  abomination.”  In  like 
manner  Rutherford  in  his  Survey  of  Spiritual  Antichriji 
(1648)  refers  to  the  Short  Story  as  being  “penned  (as  I  am 
informed)  by  M.  Winthrope,  Governour,  a  faithfull  witnes, 
and  approved  by  M.  T.  Weld  in  his  preface  to  the  book” 
(p.  1 7 1 ).  Finally,  John  Cotton,  in  his  Way  of  Congrega¬ 
tional  Churches  Cleared1  (1 648),  refers  to  a  paffage  in  the 
body  of  the  Short  Story  as  being  “  teftimony  .  .  .  which  (it  is 
likely)  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Winthrop,  being  then  Governor.” 
All  thefe  references  indicate  that  by  thofe  at  the  time  at 
all  informed  on  the  fubjedt  the  Short  Story  itfelf,  apart  from 
the  preface,  was  underftood  to  be  Winthrop’s  work.  Other 
writers  of  the  fame  period,  uninformed  as  to  the  matter, 
but  feeing  Welde’s  name  figned  in  full  to  the  Preface,  fimply 
refer  to  the  book  as  “Mr.  Wells,  his  narration,”2  or,  in 

another 


1  Infra ,  pp.  364,  366. 


2  Edwards’s  GangrcFiia,  p.  3. 


Introduction.  63 

another  cafe,  to  the  fafts  “  fet  downe  by  Mr.  Wells  in  a 
book  printed  for  Ralph  Smith.”1 

Finally,  it  is  a  conclufive  anfwer  to  Palfrey’s  fuggeftions 
that  Welde  may  have  referred  to  the  laft  three  or  eight 
pages  as  his  “  additions  to  the  conclufion  of  the  Book,”  that 
the  language  ufed  in  thofe  pages,  as  already  more  than  once 
pointed  out,  fhows  that  they  muft  have  been  written  in  Bof- 
ton  at  the  fame  time  as  the  reft  of  the  book,  and  prior  to 
the  middle  of  March,  1638,  while  there  is  no  evidence  what¬ 
ever  that  any  portion  of  Welde’s  “  additions  ”  was  written 
before  1644.2  What  Welde  wrote  deals  wholly  with  the 
events,  or  “  conclufions,”  fubfequent  to  the  completion  of 
the  original  narrative,  including  its  clofmg  pages. 

If,  as  Welde  fays,  —  and,  Mr.  Savage  and  his  elaborate 
theory  to  the  contrary  notwithftanding,  no  ground  whatever 
exifts  for  difcrediting  Welde’s  flatement,  while  there  is  every 
ground  for  accepting  it,  —  if,  as  Welde  in  his  addrefs  “  To 
the  Reader  ”  fays,  he  met  the  “  Book  newly  come  forth  from 
the  Prelfe,”  meaning  a  copy  of  the  edition  bearing  the 
“  Antinomians  and  Families  ”  titlepage,  it  would  then  be 
apparent  that  everything  found  in  this,  the  earlieft  and 

authentic 


1  Paget’s  Herefography ,  p  91. 

2  The  term  “American  Jezabel  ”  is 
found  on  the  laft  page  (66)  of  the  Short 
Story  (infra,  p.  232),  and,  as  an  epi¬ 
thet,  is  fuppofed  to  be  charadteriftic 
of  Welde,  and  not  at  all  fo  of  Winthrop. 
On  the  fame  page,  and  in  the  fame  par¬ 
agraph,  are  thefe  words  :  “  God  giving 
her  up  fince  the  fentence  of  excommu¬ 
nication,  to  that  hardnefs  of  heart,  as 
the  is  not  affedted  with  any  remorfe 
but  glories  in  it,  and  fears  not  the  ven¬ 


geance  of  God,  which  fhe  lyes  under,” 
&c.  Yet  Mr.  Savage  periiftently  argued 
that  this  language,  becaufe  at  the  end 
of  the  book,  was  neceflarily  part  of 
Welde’s  “additions  to  the  conclufion” 
of  it,  and  was  written  by  Welde  in  Lon¬ 
don,  in  1644,  and  not  by  Winthrop  in 
Bofton,  in  1638.  And  this,  too,  though 
Welde  defcribes  in  the  preface  figned 
by  him  how  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  had  been 
killed  by  the  Indians  in  1643. 


64  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

authentic  imprint,  was  fet  up  diredtly  from  a  copy  of  the 
manufcript  “  fent  into  England  to  be  publifhed  there  ”  in 
the  fpring  of  1638.  Welde’s  “additions  ”  were  limply  thofe 
portions  of  the  fubfequent  imprints  in  which  they  differed 
from  the  earlieff  and  authentic  imprint.  What  thofe  por¬ 
tions  were  was  clearly  fhown  as  the  refults  of  Mr.  Savage’s 
careful  collations.  They  were  confined  fimply  and  firidtly  to 
the  prefatory  matter  figned  with  Welde’s  initials  or  name. 


It  has  already  been  faid  that  the  Short  Story  fupplies  the 
only  confecutive  narrative  of  the  events  of  the  fo-called  Anti¬ 
nomian  controverfy.  Certain  documents,  printed  and  in 
manufcript,  have  neverthelels  from  time  to  time  come  to 
light  bearing  on  portions  of  that  epifode.1  Among  thefe  the 
more  important  are, — 

1.  A  portion  of  the  Hutchinfon  Papers. 

2.  The  Report  of  the  church  trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon. 

3.  References  in  portions  of  Cotton’s  Way  of  Congrega¬ 
tional  Churches  Cleared. 

As  the  feveral  documents  in  Hutchinfon’s  State  Papers 
relating  to  the  Antinomian  controverfy  are  included  in  the 
edition  of  the  Hutchinfon  papers  in  the  Publications  of  the 
Prince  Society,  and  can  be  confulted  there,  they  are  not 
reproduced  in  the  prefent  volume.2  The  report  of  the  trial 

of 


1  There  is  a  valuable  monograph  on 
the  bibliography  of  the  Antinomian 
controverfy  in  Harvard  College  Library 
Bulletin  No.  n  (1879),  prepared  by 
Dr.  Winfor.  The  conclufions  therein 
reached  as  to  the  fequence  in  the  edi¬ 
tions  of  the  Short  Story  are  fimilar  to 
thefe  in  the  text.  The  1692  edition 


differs  in  no  effential  refpedt  from  thofe 
of  1644.  Dr.  Winfor  in  his  monograph 
indicates  the  collections,  private  and 
public,  which  own  original  copies  of  the 
feveral  works  referred  to. 

2  Johnfon  devotes  a  confiderable 
portion  of  his  Wonder-Working  Pro¬ 
vidence  to  the  Antinomian  controverfy, 

and, 


Introduction. 


of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  before  the  church  of  Bofton  is  repro¬ 
duced  in  the  prefent  volume,  in  order  that  the  publications 
of  the  Society  may  include  in  an  annotated  form  all  the 
known  documents  and  material  of  any  confiderable  moment 
relating  to  this,  as  has  already  been  faid,  moft  interefling  as 
well  as  moffc  far-reaching  and  charafteriftic  epifode  in  New 
England  hiftory. 


and,  as  he  arrived  in  Bofton  while  that 
controverfy  was  in  its  moft  exciting 
phafe,  he  is  a  contemporaneous  author¬ 
ity  in  regard  to  it.  “  He  evidently 
never  comprehended  the  new  difpen- 
fation  ;  but,  underftanding  well  the  old 
landmarks,  he  oppofed  the  Antinomians 
with  all  the  energy  of  his  being.  N early 
forty  pages  of  his  book  are  devoted  to 


this  unintelligible  fubjedl,  and  ferve  as 
a  curious  illuftration  of  the  intenfity  of 
feeling  exhibited  in  that  controverfy.” 
This  ftatement  of  Dr.  Poole,  in  the 
introdudtion  to  his  edition  of  the  Won¬ 
der-Working  Providence ,  fufficiently 
explains  why  the  portions  of  that 
work  referred  to  are  not  here  repro¬ 
duced. 


POSTSCRIPT. 


As  the  laft  pages  of  this  volume  were  paffing  through  the 
prefs,  Profeffor  Willifton  Walkers  volume,  entitled  Creeds 
and  Platforms  of  Congregationalifm ,  appeared  ;  as  alfo  Mr. 
Abner  C.  Goodell,  Jr.’s  paper  in  the  firft  publication  of  the 
Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts.  Each  contained 
valuable  matter  relating  to  the  Antinomian  controverfy  of 
1636-1638,  to  which  it  was  impoffible  to  refer  in  this  vol¬ 
ume.  They  are  important  contributions  to  the  literature  of 
the  fubjedl,  and  fhould  be  confulted  in  connection  with  it. 


9 


SHORT  STORY 

OF  THE 

Rile,  reign,  and  ruine  of  the  ayfntinomians, 

FamiliJJs  Libertines fhz t  infe&ed  the  Churches 

NEW  ENGLAND: 

And  how  they  were  confuted  by  the  AfTembly  of  Mi 
niftere  there :  Asalfoofthe  Magiftrates  proceedings 

in  Court  againft  them. 

Together  with  Gods  ftrange  and  remarkable  judge¬ 
ments  from  Heaven  upon  fome  of  the  chief  fomenters  of 
thefe  Opinions  5  And  the  lamentable  death  of  W.Hutcbifon: 

Very  fit  for  thefe  times ;  here  being  the  fame  err  outs  amongjl 

us,  and  acted  by  the  fame  fpirit . 

Publiflied  at  theinflant  requeft  of  fundry,  by  one  that  was  an  eye 
,  and  eare>- witneflfe  of  the  carriage  of  matters  there. 


EphcC  4. 

Be  no  more  children  tejftd  to  and fro,  and  carry  ed  -about  frith  every  wind  of  dollrine , 
by  the  ft  eight  of  men ,  tnd  cunning  craft incjje,wbei'eby  they  lie  hi  wait  to  deceive. 
Beware,  left  yee  being  led  army  with  theefrorof  the  wicked,  yte  fall  front  your  own 
ftedfaftnejfe.i  Pet.  3.17% 


LONDON , 

Printed,  for  Ralph  S?nith  at  the  figne  of  the  Bible  in  CornhilL 

neare  the  Roy  all  Exchange.  1644. 


it 


*&* 


To  the  Reader. 

Meeting  with  this  Book,  newly  come  forth 
of  the  Preffe,  and  being  earneftly  preffed 
by  diverfe  to  perfedl  it,  by  laying  downe 
the  order  and  fenfe  of  this  ftory,  (which  in 
the  Book  is  omitted)  Though  for  mine 
owne  part,  I  was  more  flow  unto  it ;  not  as 
if  I  thinke  it  containes  any  thing  but  truth ; 
names  of  fome  parties,  that  adled  in  our 
troubles,  that  have,  fince  that  time,  (I  hope)  repented,  and 
fo  God  having  pardoned  their  fins  in  Heaven,  I  fhould  have 
beene  loath  to  have  revived  them  on  earth ;  But  confidering 
that  their  names  are  already  in  Print  without  any  a6t  of 
mine,  and  that  the  neceffity  of  the  times  call  for  it,  and  it’s 
requisite  that  Gods  great  works  fhould  be  made  knowne ;  I 
therefore,  in  a  flraight  of  time,  not  having  had  many  houres, 
have  drawne  up  this  following  Preface,  and  prefixed  here¬ 
unto,  with  fome  additions  to  the  conclufion  of  the  Book.  I 
commend  thy  felfe  and  this  to  the  blefsing  of  God. 

T.  W. 


The 


THE  PREFACE. 


FTER  we  had  efcaped  the  cruell  hands  of  perfe- 
cuting  Prelates ,  and  the  dangers  at  Sea ,  and 
had  prettily  well  outgrowne  our  wildernes 
troubles  in  our  firfi plantings  in  New-England  ; 
And  when  our  Common-wealth  began  to  be 
founded ,  and  our  Churches  fweetely  fettled  in  Peace ,  {God 
abounding  to  us  in  more  happy  enjoyments  then  we  could 
have  expected :)  Left  we  fhould ,  now,  grow  fecure ,  our  wife 
God  (who  feldome  fuffers  his  owne ,  in  this  their  wearyfome 
Pilgrimage  to  be  long  without  trouble )  fent  a  new  Jlorme 
after  us,  which  proved  the  forefl  try  all  that  ever  befell  us  fence 
we  left  our  Native  foyle . 

Which  was  this,  that  fome  going  thither  from  hence  full 
fraught  with  many  unfound  and  loofe  opinions,  after  a  time, 
began  to  open  their  packs,  and  freely  vent  their  wares  to  any 
that  zvould  be  their  cufeomers ;  Afulliludes  of  men  and 
women,  Church-members  and  others,  having  tafeed  of  their 
Commodities,  were  eager  after  them,  and  were  freight  infeCled 
before  they  were  aware ,  and  fome  being  tainted  conveyed  the 
infection  to  others  :  and  thus  that  Plague  firfe  began  amongd 

us. 


72 


The  Antinomian  Controverjy. 

us,  that  had  not  the  wifedome  and  faithfulneffe  of  him ,  that 
watcheth  over  his  vineyard  night  and  day ,  by  the  beames  of 
his  Light  and  Grace  cleared  and  purged  the  ay  re,  certainely, 
we  had  not  beene  able  to  have  breathed  there  comfortably  much 
longer. 

Our  difcourfe  of  them  fhall  tend  to  fhew, 

1.  What  thefe  opinions  were. 

2.  How  they  fpread  fo  faft  and  prevailed  fo  fuddainely. 

3.  How  they  did  rage  and  raigne  when  they  had  once 
gotten  head. 

4.  How  they  fell  and  were  ruined,  when  they  were  at 
higheft. 

The  opinions ,  ( fome  of  them)  were  fuch  as  thefe  ;  I  fay, 
fome  of  them ,  to  give  but  a  toft for  afterwards  you  fhall fee 
a  litter  of fourefcore  and  eleven  of  their  brats  hung  up  a  gain  ft 
the  Sunne,  befides  many  new  ones  of  Miftris  Hutchinfons, 
all  which  they  hatched  and  dandled',  As 

1.  That  the  Law,  and  the  Preaching  of  it  is  of  no  ufe 
at  all,  to  drive  a  man  to  Chrift. 

2.  That  a  man  is  united  to  Chrift ,  and  juftifted  without 
faith  ;  yea  from  eternity. 

3.  That  faith  is  not  a  receiving  of  Chrift ,  but  a  mans 
difcerning  that  he  hath  received  him  already. 

4.  That  a  man  is  united  to  Chrift  onely,  by  the  worke  of 
the  Spirit  upon  him ,  without  any  ad  of  his. 

5.  That  a  man  is  never  effectually  Chrifts,  till  he  hath 
affurance. 

6.  This  affurance  is  onely  from  the  witneffe  of  the  Spirit . 

7.  This  witneffe  of  the  Spirit  is  meerly  immediate  without 
any  refpeCl  to  the  word,  or  any  concurrence  with  it. 


8.  When 


8.  When  a  man  hath  once  this  witneffe  he  never  doubts 
more . 

g.  To  question  my  affurance, ,  though  I  fall  into  Murther 
or  Adultery,  proves  that  I  never  had  true  affurance. 

10.  Sanctification  can  be  no  evidence  of  a  mans  good  efiate . 

1 1.  No  comfort  can  be  had  from  any  conditionall  promife. 

12.  Poverty  in  fpirit  ( to  which  Chrifi  pro7iounceth  bleffed- 
neffe ,  Mat.  5.  3.)  is  onely  this ,  to  fee  I  have  710  grace  at  all. 

13.  To  fee  I  have  no  grace  m  me,  will  give  me  comfort ; 
but  to  take  comfort  from  fight  of  grace ,  is  legall. 

14.  A  71  hypocrite  may  have  Adams  graces  that  he  had  in 
Innocency. 

15.  The  graces  of  Saints  a7id  Hypocrites  differ  7iot. 

16.  All  graces  are  in  Chrifi  as  in  the  SubjeTt,  a7id  none 
in  us,fo  that  Chrifi  beleeves,  Chrifi  loves ,  &c. 

17.  Chrifi  is  the  new  Creature. 

18.  God  loves  a  man  never  the  better  for  any  holineffe  in 
him ,  a7id  never  the  leffe,  be  he  never  fo  unholy. 

19.  Sinne  in  a  childe  of  God  mifi  never  trouble  him. 

20.  Trouble  in  co7ifcience  for  fins  of  commiffion ,  or  for 
neglect  of  duties,  fhewes  a  man  to  be  wider  a  Covena7it  of 
workes . 

21.  All  Covenants  to  God  expreffed  in  words  are  legall 
workes. 

22.  A  Chrifiian  is  not  bou7id  to  the  Law  as  a  mile  of  his 
converfatio7t. 

23.  A  Chrifiian  is  not  bound  to  pray  except  the  Spirit 
moves  him. 

24.  A  Minifier  that  hath  not  this  {new)  light  is  710 1  able 
to  edifie  others  that  have  it. 

25.  The 


10 


74  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

25.  The  whole  letter  of  the  Scripture  is  a  covenant  of 
works . 

26.  No  Chriflian  mufi  be  preft  to  duties  of  holineffe . 

27.  No  Chriflian  mufi  be  exhorted  to  faith,  love,  a7td 
prayer,  &c.  except  we  know  he  hath  the  Spirit. 

2 8.  A  man  may  have  all  graces ,  and  yet  want  Chrifl . 

29.  All  a  beleevers  activity  is  onely  to  ad  sinne. 

Now  thefe ,  772 <9/7  of  them,  being  fo  grojfe,  one  would  wonder 
how  they  fhould  fpread  fo  fafl  a,nd  fuddenly  amo7igfl  a  people 
fo  religious  and  well  taught. 

For  declaring  of  this ,  be  p leafed  to  attend  two  things. 

1.  The  nature  of  the  Opinions  themf elves,  which  ope7i  fuch 
a  faire  and  eafe  way  to  Heaven,  that  men  may  paffe  without 
difficulty.  For,  if  a  77ian  need  not  be  troubled  by  the  Law, 
before  faith,  but  may  ftep  to  Chrifl  fo  eafely  ;  and  then,  if  his 
faith  be  no  going  out  of  himfelfe  to  take  Chrifl,  but  onely  a 
difcerning  that  Chrifl  is  his  owne  already ,  and  is  07tely  a7i  ad 
of  the  Spirit  upon  him,  no  ad  of  his  ozone  done  by  hhn  ;  and 
if  he,  for  his  part,  mufi  see  nothing  in  himfelfe,  have  nothing, 
doe  nothmg,  07iely  he  is  to  fiazid  Jlill  a7id  waite  for  Chrifl  to 
doe  all  for  him.  And  then  if  after  faith,  the  Law  710  rule  to 
walke  by,  no  forrow  or  repentance  for  finne ;  he  mufi  not  he 
preffed  to  duties,  and  need  never  pray,  mileffe  moved  by  the 
Spirit:  A7id  if  he  fals  into  finne,  he  is  never  the  more  difi 
liked  of  God,  nor  his  co7idition  never  the  worfe .  And  for  his 
affurance,  it  bemg  given  him  by  the  Spirit,  he  mufi  never  let 
it  goe,  but  abide  in  the  height  of  comfort,  though  he  fals  into 
the  groffefi  finnes  that  he  can.  Then  their  way  to  life  was 
made  eafie,  if  fo,  710  marvell  fo  ma7ty  like  of  it. 

And  this  is  the  very  reafon,  befides  the  novelty  of  it,  that 

this 


75 


Preface. 

this  kind  of  doctrine  takes  fo  well  here  in  London,  and  other 
parts  of  the  Kingdome ,  and  that  you  fee  fo  many  dance  after 
this  pipe ,  running  after  fuch  and  fuch ,  crowding  the  Churches 
and filling  the  doores  and  windowes ,  even  fuch  carnall  and  vile 
perfons  ( many  of  them)  as  care  not  to  heare  any  other  godly 
Miniflers ,  but  onely  their  Leaders .  Oh,  it p leaf eth  nature  well 
to  have  Heaven ,  and  their  lufis  too. 

2.  Confider  their  Jl eights  they  ufed  in  fomenting  their 
Opinions  ;  fome  of  which  I  will  fet  downe  :  as 

1.  They  laboured  much  to  acquaint  themfclves  with  as 
many ,  as  pofsibly  they  could ,  that  fo  they  might  have  the  better 
opportunity  to  communicate  their  new  light  unto  them. 

2.  Being  once  acquainted  with  them ,  they  would firangely 
labour  to  infnuate  themf elves  into  their  ajfedlions ,  by  loving 
falutes ,  humble  carriage ,  kind  invitements ,  friendly  vifits ,  and 
fo  they  would  winne  upon  men ,  and  fieale  into  their  bofomes 
before  they  were  aware.  Yea ,  affoone  as  any  new-commers 
( efpecially ,  men  of  note ,  worth ,  and  activity,  fit  in/lruments  to 
adva?ice  their  defigne)  were  landed ,  they  would  be  fure  to  wel¬ 
come  them,  fiiew  them  all  court efie,  and  offer  them  roome  in 
their  owne  houfes,  or  of  fome  of  their  owne  Sell,  and  fo  hav- 
ing  gotten  them  into  their  Web,  they  could  eafily  poyfon  them 
by  degrees  ;  It  was  rare  for  any  man  thus  hooked  in,  to  efcape 
their  Leaven. 

3.  ( Becaufe  fuch  men  as  would  fedzice  others,  had  need  be 
fome  way  eminent)  they  would  appeare  very  humble,  holy,  and 
fpirituall  Chrifiians,  and  full  of  Chrifi ;  they  would  deny 
themf  elves  farre,f peake  excellently,  pray  with  fuch  foule-ravifh - 
ing  exprefsions  and  off  ell  ions,  that  a  firanger  that  loved  good - 
neffe,  could  not  but  love  and  admire  them,  and  fo  be  the  more 


76  The  Antinomical  Controverfy. 

eafily  drawne  after  them ;  looking  upon  them  as  men  and 
women  as  likely  to  know  the  fecrets  of  Chrifl ,  and  bofome- 
counfels  of  his  Spirit ,  as  aziy  other. 

A  nd  this  opinion  of  them  was  the  more  lifted  up  through 
the  fimplicitie  and  weakneffe  of  their  followers ,  who  would ',  in 
admiration  of  them ,  tell  others ,  that ,  fince  the  Apoftles  times , 
they  were  perfwaded,  none  ever  received  fo  much  light  from 
God ’  as  fuck  and  fuch  had  done ,  naming  their  Leaders. 

4.  would  lift  up  themf elves,  fo  alfo  their  Opinions , 
^  guilding  them  over  with  fpecious  termes  of  Free  Grace, 
glorious  light,  Gofpel  truths,  as  holding  forth  naked  Chrifl: : 
and  this  tooke  much  with  fimple  honefl  hearts  that  loved  Chrifl , 
efpecially  with  new  converts ,  who  were  lately  in  bondage  under 
finne  and  wrath ,  and  had  newly  taficd  the  fweetneffe  of  Free 
Grace  ;  being  now  in  their  firfi  love  to  Chrifl ,  they  were  ex¬ 
ceeding  glad  to  imbrace  any  thing ,  that  might  further  advance 
Chrifl  and  Free  Grace  ;  and  fo  drank  them  in  readily. 

5.  If  they  met  with  Chriflians  that  were  full  of  doubts 
and  feares  about  their  conditions ,  {as  many  tender  and  godly 
hearts  there  were)  they  would  tell  them,  they  had  never  taken 
a  right  courfe  for  comfort,  but  had  gone  on  (as  they  zvere  led) 
in  a  legall  way  of  evidencing  their  good  eflate  by  Sanctification, 
and  gazing  after  qualifications  in  themf elves ;  and  would /hew 
them  from  their  owne  experience,  that  themf  elves  for  a  long 
time  were  befooled  even  as  they  are  now,  in  poring  upon 
graces  in  themfelves,  and  while  they  did  fo  they  never  prof¬ 
fered,  but  were  driven  to  pull  all  that  building  downe ,  and 
lay  better  and  fafer  foundations  in  Free  Grace  ;  and  then 
would  tell  them  of  this  Gofpel-way  we  fpeake  of,  how  they 
might  come  to  fuch  a  fitted  peace  that  they  might  never  doubt 

more , 


77 


more,  though  they  JJiould  fee  no  grace  at  all  in  themfelves : 
and  fo  (as  it  is  faid  of  the  Harlots  dealing  with  the  young 
man ,  Prov.  7.  21.)  with  much  faire  fpeech  they  caufed  them 
to  yeeld ',  with  the  flattering  of  their  lips  they  forced  them . 

6.  They  commonly  laboured  to  worke  firft  itpon  women , 
being  (as  they  conceived )  the  weaker  to  refifi\  the  more  flexi¬ 
ble,  tender ;  and  ready  to  yeeld:  and  if  once  they  could  winde 
in  them,  they  hoped  by  them,  as  by  an  Eve,  to  catch  their  hus¬ 
bands  alfo,  which  indeed  often  proved  too  true  amongft  us 
there . 

7.  As  foone  as  they  had  thus  wrought  in  themfelves,  and  a 
good  conceit  of  their  Opinions ,  by  all  thefe  wayes  of  fubtilty, 
into  the  hearts  of  people ;  nextly  they  flrongly  endeavored 
with  all  the  craft  they  could,  to  undermine  the  good  Opinion 
of  their  Minifters,  and  their  doBrine,  and  to  worke  them 
cleane  out  of  their  affections,  telling  them  they  were  forry 
that  their  Teachers  had  fo  mifled  them,  and  trained  them 
up  under  a  Covenant  of  workes ,  and  that  themfelves  never 
having  beene  taught  of  God,  it  is  no  wonder  they  did  no  better 
teach  them  the  truth ,  and  how  they  may  ft  till  doomes  day 
under  their  legall  Sermons,  and  never  fee  light ;  and  withall 
fometimes  cafling  afperfions  on  their  perfons,  and  praBife, 
as  well  as  their  do  Brine,  to  bring  them  quite  out  of  efeeme 
with  them.  And  this  they  did  fo  effeBually,  that  many  de¬ 
clined  the  hearing  of  them ,  though  they  were  members  of 
their  Churches,  and  others  that  did  heare,  were  fo  filled  with 
prejudice  that  they  profited  not,  but  fludied  how  to  objeB 
againfi  them,  and  cenfure  their  doBrine,  which  (whiles  they 
flood  right)  was  wont  to  make  their  hearts  to  melt  and 
tremble . 

Yea, 


78  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Yea ,  fome  that  had  beene  begotten  to  Chriji  by  fome  of  their 
faithfull  labours  in  this  Land ,  for  whom  they  could  have 
laid  downe  their  lives ,  and  not  being  able  to  beare  their  ab - 
fence,  followed  after  them  thither  to  New- Engl  and  to  injoy 
their  labours ;  yet  thefe  falling  acquainted  with  thofe  Seducers , 
were  fuddenly  fo  altered  in  their  affections  towards  thofe  their 
fpirituall  fathers ,  that  they  would  neither  heare  them ,  nor 
willingly  come  in  their  company ,  prof  effing  they  had  never 
received  any  good  from  the?n. 

8.  They  would  not ,  till  they  knew  men  well \  z?/z?zz  //z<?  whole 
myflery  of  their  new  Religion  to  them ,  but  this  was  ever  their 
method ,  to  drop  a  little  at  once  into  their  followers  as  they 
were  capable ,  zzzzz/  never  would  admmifler  their  Phyjicke ,  Zz*// 
//z^y  /zzzzY  yf/y?  given  good  preparatives  to  make  it  worke ,  zzzzzY 
then  flronger  &  flronger  potions ,  zw  Z/£^y  found  the  Patient 
able  to  beare. 

9.  77z^y  would  in  company  now  and  then  let  fall  fome  of 
their  mofl  plaufble  errors ,  as  a  bait  let  downe  to  catch  withall\ 
now  if  any  began  to  nibble  at  the  baite,  they  would  angle  fill, 
and  never  give  over  till  they  had  caught  them ;  but  if  any 
fhould  efpie  the  naked  hooke ,  and  fo  fee  their  danger ,  and  pro - 
feffe  againft  the  opinions ,  then  you  fhould  have  them  fairely 
retreat ,  &  fay ,  YVzzy?  miflake  me  not ,  _/z?r  /  zzW  meane  even 
as  you  doe ,  j/z?zz  zzzzz/  /  zzr^  both  of  one  minde  in  fubfance ,  and 
differ  onely  in  words :  By  this  kinde  of  Jefuiticall  dealing , 
//z^y  did  not  onely  keepe  their  credit  with  them ,  zw  z^/z  //zzz/ 
held  nothing  but  the  truth ;  but  gained  this  alfo ,  z/z’2.  zYzzzzf 
when,  afterwards ,  zYzz^/  fhould  heare  thofe  me7i  taxed  for  hold¬ 
ing  errors ,  //zz?y  would  be  ready  to  defejid  them,  a7id  fay ,  ( out 
of  their  fimplicity  of  heart)  Such  me7i  hold  nothmg  but  truth , 

for 


for  I  my  felfe  once  judged  of  them,  even  as  you  doe ,  but  when 
/  heard  them  explaine  them/ elves ,  they  and  I  were  both  one : 
By  this  Machivilian  policy ,  ///<?/£  dehiders  were  reputed  found 
in  their  judgements ,  and  fo  were  able  to  doe  the  more  hurt , 
ze/m?  longer  undetected. 

10.  What  men  they  faw  eminent  in  the  Country ,  and  of 
mofl  efleeme  in  the  hearts  of  the  People ,  they  would  be  Jure 
Jlill ,  to  father  their  opinions  upon  them ,  and  fay ,  I  hold 
nothing  but  what  I  had  from  fuch  and  fuch  a  man ,  whereas 
their  judgemenes  a7id  exprefsions  alfo  were  in  truth ,  farre 
differing  from  theirs  upon  point  of  try  all \  but  if  it  came  to 
paffe ,  that  they  were  brought  face  to  face  to  make  it  good,  (as 
fometimes  they  have  beene)  they  would  winde  out  with  fome 
evafeon  or  other,  or  elfe  fay,  I  underflood  him  fo :  for  it  was 
fo  frequent  with  them  to  have  many  darke  fhadowes  and 
colours  to  cover  their  opinions  and  exprefsions  withall \  that 
it  was  a  wonderfull  hard  matter  to  take  them  tardy,  or  to 
know  the  bottome  of  what  they  faid  or  fealed. 

11.  But  the  lafl  and  worfl  of  all,  which  mofl  fuddainly 
dijfufed  the  venome  of  thefe  opinions  into  the  very  veines  and 
vitalls  of  the  People  in  the  Country,  was  Miflris  Hutch infons 
double  weekely-leClu re}  which  fhe  kept  under  a  pretence  of  re¬ 
peating  Sermons,  to  which  reforted  fun  dry  of  Bofton,  and 
other  Townes  about,  to  the  number  of  fifty,fixty,  or  eighty  at 
once ;  where,  after  fhe  had  repeated  the  Sermon,  fhe  would 
make  her  cojnment  upon  it,  vent  her  mifchievous  opinions  as 

fhe  pleafed,  and  wreathed  the  Scriptures  to  her  owne  purpofe ; 
where  the  cuflome  was  for  her  Scholars  to  propoimd  queflions , 
and fhe  (gravely  fitting  in  the  chaire )  did  make  anfwers  there¬ 
unto, . 


* 


1  Infra,  p.  161,  n. 


8o 


The  Antinomian  Controverjy. 

unto .  The  great  refpecl  Jhe  had  at  firji  in  the  hearts  of  all \ 
and  her  profitable  and  fober  carriage  of  matters}  for  a  time, 
made  this  her  praclife  leffe  fufpecled  by  the  godly  Magifirates, 
and  Elders  of  the  Church  there,  fo  that  it  was  winked  at, 
for  a  time,  ( though  afterward  reproved  by  the  Affembly  and 
called  into  Court)  but  it  held  fo  long,  untill fhe  had  fpread  her 
leavin  fo  farre ,  that  had  not  providence  prevented,  it  had 
proved  the  Canker  of  our  Peace,  and  mine  of  our  comforts. 

By  all  thefe  meanes  and  cunning  fleights  they  ufed,  it  came 
about  that  thofe  errors  were  fo  foone  conveyed,  before  we  were 
aware,  not  onely  into  the  Church  of  Bofton,  where  mofl  of 
thefe  feducers  lived,  but  alfo  into  almofi  all  the  parts  of  the 
Country,  round  about. 

Thefe  Opinions  being  thus  fpread,  and  growne  to  their  full 
ripeneffe  and  latitude,  through  the  nimbleneffe  and  activity  of 
their  fomenters,  began  now  to  lift  up  their  heads  full  high, 
to  flare  us  in  the  face ,  and  to  confront  all  that  oppofed  them. 

And  that  which  added  vigour  and  boldneffe  to  them  was 
this,  that  now  by  this  time  they  had  fome  of  all  forts,  and 
quality,  in  all  places  to  defend  and  Patronife  them',  Some  of 
the  Magifirates,  fome  Gentlemen,  fome  Scholars,  and  men  of 
learning,  fome  Burgeffies  of  our  Ge7ierall  Court,  fome  of  ozir 
Captaincs  and  Souldiers ,  fome  chief e  men  in  Townes ,  and 
fome  men  eminent  for  Religion ,  parts  and  wit }  So  that 
wherefoever  the  cafe  of  the  Opinio7is  came  in  agitation,  there 
wa7ited  not  Patrons  to  fia7id  up  to  plead  for  them ;  a7id  if  any 
of  the  Opi7iio7iifis  were  complained  of  in  the  Courts  for  their 
77iifdemca7iers,  or  brought  before  the  Churches  for  conviction 
or  ce7ifure,flill,  fome  or  other  of  that  party  would  7iot  onely 

fufpe7id 
2  Infra,  pp.  161,  163. 


1  Infra,  pp.  158.  356. 


8 1 


fufpend  giving  their  vote  againji  them ,  but  would  labour  to 
jujlijie  them,  fide  with  them ,  and  protejl  againji  any  fentence 
that  Jhould  pajje  upon  them ,  and  fo  be  ready ,  720/  to 

harden  the  Delinquent  againji  all  meanes  of  conviction,  but 
to  raife  a  mutinie,  if  the  major  part  Jhould  carry  it  againji 
them  ;  fo  in  T ownc-mee tings,  Military -trainings,  and  all 
other  focieties ,  yea  almojl  in  every  family,  it  was  hard  if  that 
fome  or  other  were  not  ready  to  rife  up  in  defence  of  them, 
even  as  of  the  apple  of  their  owne  eye} 

Now,  oh  their  boldneffe,  pride,  infolency,  alienations  from 
their  old  and  dearejl  friends,  the  dijlurbances,  divijions,  conten¬ 
tions  they  raifed  amongfl  us,  both  in  Church  and  State,  and 
in  families,  fetting  divjion  betwixt  hufband  and  wife  l 

Oh  the  fore  cenfures  againji  all  forts  that  oppofed  them,  and 
the  contempt  they  cajl  upon  our  godly  Magijlrates ,  Churches, 
Miniflers,  and  all  that  were  fet  over  them,  when  they  flood  in 
their  way  ! 

Now  the  faithfull  Miniflers  of  Chrijl  mufl  have  dung  cajl 
on  their  faces,  and  be  no  better  then  legall  Preachers,  Baals 
Pricfts,  Popifh  Factors,  Scribes,  Pharifees,  and  Oppofers  of 
Chrijl  himfelfe. 

Now  they  mufl  be  pointed  at,  as  it  were  with  the  finger, 
and  reproached  by  name,  Such  a  Church  officer  is  an  ignorant 
man,  and  knowes  not  Chrijl ;  fuch  an  one  is  under  a  Covenant 
of  workes ;  fuch  a  Pajlor  is  a  proud  man,  and  would  make  a 
good  perfecutor ;  fuch  a  Teacher  is  grojfely  Popifh ;  fo  that 
through  thefe  reproaches  occafion  was  given  to  men  to  abhorre 
the  offerings  of  the  Lord. 

N  w,  one  of  them  in  a  folemne  convention  of  Miniflers  dared 

to 


1  Infra,  p.  161,  n. 
1 1 


82 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

to  fay  to  their  faces ,  that  they  did  7iot  preach  the  Covenant 
of  Free  Grace,  and  that  they  themf elves  had  not  the  feale  of 
the  Spirit ,  &cl 

Now ,  after  our  Sermons  were  ended  at  our  pub  like  LeClures , 
you  might  have  feene'  halfe  a  dozen  Pifiols  difcharged  at  the 
face  of  the  Preacher ,  (/  meane)  fo  many  objections  made  by 
the  opinionifls  in  the  open  A jfembly  againft  our  doClrine  de¬ 
livered ,  if  it  fuited  not  their  new  fancies ,  to  the  marvellous 
weakning  of  holy  truths  delivered  ( what  in  them  lay)  in  the 
hearts  of  all  the  weaker  fort\  and  this  done  not  once  and 
away ,  but  from  day  to  day  after  our  Sermons ;  yea,  they 
would  come  when  they  heard  a  Minifter  was  upon  fuch  a  point 
as  was  like  to  flrike  at  their  opinions ,  with  a  purpofe  to  oppofe 
him  to  his  face. 

Now,  you  might  have  feene  many  of  the  Opinionifls  rifing 
up,  and  contemptuoufly  turning  their  backs  upon  the  faithfull 
P  aft  or  of  that  Church,  and  gomg  forth  from  the  A Jfembly 
when  he  began  to  pray  or  preach .2 

Now,  you  might  have  read  Epiftles  of  defiance  and  chal¬ 
lenge,  written  to  fome  Minifters  after  their  Sermons,  to  croffe 
ana  contradict  truths  by  them  delivered,  and  to  maintaine 
their  owne  way. 

Now,  might  one  have  frequently  heard,  both  in  Court  and 
Church-meetings,  where  they  were  dealt  withall \  about  their 
Opinions,  and  exorbitant  carriages,  fuch  bold  and  menacing 
exprefsions  as  thefe. 

This  /  hold,  and  will  hold  to  my  death,  and  will  maintaine 
it  with  my  bloud.  A  nd  if  I  cannot  be  heard  here ,  I  muft  be 
forced  to  take  fome  other  courfe .3 

They 

1  Infra,  pp.  134,  141,  164,  195,  196.  2  Infra,  pp.  132,  370-372. 

3  Infra,  p.  150. 


They  faid  moreover  what  they  would  doe  againjl  us  ( biting 
heir  words  in)  when  fuck  and  fuck  opportunities  Jhould  be 
offered  to  them ,  as  they  daily  expected.  Infomuch  that  we  had 
rreat  caufe  to  have  feared  the  extremity  of  danger  from  them , 
n  cafe  power  had  beene  in  their  hands . 

Now,  you  might  have  heard  one  of  them  preaching  a  mofl 
iangerous  Sermon  in  a  great  A jfembly ; 1  when  he  divided  the 
vhole  Country  into  two  ranks,  fome  (that  were  of  his  Opinion) 
mder  a  Covenant  of  Grace,  and  thofe  were  friends  to  Chrift', 
others  under  a  Covenant  of  Workes,  whom  they  might  knozv 
y  this,  if  they  evidence  their  good  eflate  by  their  Sandlifica- 
’ ion :  thofe  were  (faid  he)  enemies  to  Chrift,  Herods,  Pilates, 
Scribes  and  Pharifees,  yea,  A  ntichrifts ;  and  advifed  all  under 
i  Covenant  of  Grace,  to  looke  upon  them  as  fuch,  and  did, 
with  great  zeale,  flimulate  them  to  deale  with  them  as  they 
vould  with  fuch  :  And  withall  alleadging  the  Story  of  Mofes 
hat  killed  the  Egyptian ,  barely  left  it  fo  :  I  mention  not  this 
m  any  thing,  in  the  leaf  degree ,  to  reflect  upon  this  man,  or 
any  other',  for  God  hath  long  fince  opened  his  eyes  (I  hope.) 
But  to  phew  what  racket  thefe  Opinions  did  make  there,  and 
will  any  where  elfe  where  they  get  an  head. 

Now,  might  you  have  feene  open  contempt  cafi  upon  the  face 
f  the  whole  generall  Court  in  fubtile  words  to  this  very  effect. 
That  the  Magif  rates  were  Ahabs,  Amaziahs,  Scribes  and 
Dharifees,  enemies  to  Chrifl,  led  by  Satan,  that  old  enemy  of 
Sree  Grace,  and  that  it  were  better  that  a  Milflone  were  hung 
ibout  their  necks,  and  they  were  drowned  in  the  Sea,  then  they 
fhould  cenfure  one  of  their  judgement .  which  they  were  now 
about  to  doe . 

A  nother 

1  Tiifra,  pp.  133,  134,  1 41,  203-204. 


84  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Another  of  them  you  might  have  feene  fo  audacioufly  info- 
lent ,  and  highflowne  in  fpirit  and  fpeech ,  that  fhe  bade  the 
Court  of  Magifirates  ( when  they  were  about  to  cenfure  her  for 
her  pernicious  carriages')  Take  heed  what  they  did  to  her,  for 
fhe  knew  by  an  infallible  revelation ,  that  for  this  alt  which 
they  were  about  to  paffe  againft  her ,  God  would  mine  them , 
their  Poflerity ,  and  that  whole  Common-wealthi 

By  a  little  tafi  of  a  few  paffages  in  ftead  of  multitudes  here 
prefen  led,  you  may  fee  what  an  height  they  were  growne  unto 
in  a  fhort  time ;  and  what  a  fpirit  of  pride,  infolency,  con¬ 
tempt  of  authority,  divifion,  J edition  they  were  aTted  by :  It 
was  a  wonder  of  mercy  that  they  had  not  fet  our  Common * 
wealth  and  Churches  on  a  fire,  and  confumed  us  all  therein. 

They  being  mounted  to  this  height,  and  carried  with  fuch  a 
firong  hand  (as  you  have  heard, )  and  feeing  a  fpirit  of  pride, 
fubtilty,  malice,  and  contempt  of  all  men,  that  were  not  oj 
their  minds,  breathing  in  than  ( our  hearts  f added,  and  om 
fpirits,  tyred)  wee  fighed  and  groaned  to  Heaven,  we  humbled 
our  foules  by  prayer  and  fafiing,  that  the  Lord  would  find 
out  a7id  bleffe  fome  meanes  and  wayes  for  the  cure  of  this  fore, 
a7id  deliver  his  fruth  and  our  f elves  from  this  heavie  bo7idage. 
Which  ( when  his  owne  time  was  come)  he  hearkened  imto,  a7ia 
i7i  infinite  Tnercy  looked  7ipon  our  fo7'rowes,  and  did,  in  a 
wo7/iderfull  manner,  beyond  all  expeliatio7i  free  us  by  thefe 
mea7tes  following. 

1 .  He  fiirred  up  all  the  Minifiers  fpirits  in  the  Countrey  to 
preach  againft  thofe  errors,  a7id  praTtifes  that  fo  much  pef 
tered  the  Countrey,  to  informe,  to  co7ifute,  to  rebuke,  &c. 
thereby  to  C7ire  thofe  that  were  difeafed  already,  and  to  give 

Antidotes 


1  Infra,  p.  176. 


85 


Preface. 

Antidotes  to  the  reft,  to  preferve  them  from  infection.  And 
though  this  ordinance  went  not  without  its  appointed  ejfeSt ,  in 
the  latter  refpedt ,  yet  we  found  it  not  fo  effectual l  for  the  driv¬ 
ing  away  of  this  infection,  as  we  defined ,  for  they  ( moft  of 
them )  hardned  their  faces ,  and  bent  their  wits  how  to  oppofe 
and  con  fir  me  themf elves  in  their  way. 

2.  We  fpent  much  time  and  ftrength  in  conference  with 
them,  fometimes  in  private  before  the  Elders  onely,  fometimes 
in  our  pub  like  Congregation  for  all  comers',  many,  very  many 
houres  and  halfe  dayes  together  we  fpent  therein  to  fee  if  any 
meanes  might  prevaile ;  we  gave  them  free  leave,  with  all  len¬ 
ity  and  patience,  to  lay  downe  what  they  could  fay  for  their 
Opinions,  and  anfwered  them,  from  point  to  point,  and  then 
brought  cleare  arguments  from  evident  Scriptures  againft 
them,  and  put  them  to  anfwer  us  even  untill  they  were  often¬ 
times  brought  to  be  either  filent,  or  driven  to  deny  common 
principles,  orfhuffle  off  plaine  Scripture',  and  yet  ( fuch  was 
their  pride  and  hardneffe  of  heart  that)  they  would  not  yee Id 
t’o  the  truth,  but  did  tell  us  they  would  take  time  to  confider 
of  our  arguments,  and  in  meane  fpace  meeting  with  fome  of 
their  abetters,  ftrengthened  themfelves  againe  in  their  old  way, 
that  when  we  dealt  with  them  next  time,  we  found  them  fur¬ 
ther  off  then  before,  fo  that  our  hopes  began  to  languifh  of 
reducing  them  by  private  meanes . 

3.  Then  we  had  an  A jfembly  of  all  the  Minifters  and  learned 
men  in  the  whole  Countrey,  which  held  for  three  weekes  to¬ 
gether,  at  Cambridge  ( then  called  New-Towne)  Mr.  Hooker1 

and 

1  The  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker  was  arrived  in  Bofton  September  4,  1633, 
born  at  Markfield  in  Leicefter  County,  and  died  at  Hartford,  Conn.,  July  7, 
Rngland,  probably  on  July  7,  1586;  he  1647.  There  is  an  account  of  him  in 

the 


86  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


and  Mr.  Bulkley 1  ( alias  Buckley)  being  chofen  Moderatours 
or  Proloquutors ,  the  Magifirates  fitting prefent  all  that  lime 
as  hearers ,  and fpeakers  alfo  zvhen  they  fiaw  fit :  a  liberty  alfi 
was  given  to  any  of  the  Countrey  to  come  in  and  heare ,  (it 
being  appointed,  in  great  part,  for  the  fatis faction  of  the 
people)  and  a  place  was  appointed  for  all  the  Opinionifis  tc 
come  in,  and  take  liberty  of  fpeech,  ( onely  due  order  obferved 
as  much  as  any  of  our  f elves  had,  and  as  freely. 

The  firfi  weeke  we  fpent  in  con  fit  ting  the  loofe  opinions  that 
we  gathered  up  in  the  Country,  the  fumme  of  which  is  fit 
downe,  pag.  i.  &c.  The  other  fortnight  we  fpent  in  a  plaint 
Syllogifiicall  difpute,  (ad  vulgus  as  much  as  might  be)  gather 
ing  up  nine  of  the  chief efi  points,  (on  which  the  reft  depended] 
and  difputed  of  them  all  in  order,  pro  and  con.  In  the  fore • 
noones  we  framed  our  arguments,  and  in  the  afternoones  pro¬ 
duced  them  in  publick,  and  next  day  the  A  dv  erf  ary  gave  in 

then 


the  Magnalia  (B.  III.  P.  I.  Appen¬ 
dix),  and  notices  will  be  found  in  all 
the  biographical  cyclopedias.  A  felec- 
tion  from  his  works,  together  with  a 
memoir  of  his  life,  was  publifhed  in  1849 
by  his  defcendant,  the  Rev.  Edward 
W.  Hooker.  More  recently  (1891)  a 
life  of  him  by  George  Leon  Walker  has 
been  included  in  the  popular  Makers 
of  America  feries  ;  to  this  life  is  ap¬ 
pended  a  bibliography  of  Hooker’s 
publifhed  works,  prepared  by  Dr.  J. 
Hammond  Trumbull. 

1  The  Rev.  Peter  Bulkeley,  firft 
minifter  of  the  Concord  church.  Born 
in  England,  January  31,  1583,  he  came 
to  New  England  in  1635,  and  died  at 
Concord,  March  9,  1659.  In  his  Con¬ 
cord  Centennial  difcourfe  (1835),  Ralph 
Waldo  Emerfon  referred  to  Mr.  Bulke¬ 


ley  as  “  defcended  from  a  noble  family, 
honored  for  his  own  virtues,  his  learn¬ 
ing,  and  gifts  as  a  preacher,  and  adding 
to  his  influence  the  weight  of  a  large: 
eftate  ”  ;  and  of  him  Savage  fays,  in  his 
notes  to  Winthrop  (Vol.  I.  p.  *167): 
“  The  character  of  Rev.  Peter  Bulkley  is 
fo  well  known  by  the  reader  of  our  early 
books,  and  the  labors  of  Eliot  and  Allen 
have  fo  fuccefsfully  transferred  to  their 
pages  the  truth,  which  a  fucceffion  of 
reverend  defendants  had  preferved, 
that  it  were  fupererogation  for  me  to 
enlarge  this  note.”  A  notice  of  the  life 
and  writings  of  Mr.  Bulkeley  is  con¬ 
tained  in  Shattuck’s  Hijiory  of  Co7icord 
(chap.  x.).  Cotton  Mather  devotes  to 
him  one  chapter  of  the  Magnalia 
(B.  III.  P.  II.  chap.  x.). 


their  anfwers ,  and  produced  alfo  their  arguments  on  the  fame 
queftions ;  then  we  anfwered  them ,  and  replyed  alfo  upon  them 
the  next  day .  Thefe  difputes  are  not  mentioned  at  all  in  the 
following  difcourfe ,  happily ,  becaufe  of  the  fwelling  of  the 
booke .  6W  much  prefent  with  his  Servants ,  truth  be- 
ganne  to  get  ground,  and  the  adverfe  party  to  be  at  a  ft  and, 
but  after  difcourfe  amongft  themfelves,ftill  they  hardened  one 
another ,  yet  the  worke  of  the  A  ffembly  ( through  Gods  blefsing ) 
gamed  much  on  the  hearers,  that  were  indifferent,  to  ftrengthen 
them,  and  on  many  wavering,  to  fettle  them :  the  error  of  the 
opinions  and  wilfulneffe  of  their  maintainers  laid  ftarke 
naked. 

4.  Then  after  this  meane  was  tryed,  and  the  Magiftrates 
faw  that  neither  our  Preaching,  Conference,  nor  yet  our  Af 
fembly  meeting  did  effeTt  the  cure,  but  that,ftill,  after  confer - 
ence  had  together,  the  Leaders  put  ftch  life  into  the  reft,  that 
1 they  all  went  on  in  their  former  courfe,  not  onely  to  difturbe 
the  Churches,  but  miferably  interrupt  the  civill  Peace,  and 
that  they  threw  contempt  both  upon  Courts,  and  Churches, 
and  began  now  to  raife  fedition  amongft  us,  to  the  indanger- 
ing  the  Common-wealth  ;  Hereupon  for  thefe  grounds  named, 
( and  not  for  their  opinions,  as  them] 'elves  falfely  reported,  and 
as  our  godly  Magiftrates  have  beene  much  traduced  here  in 
England )  for  thefe  reafons  (I  fay)  being  civill  difturbances, 
the  Magiftrate  convents  them,  (as  it  plaine  appeares,  pag.  28, 
29 .of  this  booke )  and  cenfures  them  ;  fome  were  disfranchifed, 
others  fined,  the  incurable  amongft  them  banifhed. 

This  was  an  other  meane  of  their  fubduing,  fome  of  the 
leaders  being  downe,  and  others  gone,  the  reft  were  weakned, 
but  yet  they  (for  all  this) ftrongly  held  up  their  heads  many 
a  t  day  after . 


5 .  Then 


88 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

5.  Then  God  himfelfe  was  p leafed  to  Jlep  in  with  his  cafl- 
ing  voice ,  and  bring  in  his  owne  vote  and  fuffrage  from 
heaven ,  by  tejiifying  his  difpleafure  againjl  their  opinions  and 
praftifes ,  as  ctearety  as  if  he  had  pointed  with  his  finger ,  in 
caufing  the  two  fomenting  women  in  the  time  of  the  height  of 
the  Opinions  to  produce  out  of  their  wombs ,  as  before  they  had 
out  of  their  braines ,  fuch  monfirous  births  as  no  Chronicle 
(I  thinke )  hardly  ever  recorded  the  like .  Mifiris  Dier  brought 
forth  her  birth  of  a  woman  child ,  a  fifh ,  a  beafi ,  <2;^  #  fowle , 
<2//  woven  together  in  one ,  <2/2^  without  an  head,  as  pa g.  44. 
defcribes ,  to  which  I  referre  the  reader . 

Mifiris  Hutch ifon  being  big  with  child,  and  growing 
towards  the  time  of  her  labour,  as  other  women  doe,  fhe 
brought  forth  not  one,  (as  Mifiris  Dier  did)  but  (which  was 
more  firange  to  amazement)  30.  monfirous  births  or  there¬ 
abouts,  at  once\  fome  of  them  bigger,  fome  leffer,  fome  of  one 
fhape,  fome  of  another ;  few  of  any  per  fed  fhape,  none  at  all 
of  them  (as  farre  as  I  could  ever  learne)  of  humane  fhape. 1 

Thefe  things  are  fo  firange,  that  I  am  almofi  loath  to  be  the 
reporter  of  them,  left  I fhould  feeme  to  f eigne  a  new  fiory,  and 
not  to  relate  an  old  one,  but  I  have  learned  otherwife  (bleffed 
be  his  name)  then  to  dehide  the  world  with  untruths. 

And  thefe  things  are  fo  well  knowne  in  New  England,  that 
they  have  becne  made  ufe  of  in  publike,  by  the  reverend  Teacher 
of  Bofton,  and  tefiified  by  fo  many  letters  to  friends  here,  tha< 
the  things  are  p aft  quefiion. 

And  fee  how  the  w  if  dome  of  God  fitted  this  judgement  t< 
her  finne  every  way,  for  looke  as  fhe  had  vented  mifhapen  op-n 
ions,  fo  fhe  mufi  bring  forth  deformed  monfiers ;  and  as  abou 

T 

1  Vide  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  pp.  *271-* 272;  infra ,  pp  187-190. 


30.  Opinions  in  number ,  fo  many  monjiers  ;  and  as  thofe  were 
pub  like,  and  not  in  a  corner  me7itioned,  fo  this  is  now  come 
to  be  knowne  and  famous  over  all  thefe  Churches,  and  a  great 
part  of  the  world. 

A  nd  though  he  that  runnes  may  read  their  finne  in  thefe 
judgements ;  yet,  behold  the  defperate  and Jlupendous  hardneffe 
of  heart  in  thefe  perfons  and  their  followers,  who  were  fo 
farre  from  feeing  the  finger  of  God  in  all  thefe  dreadfull  paf 
fages,  that  they  turned  all  from  themfelves  upon  the  faithfull 
fervants  of  God  that  laboured  to  reclaime  them,  faying : 

This  is  for  you,  yee  legalifis,  that  your  eyes  might  be  further 
blinded,  by  Gods  hand  tip  on  us,  in  your  legall  wayes,  and 
J tumble  and  fall,  and  in  the  end  breake  your  necks  into  Hell ’ 
if  yee  imbrace  not  the  truth. 

Now  I  am  tip  on  Mifiris  Hutchifons  fiory,  I  will  digreffe 
a  little  to  give  you  a  further  tafi  of  her  fpirit,  viz.  After  fhe 
was  gone  from  us  to  the  Hand,  the  Church  of  Bolton  fent 
unto  her  foure  of  their  members,  ( men  of  a  lovely  and  winning 
fpirit,  as  mofi  likely  to  prevaile)  to  fee  if  they  could  convince 
and  reduce  her,  according  to  2  Thef.  3.  13.  When  they  came 
firfi  unto  her,  fhe  afked  from  whom  they  came,  and  what 
was  their  bufineffe ;  They  anfwered,  We  are  come  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord  Jefus,  from  the  Church  of  Chrifi  at  Bolton,  to 

labour  to  convince  you  of  &c. - At  that  word fhe  ( being 

filled  with  as  much  difdaine  in  her  countenance,  as  bitterneffe 
in  her  fpirit)  replied,  What,  from  the  Church  at  Bolton  ?  / 

know  no  fuch  Church,  neither  will  I owne  it,  call  it  the  Whore 
and  Strumpet  of  Bolton,  no  Church  of  Chrifi',  fo  they  faid 
no  more,  feeing  her  fo  defperate,  but  returned. 1  Behold  the 
fpirit  of  errour,  to  what  a  paffe  it  drives  a  man  ! 


1  Infra ,  p.  398. 


This 


90 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

This  loud-f peaking  providence  from  Heaven  in  • the  me » 
Jiers ,  did  much  awaken  many  of  their  followers  ( efpecially  l 
tenderer  fort )  to  attend  Gods  meaning  therein  ;  and  made  the 
at  fuch  a  ft  and,  that  they  dared  not  ft  eight  fo  manifeft  a  fig 
from  Heaven ,  that  from  that  time  we  found  many  of  their 
cares  boared  (as  they  had  good  caufe )  to  attend  to  counfell ',  b, 
others  yet  followed  them . 

6.  The  laft  ftroke  that  flew  the  Opinions ,  was  the  falli% 
away  of  their  Leaders. 

1.  Into  more  hideous  and  foule-deftroying  delufions ,  whit 
mine  (indeed)  all  Religion ;  as,  that  the  foules  of  men  a> 
mortall  like  the  beafts. 

That  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  inherent  righteoufneffe . 

That  thefe  bodies  of  ours  fhall  not  rife  againe. 

That  their  owne  revelations  of  particular  events  were  a 
infallible  as  the  Scripture,  &c. 

2.  They  alfo  grew  (many  of  them)  very  loofe  and  degenerai 
in  their  praRifes  (for  thefe  Opinions  will  certainly  produce  < 
filthy  life  by  degrees )  As  no  prayer  in  their  families,  no  Sal 
bath,  inf upf enable  pride,  frequent  and  hideous  lying',  diverj 
of  them  being  proved  guilty,  fome  of  five,  other  of  ten  grof/ 
lies ;  another  falling  into  a  lie ,  God  fmote  him  in  the  very  afi 
that  he  funke  downe  into  a  deepe  fwoune,  and  being  by  ho* 
waters  recovered,  and  comming  to  himfelfe,  faid,  Oh  God,  tlioi 
mightft  have ftrucke  me  dead,  as  Ananias  and  Saphira .for  . 
have  maintained  a  lie.  Miftris  Hutchifon  and  others  caj 
out  of  the  Church  for  lying,  and  fome  guilty  of  fouler  finne 
then  all  thefe,  which  I  here  name  not. 1 

1  The  reference  is  to  Captain  John  nection  with  thefe  troubles,  and  hi 
Underhill,  in  regard  to  whom,  his  con-  fubfequent  confeffions  and  experience: 

via  ■' 


91 


Preface . 

Thefe  things  exceedingly  amazed  their  followers ,  ( efpecially 
fuch  as  were  led  after  them  in  the  fimplicity  of  their  hearts , 
as  many  were)  and  now  they  began  to  fee  that  they  were 
deluded  by  them . 

A  great  while  they  did  not  beleeve  that  Miflris  Hutchifon 
and  fome  others  did  hold  fuch  things  as  they  were  taxed  for , 
but  when  themfelves  heard  her  defending  her  twenty  nine 
curfed  opinions  in  Bofton  Church ,  and  there  falling  into 
fear  full  lying ,  with  an  impudent  fore- head  in  the  open  A ffem- 
bly ,  then  they  beleeved  what  before  they  could  not ,  and  were 
af  tamed  before  God  and  men ,  that  ever  they  were  fo  led  afede 
from  the  Lord  and  his  truth ,  and  the  godly  Counfell  of  their 
faithfull  M infers,  by  fuch  an  Impofler  as  fie  was. 

Now  no  man  could  lay  more  upon  them ,  then  they  would 
upon  themfelves ,  in  their  acknowledgment } 

Many  after  this  came  unto  us,  who  before  flew  from  us, 
with  fuch  defires  as  thofe  in  Aft.  2.  Men  and  brethren  what 
fhall  we  doe  ?  and  did  willingly  take  fhame  to  themfelves  in 
the  open  Affemblies  by  confefsing  ( fome  of  them  with  many 
teares)  how  they  had  given  offence  to  the  Lord  and  his  people, 
by  departing  from  the  truth,  and  being  led  by  a  fpirit  of 
error,  their  alienation  from  their  brethren  in  their  affeflions, 
and  their  crooked  and  per v erf e  walking  in  contempt  of  author¬ 
ity,  flighting  the  Churches,  and  defpifing  the  counfell  of  their 
godly  Teachers. 

Now  they  would  freely  dif cover  the  fleights  the  Adverfaries 
had  ufed  to  undermine  them  by,  and  fteale  away  their  eyes 
from  the  truth  and  their  brethren,  which  before  ( whiles  their 

hearts 

vide  Savage’s  Wi?ithrop,  pagan,  and  1  The  reference  is  to  Cotton.  Vide 
Adams’s  Three  Epifodes  (Vol.  II.  pp.  Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  p.  *253. 

55 1-  558)  ;  alfo,  vifra ,  pp.  180-182. 


92 


The  Antinoniian  Controverfy . 

hearts  were  Jieled )  they  could  not  fee.  A  nd  the  fruit  of  this 
was ,  great  praife  to  the  Lord ,  who  had  thus  wonderfully 
wrought  matters  about ;  gladneffe  in  all  our  hearts  and  faces , 
exprefsions  of  our  renued  affections  by  receiving  them 
againe  into  our  bofomes ,  <2/^  from  that  time  untill  now  have 
walked  ( according  to  their  renued  Covenants)  humbly  and 
lovingly  amongfi  us,  holding  forth  Truth  and  Peace  with 

But  for  the  ref,  which  ( n  otwithfta  n  ding  all  thefe  meanes  of 
conviction  from  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  example  of  their 
feduced  brethrens  returne)  yet  food  obdurate,  yea  more  hardned 
(as  we  had  caufe  to  feare)  then  before',  we  converted  thofe  of 
them  that  were  members  before  the  Churches,  and  yet,  laboured 
once  and  againe  to  convince  them,  not  onely  of  their  errors , 
but  alfo  of  fundry  exorbitant  praCtifes  which  they  had  fallen 
into ;  as  manifeft  Pride ,  contempt  of  authority,  negleCling  to 
feare  the  Church,  and  lying,  &c.  but  after  no  meanes  pre¬ 
vailed,  we  were  driven  with  fad  hearts  to  give  them  up  to 
Satan:  Yet  not  fimply  for  their  Opinions  (for  which  I  find 
we  have  beene  fianderoufiy  traduced)  but  the  chief  eft  caufe  of 
their  cenfure  was  their  mif carriages  (as  have  beene  f aid)  per- 
fified  in  with  great  obftinacy. 

The  perfons  cafi  out  of  the  Churches,  were  about  nine  or 
ten,  as  farre  as  I  can  reme7nber ;  who,  for  a  fpace,  continued 
very  hard  and  impenitent,  but  afterward  fome  of  them  were 
received  into  fellowfhip  againe,  upon  their  repentance. 

Thefe  perfons  cafi  out,  a7id  the  refi  of  the  Ringleaders  that 
had  received fentence  of  banifhment,  with  many  others  infeCted 
by  them,  that  were  neither  ce7ifured  in  Court,  7tor  in  Churches, 
went  all  together  out  of  our  jur if diCtion  a7id  precindt  into  an 

Ila7id 


93 


Hand. ',  called  Read- 1  land,  ( fur  named  by  fonte ,  Ike  Hand  of 
errors)  and  there  they  live  to  this  day,  mofl  of  them,  but  in 
great  flrife  and  contention  in  the  civ  ill  eflate  and  otherwife, 
hatching  and  multiplying  new  Opinions,  and  cannot  agree, 
but  are  miferably  divided  into  fundry  fells  and  f allions. 

But  Miflris  Hutchifon  being  weary  of  the  Hand,  or  rather 
the  Hand  weary  of  her,  departed  from  thence  with  all  her 
family,  her  daughter,  and  her  children,  to  live  under  the 
Dutch,  neare  a  place  called  by  Sea-men,  and  in  the  Map,  Hell- 
gate .  ( And  now  1  am  come  to  the  lafl  all  of  her  Tragedy,  a 

mofl  heavie  Jlroake  upon  herfelfe  and  hers,  as  I  received  it  very 
lately  from  a  godly  hand  in  New- Engl  and)  There  the  In¬ 
dians  fet  upon  them,  and  flew  her  and  all  her  family,  her 
daughter,  and  her  daughters  Jmsband,  and  all  their  children, 
fave  one  that  efcaped\ 1  ( her  owne  hufband  being  dead  before ) 
a  dreadfull  blow.  Some  write  that  the  Indians  did  burne 
her  to  death  with  fire,  her  houfe  and  all  the  refl  named  that 
belonged  to  her ;  but  I  am  not  able  to  affirme  by  what  kind  of 
death  they  flew  her,  but  flaine  it  feemes  file  is,  according  to  all 
reports.  I  never  heard  that  the  Indians  in  thofe  parts  did 
ver  before  this,  commit  the  like  outrage  upon  any  one  family , 

or 


1  In  regard  to  the  deftrudlion  of 
rs.  Hutchinfon  and  the  members  of 
her  family,  and  the  captivity  and  fub- 
f  lequent  redemption  of  the  one  child 
not  killed,  vide  Bolton’s  Hijlory  of  the 
County  of  Wefichefler,  Vol.  II.  pp.  29- 
-  34  The  child  in  queftion  is  fometimes 
referred  to  as  a  granddaughter  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  (Brodhead’s  New  York , 
Vol.  I.  p.  366);  but  Savage  fpeaks  of 
her  as  daughter  ( Genealogical  Diction¬ 
ary,  Vol.  I.  pp.  427-428).  Sufannah 
1  Hutchinfon,  the  child  in  queftion,  mar¬ 


ried  John  Cole,  December  30,  1651,  and 
died  in  1726,  in  what  is  now  North 
Kingftown,  R.  I.,  where  a  large  number 
of  lineal  defcendants  from  her  yet  re- 
fide.  The  Cole  genealogy  is  included 
in  Auftin’s  Genealogical  Dictionary  of 
Rhode  Ifland  (p.  50)  ;  and  there  is  alfo 
an  account  of  John  and  Edward  Cole, 
two  of  the  grandfons  of  Sufannah 
(Hutchinfon)  Cole,  in  Updiker’s  Hif 
tory  of  the  Narraganfett  Church ,  pp. 
104-107. 


94 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

or  families ,  therefore  Gods  hand  is  the  more  apparently 

feene  herein,  to  pick  out  this  wofull  woman,  to  make  her  and 
thofe  belonging  to  her,  an  unheard  of  heavie  example  of  their 
cruelty  above  al  others. 

Tints  the  Lord  heard  our  groanes  to  heaven,  and  freed  us 
from  this  great  and  fore  ajfliTtion,  which  firfl  was  fmall  like 
Elias  cloud,  but  after  fpread  the  heavens ,  and  hath  ( through 
great  mercy )  given  the  Churches  ref  from  this  difurbance 
ever  Jince,  that  we  know  none  that  lifts  itp  his  head  to  difurbe 
our  fweet  peace  in  any  of  the  Churches  of  Chrif  amongfi  its, 
bleffed  for  ever  be  his  name. 

I  bow  my  knees  to  the  God  of  truth  and  peace,  to  grant  thefe 
Churches  as  full  a  riddance  from  the  fame  or  like  Opinions, 
which  doe  deflroy  his  truth ,  and  difurbe  their  peace. 

A  Poftfcript. 

Thinke  it  fit  to  adde  a  comfortable  paffage  of  newes  from 
^  thofe  parts  written  to  me  very  lately  by  a  faithfull  hand, 
which  as  it  affeCted  mine  owne  heart,  fo  it  may  doe  many 
others,  viz.  That  two  Sagamores 1  (or  Indian  Princes)  with  all 
their  men,  women  and  children,  have  voluntarily  fubmitted 
themf elves  to  the  will  and  law  of  our  God,  with  expreffed 
defires  to  be  taught  the  fame\  and  have  for  that  end  put  them - 
felves  under  our  government  and  protection,  even  in  the  fame 
manner,  as  any  of  the  Englifh  are :  which  morningpeepe  of 
mercy  to  them  (faith  he)  is  a  great  meane  to  awaken  the  fpirit 
of  prayer  and  faith  for  them  in  all  the  Churches. 

T.  VVelde. 

1  “Probably  Pomham  and  Sacononoco,  who  fubmitted  in  June,  1643.”  — 
Deane,  MS.  note. 


[I] 

A  Catalogue  of  fuch  erroneous  opinions  as  were 

found  to  have  beene  brought  into  New  England,  and 

fpread  under-hand  there,  as  they  were  condemned  by  an 
Affembly  of  the  Churches,  at  New  Town,  Aug .  30.1637. 


The  Errors 


I. 


N  the  conversion  of  a  Tinner,  which  is  fay¬ 
ing  and  gracious,  the  faculties  of  the 
foule,  and  workings  thereof,  in  things 
partaining  to  God,  are  destroyed  and 
made  to  ceafe. 


The  Confutation . 


1.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scripture,  which  fpeaketh  of  the 
faculties  of  the  foule,  (as  the  understanding  and  the  will)  not 
as  destroyed  in  converfion,  but  as  changed,  Luk.  24.  45. 
ChriSt  is  faid  to  have  opened  their  understandings :  Joh . 
21.  18.  Peter  is  faid  to  be  led  whither  he  would  not,  there¬ 
fore  he  had  a  will.  Againe,  to  deftroy  the  faculties  of  the 
foule,  is  to  deftroy  the  immortality  of  the  foule. 

Error  2.  In  Stead  of  them,  the  Holy  Ghoft  doth  come 
and  take  place,  and  doth  all  the  works  of  thofe  natures,  as 
the  faculties  of  the  human  nature  of  Chrift  do. 

) 


Confutation 


g6  The  Antino7nian  Controverfy. 

Confutation  2.  This  is  contrary  to  Scripture  which 
fpeaketh  of  God,  as  fanbtifying  our  foules  and  fpirits ;  1 
Thejf.  5.  23.  purging  our  confciences,  Heb .  9.  14.  refrefhing 
our  memories,  Joh.  14.  26. 

Error  3.  That  the  love  which  is  faid  to  remain,  when 
faith  and  hope  ceafe,  is  the  Holy  Ghoft. 

Confutation  3.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  which 
put  an  expreffe  difference  betweene  the  Holy  Ghoft  and 
love,  2  Cor .  6.  6.  And  if  our  love  were  the  Holy  Ghoft,  we 
cannot  bee  faid  to  love  God  at  all,  or  if  wee  did,  it  was, 
becaufe  we  were  personally  united  to  the  Holy  Ghoft. 

Error  4,  5.  That  thofe  that  bee  in  Chrift  are  not  under 
the  Law,  and  commands  of  the  word,  as  the  rule  of  life. 
Alias ,  that  the  will  of  God  in  the  Word,  or  direbtions  thereof, 
are  not  the  rule  whereunto  Chriftians  are  bound  to  conforme 
themfelves,  to  live  thereafter. 

Confutation  4,  5.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  which 
direbt  us  to  the  Law  and  to  the  Teftimony,  Esay  8.  20.  which 
alfo  Speaks  of  Chriftians,  as  not  being  without  Law  to  God, 
but  under  the  Law  to  Chrift,  1  Cor.  9.  22. 

Error  6.  The  example  of  Chrifts  life,  is  not  a  patterne 
according  to  which  men  ought  to  abb 
[2]  Confutation  6.  This  pofition  (thofe  abfions  of  Chrift 
excepted  which  hee  did  as  God,  or  as  Mediatour,  God 
and  Man,  or  on  fpeciall  occafions,  which  concerne  not  us,)  is 
unfound,  being  contrary  to  the  Scripture,  wherein  the  ex¬ 
ample  of  Chrifts  life  is  propounded  to  Chriftians  as  a  pat¬ 
terne  of  imitation,  both  by  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles.  Mat.  1 1. 
29.  Learne  of  mee,  for  I  am  meek,  & c.  1  Cor.  11.  2.  Bee. 
yee  followers  of  mee,  as  I  am  of  Chrift,  Ephef  5.  2.  Walk  in 

love 


A  Short  Story.  97 

love  as  Chrifb  hath  loved  us,  i  Pet .  2.  21.  Chriffc  also  suf¬ 
fered  for  us,  leaving  us  an  example,  that  yee  fhould  follow 
his  fteps,  1  Joh .  2.  26.  Hee  that  faith  hee  abideth  in  him, 
ought  fo  to  walke,  even  as  hee  hath  walked. 

Error  7.  The  new  creature,  or  the  new  man  mentioned 
in  the  Gofpell,  is  not  meant  of  grace,  but  of  Chrifb 

Confutation  7.  The  falfe-hood  of  this  proportion  appear- 
eth  from  the  Scriptures,  which  firft  propound  Chrift  and  the 
new  creature  as  diftindt  one  from  another,  2  Cor .  5.  17.  If 
any  man  bee  in  Chrift,  hee  is  a  new  creature.  Secondly,  The 
new  man  is  oppofed  to  the  old  man,  the  old  man  is  meant 
of  lufts  and  vices,  and  not  of  Adams  perfon,  Ephef  2.  22. 
24.  Therefore  the  new  man  is  meant  of  graces  and  vertues, 
and  not  of  the  perfon  of  Chrift,  Col.  3.  9.  10.  Thirdly,  The 
new  man  is  expreffely  laid  to  confift  in  righteoufneffe  and 
true  holineffe,  Ephef.  4.  25.  and  to  bee  renewed  in  know¬ 
ledge,  Col.  3.  10.  which  are  graces,  and  not  Chrift. 

Error  8.  By  love,  1  Cor.  13.  13.  and  by  the  armour  men¬ 
tioned  Ephef.  6.  are  meant  Chrift. 

Confutation  8.  This  pofition  is  neere  of  kin  to  the  former, 
but  fecondly,  the  oppofite,  1  Cor.  13.  meaneth  that  love 
which  hee  exhorteth  Chriftians  to  beare  one  towards  another, 
which  if  it  were  meant  of  Chrift,  hee  might  bee  said  to  ex¬ 
hort  them  to  beare  Chrift  one  to  another,  as  well  as  to  love 
one  another,  2.  Faith  and  hope  there  mentioned,  have 
Chrift  for  their  objeft,  and  if  by  love  bee  meant  Chrift,  hee 
had  put  no  more  in  the  latter  word,  then  in  the  two  former. 
3.  And  befides,  it  may  as  well  be  faid,  Faith  in  love,  as 
Faith  in  Chrift,  and  hope  in  love,  as  hope  in  Chrift,  if  that 
were  the  meaning.  And  by  armour,  Ephef  6.  cannot  bee 

meant 


98  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

meant  (Thrift.  Firft,  becaufe  two  parts  of  that  armour  are 
Faith  and  Hope,  whereof  the  Scriptures  make  Chrift  the 
objedt:  Col.  1.  5.  Beholding  the  ftedfaftneffe  of  your  faith 
in  Chrift,  1  Cor.  15.  19.  If  in  this  life  only  wee  had  hope 
in  Chrift,  &c.  now  thefe  graces,  and  the  objedt  of  them  can¬ 
not  bee  the  fame.  Secondly,  a  perfon  armed  with  that 
armour,  may  bee  faid  to  bee  a  fmcere  righteous  patient 
Chriftian,  but  if  by  the  armour  bee  meant  Chrift,  fweete 
predication  fhould  have  been  deftroyed,  and  you  might  more 
properly  fay,  a  Chriftifyed  Chriftian. 

Error  9.  The  whole  letter  of  the  Scripture  holds  for  a 
covenant  of  workes. 

Confutation  9.  This  pofition  is  unfound,  and  contrary  to 
the  conftant  tenor  of  the  Gofpel,  a  maine  part  of  the  Scrip¬ 
tures  which  in  the  letter  thereof  holds  not  forth  a  covenant 
of  works,  but  of  grace,  as  appeareth,  Joh.  3.  16.  1  Tim.  1. 

15.  Mat.  11.  28.  Heb.  8.  10,  11,  12. 

[3]  Error  10.  That  God  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Ghoft,  may  give  themfelves  to  the  foule,  and  the  foule 
may  have  true  union  with  Chrift,  true  remiffion  of  fins,  true 
marriage  and  fellowfhip,  true  fandtification  from  the  blood 
of  Chrift,  an'd  yet  bee  an  hypocrite. 

Confutation  10.  The  word  [true]  being  taken  in  the  fenfe 
of  the  Scriptures,  this  alfo  croffeth  the  dodtrine  of  Ephef  4. 
24.  where  righteoufneffe  and  true  holineffe  are  made  proper 
to  him,  that  hath  heard  and  learned  the  truth,  as  it  is  in  Jefus. 

Error  11.  As  Chrift  was  once  made  flefh,  fo  hee  is  now 
firft  made  flefh  in  us,  ere  wee  bee  carryed  to  perfection. 

Confutation  11.  Chrift  was  once  made  flefh,  Joh.  1.  14. 
no  other  incarnation  is  recorded,  and  therefore  not  to  bee 
believed.  Error 


99 


A  Short  Story. 

Error  12.  Now  in  the  covenant  of  workes,  a  legalift  may 
attaine  the  fame  righteoufneffe  for  truth,  which  Adam  had 
in  innocency  before  the  fall. 

Confutation  12.  Hee  that  can  attaine  Adams  righteouf- 
nefTe  in  fincerity,  hath  his  fin  truely  mortifyed,  but  that  no 
legalift  can  have,  becaufe  true  mortification  is  wrought  by  the 
covenant  of  grace,  Rom .  6.  14.  Sin  fhall  not  have  dominion 
over  you,  for  you  are  not  under  the  Law,  but  under  Grace. 

Error  13.  That  there  is  a  new  birth  under  the  covenant 
Of  workes,  to  fuch  a  kind  of  righteoufneffe,  as  before  is  men¬ 
tioned,  from  which  the  foule  muft  bee  againe  converted, 
before  it  can  bee  made  partaker  of  Gods  Kingdome. 

Confutation  13.  This  is  contrary  to  Titus  3.  4.  where  the 
new  birth  is  made  a  fruit  of  Gods  love  towards  man  in 
Chrift ;  of  any  new  birth  befides  this,  the  Scripture  fpeaketh 
not.  It  is  alfo  contrary  to  2  Cor.  3.  where  it  is  made  the 
worke  of  the  Spirit,  (that  is,  the  Gofpel)  oppofed  to  the  letter 
(that  is,  the  Law)  to  give  life;  the  new  birth  brings  forth 
the  new  creature,  and  the  new  creature  argueth  our  being 
in  Chrift,  2  Cor.  5.  17.  It  is  true  indeed  Gods  children 
that  are  borne  againe,  muft  be  converted  againe,  as  Mat. 
18.  3.  but  that  converfion  is  not  from  that  grace  which  they 
have  received,  but  from  the  corruption  that  ftill  remaines. 

Error  14.  That  Chrift  workes  in  the  regenerate,  as  in 
thofe  that  are  dead,  and  not  as  in  thofe  that  are  alive,  or,  the 
regenerate  after  converfion,  are  altogether  dead  to  fpirituall 
a6ts. 

Confitation  14.  This  is  contrary  to  Rom.  6.  n.  Yee  are 
alive  unto  God,  in  Jefus  Chrift,  Ephef  2.  1.  5.  Hee  hath 
quickned  us,  1  Pet.  2.  5.  Living  ftones,  Gat.  2.  20.  The  life 
that  I  now  live.  Error 


IOO 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Error  15.  There  is  no  inherent  righteoufneffe  in  the 
Saints,  or  grace,  and  graces  are  not  in  the  foules  of  beleev- 
ers,  but  in  Chrift  only. 

Confutation  15.  This  is  contrary  to  2  Tim.  1.  5.  The 
unfained  faith  that  dwelt  in  thee,  and  dwelt  firft  in  thy 
Grandmother,  2  Pet.  1.  4.  partakers  of  the  divine  nature; 
which  cannot  bee,  but  by  inherent  righteoufneffe,  2.  Timi 
1.  6.  Stirre  up  the  grace  of  God  which  is  in  thee,  John  1, 
16.  Of  his  fulneffe  wee  all  receive  grace  for  grace:  but: 
[4]  if  there  be  no  grace  in  us,  wee  receive  nothing  from  hi^ 
fulneffe,  2  Cor.  4.  16.  Our  inward  man  is  renewed  day 
by  day,  Rom.  12.  2.  with  Ephef.  4.  23.  wee  are  changed  Oir 
renewed. 

Error  16.  There  is  no  difference  betweene  the  graces  of 
hypocrites  and  beleevers.  in  the  kinds  of  them. 

Confutation  16.  If  this  be  true,  then  hypocrites  are  wife, 
humble,  merciful],  pure,  &c.  and  fo  fhall  fee  God,  Mat.  5.  8. 
but  they  are  called  fooles,  Mat.  7.  26.  Mat.  25.  1,  2,  3.  nei¬ 
ther  fhall  they  fee  God,  Mat.  24.  51.  Mat.  13.  20,  21,  22,  23. 
Heb.  6.  7,  8,  9.  the  difference  of  the  grounds,  argueth  the 
difference  in  the  kinds  of  graces. 

Error  17.  True  poverty  of  fpirit  doth  kill  and  take  away 
the  fight  of  grace. 

Confutation  17.  This  is  contrary  to  Mark .  9.  24.  Lord, 
I  beleeve,  help  my  unbeleefe  :  if  this  were  fo,  then  poverty  of 
fpirit  fhould  hinder  thankfulneffe,  and  fo  one  grace  fhould 
hinder  another,  and  the  graces  of  the  Spirit  fhould  hinder 
the  worke  of  the  Spirit,  and  croffe  the  end  why  hee  is  given 
to  us,  1  Cor.  2.  12. 

Error  18.  The  Spirit  doth  worke  in  Hypocrites,  by  gifts 
and  graces,  but  in  Gods  children  immediately. 

Confutation 


IOI 


A  Short  Story. 

Confutatio7i  1 8.  This  is  contrary  to  Nehem .  5.  15.  So  did 
I  becaufe  of  the  feare  of  the  Lord:  Heb.  11.  17.  Noah 
moved  with  feare,  prepared  an  Arke. 

Error  19.  That  all  graces,  even  in  the  truely  regenerate, 
are  mortall  and  fading. 

Confutation  19.  This  is  contrary  to  John  4.  14.  they  are 
graces  which  flow  from  a  fountaine  which  fpringeth  up  to 
eternall  life,  and  therefore  not  fading,  Jer .  31.  39.  40. 

Error  20.  That  to  call  into  queflion  whether  God  be  my 
deare  Fa.ther,  after  or  upon  the  commiflion  of  fome  hainous 
finnes  (as  Murther,  Inceft,  &c.)  doth  prove  a  man  to  be  in 
the  Covenant  of  workes. 

Confutation  20.  It  being  fuppofed  that  the  doubting  here 
fpoken  of,  is  not  that  of  finall  defpaire,  or  the  like,  but  onely 
that  the  pofition  denyeth  a  poffibility  of  all  doubting  to  a 
man  under  a  Covenant  of  grace,  this  is  contrary  to  Scrip¬ 
ture,  which  fpeaketh  of  Gods  people  under  a  Covenant  of 
grace,  in  thefe  or  other  cafes,  exercifed  with  fweete  doubtings 
and  queftions :  David  was  a  juflified  man,  (for  his  finnes 
were  pardoned,  2  Sam .  12.  12,  13.)  yet  his  bones  waxed  old 
through  his  roaring  all  the  day  long,  and  the  heavineffe  of 
Gods  hand  was  upon  him  night  and  day,  and  the  turning  of 
his  moyflure  into  the  drought  of  Summer,  Pfal.  32.  3,  4. 
And  Gods  breaking  his  bones  by  with-holding  from  him  the 
joy  of  his  Salvation ;  Pfal.  51.8.  fhew  that  he  was  exercifed 
with  fweete  doubts,  and  queftions  at  leaft,  as  this  pofition 
fpeaketh  of :  and  the  like  may  be  gathered  out  of  Pfal.  77. 
3,  4.  where  the  holy  man  Afaph,  mentioneth  himfelfe,  being 
troubled  when  he  remembred  God,  and  that  he  was  fo 
troubled,  he  could  not  fpeake  nor  fleepe,  and  expoflulateth 

with 


102 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

with  God,  will  the  Lord  caft  off  for  ever  ?  and  will  he 
[5]  be  favourable  no  more  ?  and  verj.  6,  7,  8,  9.  Thefe  fhew 
that  he  had  at  leaft  fweete  doubts,  as  the  pofition  men¬ 
tioned!,  and  yet  he  was  not  thereby  proved  to  be  under  a  Cov¬ 
enant  of  workes,  for  he  doth  afterward  confeffe  this  to  bee  his 
infirmity,  verf  10.  and  receiveth  the  comfort  of  former  expe¬ 
riences,  in  former  dayes,  and  his  fongs  in  the  nights,  and  of 
Gods  former  workes,  verf.  5,  6.  10,  1 1,  12.  and  he  refumeth  his 
claime  of  his  right  in  God  by  vertue  of  his  Covenant,  verf  13. 

Errour  21.  To  be  juftified  by  faith,  is  to  be  j ufbified  by 
workes. 

Confutation  21.  If  faith,  in  this  pofition  be  confidered 
not  fimply  as  a  worke,  but  in  relation  to  its  objedt,  this  is 
contrary  to  the  Scripture,  that  fo  appropriateth  Juftification 
to  faith,  as  it  denieth  it  to  workes,  fetting  faith  and  workes 
in  oppofition  one  againft  another  in  the  point  of  Juftification, 
as  Rom.  3.  27.  Where  is  boafting  then  ?  It  is  excluded.  By 
what  Law  ?  by  the  Law  of  workes.  no,  but  by  the  Law 
of  faith,  and  verf  28.  We  conclude,  that  a  man  is  juftified 
by  faith,  without  the  workes  of  the  Law,  and  chap.  4.  16. 
Therefore  it  is  by  faith,  that  it  may  be  by  grace,  compared 
with  verf  4.  To  him  that  worketh  is  the  reward  reckoned 
not  of  grace,  but  of  debt. 

Errour  22.  None  are  to  be  exhorted  to  beleeve,  but  fuch 
whom  we  know  to  be  the  eledt  of  God,  or  to  have  his  Spirit 
in  them  effedtually. 

Confutation  22.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  which 
maketh  the  commiffion  which  Chrift  gave  his  Difciples  in 
thefe  words,  Go  preach  the  Gofpel  to  every  creature,  he  that 
beleeveth  and  is  baptized  ftiall  be  faved,  Marke  16.  15.  16. 

where 


A  Short  Story.  103 

where  the  latter  words  imply  an  exhortation  to  beleeve, 
and  the  former  words  diredl  that  this  fhould  not  onely  be 
fpoken  to  men  knowne  to  be  elected,  or  onely  to  men  ef¬ 
fectually  called,  but  to  every  creature ;  The  Scripture  alfo 
telleth  us,  that  the  Apoftles  in  all  places  called  upon  men 
to  repent,  and  beleeve  the  Gofpel,  which  they  might  not 
have  done,  had  this  pofition  beene  true. 

Errour  23.  We  muft  not  pray  for  gifts  and  graces,  but 
onely  for  ChrifL 

Confutation  23.  This  is  contrary  to  Scripture  which 
teacheth  us  to  pray  for  wifdome,  Jam .  1.  5.  and  for  every 
grace  beftowed  by  vertue  of  the  new  Covenant,  Ezech.  36.  37. 
as  acknowledging  every  good  gift,  and  every  perfedt  giving 
is  from  above,  and  commeth  downe  from  the  Father  of  lights. 
The  whole  119.  Pfalme,  befides  innumerable  texts  of  Scrip¬ 
ture,  doth  abundantly  confute  this,  by  fhewing  that  the  fer- 
vants  of  God  have  beene  taught  by  the  Spirit  of  God  to  pray 
for  every  gift  and  grace  needfull  for  them,  and  not  onely  for 
Ch  rift. 

Errour  24.  He  that  hath  the  feale  of  the  Spirit  may  cer- 
tainely  judge  of  any  perfon,  whether  he  be  eledted  or  no. 

Confutation  24.  This  is  contrary  to  D eut.  29.  29.  Secret 
things  belong  to  God;  and  fuch  is  eledtion  of  men  not  yet 
called. 

Errour  25.  A  man  may  have  all  graces  and  poverty  of 
fpirit,  and  yet  want  ChrifL 

Confutation  25.  This  is  contrary  to  Matth .  5.  3.  Bleffed 
are  the  poore  in  fpirit:  but  without  Chrift  none  can  be 
bleffed,  Ephef  4.  22.  24.  he  that  hath  righteoufneffe  and 
true  holineffe,  hath  learned  the  truth,  as  it  is  in  Jefus,  and 
therefore  hath  Chrift.  Errour 


104  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

[6]  Errour  26.  The  faith  that  juftifieth  us  is  in  Chrift, 
and  never  had  any  aftuall  being  out  of  Chrift. 

Confutation  26.  This  is  contrary  to  Scripture,  Luke  17.  5. 
Lord  encreafe  our  faith,  Ergo ,  faith  was  in  them,  2  Tim.  1. 
6.  faith  is  faid  to  dwell  in  fuch  and  fuch  perfons,  therefore 
faith  was  in  them,  Efay  64.  7.  No  man  ftirres  up  himfelfe  to 
lay  hold  upon  thee. 

Errour  27.  It  is  incompatible  to  the  Covenant  of  grace 
to  joyne  faith  thereunto. 

Confutation  27.  This  is  contrary  to  Marke  16.  16.  Preach 
the  Gofpel,  hee  that  beleeveth  fhall  be  faved,  Rom .  4.  3. 
Abraham  beleeved,  and  it  was  counted  to  him  for  righteouf- 
neffe,  and  Abraham  is  a  patterne  to  all  under  the  Covenant 
of  grace,  Rom.  4.  24. 

Errour  28.  To  affirme  there  muft  be  faith  on  mans  part 
to  receive  the  Covenant;  is  to  undermine  Chrift. 

Confutation  28.  Firft,  Faith  is  required  on  mans  part  to 
receive  the  Covenant  of  grace,  according  to  thefe  Scrip¬ 
tures,  John  1.  12.  To  as  many  as  received  him,  even  to  them 
that  beleeved  on  his  name,  Marke  16.  16.  He  that  beleeveth 
fhall  be  faved.  Secondly,  to  affirme  there  muft  be  faith  on 
mans  part  to  receive  Chrift,  is  not  to  undermine  Chrift,  but 
to  exalt  him,  according  to  thefe  Scriptures,  John  3.  33.  He 
that  beleeveth  hath  put  to  his  feale  that  God  is  true ;  and 
fo  honours  Gods  truth,  which  cannot  undermine  Chrift ; 
Rom .  4.  20.  but  was  ftrong  in  the  faith,  giving  glory  to 
God,  &c. 

Errour  29.  An  hypocrite  may  have  thefe  two  witneffes, 
1  John  5.  5.  that  is  to  fay,  the  water  and  bloud. 

Confutation  29.  No  hypocrite  can  have  thefe  two  wit¬ 
neffes, 


A  Short  Story. 


105 


neffes,  water  and  bloud,  that  is,  true  juftification  and  fanfti- 
fication,  for  then  he  fhould  be  faved,  according  to  thefe 
Scriptures,  Rom.  8.  30.  2  Theff.  2.  13.  A5ls  26.  18. 

Errour  30.  If  any  thing  may  be  concluded  from  the 
water  and  bloud,  it  is  rather  damnation,  then  falvation. 

Confutation  30.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scriptures  laffc 
mentioned. 

Errour  31.  Such  as  fee  any  grace  of  God  in  themfelves, 
before  they  have  the  affurance  of  Gods  love  fealed  to  them 
are  not  to  be  received  members  of  Churches. 

Confutation  31.  This  is  contrary  to  Abts  8.  37.  38.  where 
the  Eunuch  faw  his  faith  only,  and  yet  was  prefently  bap¬ 
tized,  and  therfore  by  the  fame  ground  might  be  admitted. 

Errour  32.  After  the  revelation  of  the  fpirit,  neither 
Devill  nor  finne  can  make  the  foule  to  doubt. 

Confutation  32.  This  pofition  favours  of  errour,  elfe  Afaph 
had  not  the  revelation  of  the  Spirit,  feeing  he  doubted, 
(. Pfal ’  73.  13)  whether  he  had  not  clenfed  his  heart  in 
vaine,  and  that  God  had  forgotten  to  be  gracious ;  then  alfo 
faith  fhould  be  perfect  which  was  never  found,  no  not  in 
our  father  Abraham. 

Errour  33.  To  aft  by  vertue  of,  or  in  obedience  to  a 
command,  is  legall. 

Confutation  33.  So  is  it  alfo  Evangelicall,  the  myftery  [7] 
of  the  Gofpel  is  faid  to  be  revealed  for  the  obedience  of 
faith,  Rom .  16.  25.  Alfo  the  Lord  Jefus  is  faid  to  be  the 
author  of  falvation  to  all  that  obey  him,  Hebr.  5.  9.  If  we  love 
Chriffc  we  are  to  keep  his  Commandements,  John  14.  29. 

Errour  34.  We  are  not  to  pray  againft  all  finne,  becaufe 

the  old  man  is  in  us,  and  muft  be,  and  why  fhould  we  pray 

againft  that  which  cannot  be  avoyded  ?  ~ 

0  J  Confutation 


r4 


io6  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Confutation  34.  This  is  contrary  to  1  Theff.  5,  23.  1  Cor . 
I3‘  7‘ 

Errour  35.  The  efficacy  of  Chrifts  death  is  to  kill  all  ac¬ 
tivity  of  graces  in  his  members,  that  he  might  a6t  all  in  all. 

Confutation  35.  This  is  contrary  to  Rom .  6.  4.  Our  old 
man  is  crucified  with  him,  that  the  body  of  finne  might  be 
deftroyed,  that  we  fhould  not  ferve  finne  :  contrary  alfo  to 
Hebr .  4.  14.  that  he  might  through  death  defiroy  him,  &c. 
and  1  John  3.  8.  whence  we  infer,  that  if  Chrift  came  to 
defiroy  the  body  of  fin,  to  defiroy  the  Devill,  to  diffolve  the 
workes  of  the  Devill, -then  not  to  kill  his  owne  graces, 
which  are  the  workes  of  his  owne  Spirit. 

Errour  36.  All  the  activity  of  a  beleever  is  to  a<5t  to  finne. 

Confutation  36.  Contrary  to  Rom .  7.  15.  as  alfo  to  Gal. 
5.  17.  the  fpirit  lufieth  againft  the  flefh. 

Errour  37.  We  are  compleatly  united  to  Chrift,  before,  or 
without  any  faith  wrought  in  us  by  the  Spirit. 

Confutation  37.  The  terme  [united]  being  underftood  of 
that  fpirituall  relation  of  men  unto  Chrift,  whereby  they 
come  to  have  life  and  right  to  all  other  bleffings  in  Chrift, 
1  John  5.  12.  He  that  hath  the  Son  hath  life:  And  the 
terme  [compleatly]  implying  a  prefence  of  all  thofe  bands 
and  ligaments  and  meanes  as  are  required  in  the  word,  or 
are  any  wayes  neceffary  to  the  making  up  of  the  union, 
we  now  conceive  this  affertion  to  be  erroneous,  contrary 
to  Scripture,  that  either  expreffely  mentioneth  faith  when 
it  fpeaketh  of  this  union,  Ephef  3.  17.  that  Chrift  may 
dwell  in  your  hearts  by  faith,  Gal.  2.  20.  Chrift  liveth  in 
me  by  faith ;  or  ever  implyeth  it  in  thofe  phrafes  that  doe 
expreffe  union  ;  as  comming  to  Chrift,  John  6.  35.  and 

eating 


A  Short  Story.  107 

eating  and  drinking  Chrift,  verf  47  compared  with  verf.  54. 
having  the  Sonne,  1  John  5.  12.  and  receiving  Chrift,  John 
1.  12.  and  marriage  unto  Chrift,  EpheJ  5.  32.  if  there  be 
no  dwelling  of  Chrift  in  us,  no  comming  to  him,  no  receiving 
him,  no  eating  nor  drinking  him,  no  being  married  to  him 
before  and  without  faith ;  but  the  former  is  true,  therefore 
alfo  the  latter. 

Errour  38.  There  can  be  no  true  clofing  with  Chrift  in  a 
promife  that  hath  a  qualification  or  condition  expreffed. 

Confutation  38.  This  opinion  we  conceive  erroneous, 
contrary  to  Efay  55.  1,  2.  Ho !  every  one  that  thirtieth  come 
yee  to  the  waters,  Matth.  11.  28.  Come  to  me  all  yee  that 
are  weary  and  heavy  laden,  John  7.  37.  If  any  man  thirft, 
let  him  come  to  me  and  drinke,  Revel.  22.  17.  Let  him  that 
is  athirft  come,  Marke  1.  15.  Repent  and  beleeve  the 
Gofpel :  if  the  word  indefinitely  be  fandtified,  for  the  [8] 
begetting  of  faith,  if  the  Gofpel  it  felfe  be  laid  downe 
in  a  conditionall  promife,  if  the  Apoftles  and  Prophets,  and 
Chrift  himfelfe,  have  laid  hold  upon  fuch  promifes  to  help  to 
union,  and  clofing  with  himfelfe,  then  there  may  be  a  true 
clofing  with  Chrift  in  a  promife  that  hath  a  qualification  or 
condition  expreffed. 

Errour  39.  The  due  fearch  and  knowledge  of  the  holy 
Scripture,  is  not  a  fafe  and  fure  way  of  fearching  and  finding 
Chrift. 

Confutation  39.  This  is  contrary  to  expreffe  words  of 
Scripture,  John  5.  39.  Search  the  Scriptures,  for  they  teftifie 
of  me,  Alts  10.  43.  To  him  give  all  the  Prophets  witneffe, 
Rom.  3.  21.  the  righteoufneffe  of  God  witneffed  by  the  Law 
and  the  Prophets,  If  a.  8.  20.  To  the  Law  and  to  the  Tefti- 

mony 


io8  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 


mony,  Adis  17.  11.  The  Bereans  were  more  noble,  in  that 
they  fearched  the  Scriptures  daily.  If  the  Prophets  give 
witneffe  to  Chrift,  if  his  righteoufneffe  bee  witneffed  by  Law 
and  Prophets,  and  that  they  bee  noble  that  daily  fearch  the 
Scriptures,  and  that  Chrift  fo  farre  alloweth  their  teftimony 
of  him,  that  the  Scripture  faith,  there  is  no  light  but  in  and 
according  to  them,  then  the  due  fearching  and  knowledg 
of  Scriptures,  is  a  fafe  way  to  fearch  Chrift ;  but  the  former 
is  true,  therefore  alfo  the  latter. 

Error  40.  There  is  a  teftimony  of  the  Spirit,  and  voyce 
unto  the  Soule,  meerely  immediate,  without  any  refpeCt  unto, 
or  concurrence  with  the  word. 

Confutation  40.  This  immediate  revelation  without  con¬ 
currence  with  the  word,  doth  not  onely  countenance  but 
confirme  that  opinion  of  Enthufianifme,  juftly  refufed  by 
all  the  Churches,  as  being  contrary  to  the  perfection  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  perfection  of  Gods  wifedome  therein  : 
That  which  is  not  revealed  in  the  Scripture,  (which  is  objec- 
tum  adczquahim  fidei')  is  not  to  be  beleeved :  but  that  there 
is  any  fuch  revelation,  without  concurrence  with  the  word, 
is  no  where  revealed  in  the  Scripture,  Ergo.  1  Cor.  4.  16. 
Prefume  not  above  that  which  is  written.  Againe,  if  there 
be  any  immediate  Revelation  without  concurrence  of  the 
word,  then  it  cannot  be  tryed  by  the  word,  but  wee  are  bid 
to  try  the  fpirits.  To  the  law  and  Teftimony,  Efay  8.  20. 
to  try  all  things,  1  Thejf.  5.  21.  So  the  Bereans,  Adis  17.  11. 
and  the  rule  of  tryall  is  the  word,  Joh.  5.  39. 

Error  41.  There  bee  diftinCt  feafons  of  the  workings  of 
the  feverall  Perfons,  fo  the  foule  may  bee  faid  to  bee  fo  long 
under  the  Fathers,  and  not  the  Sons,  and  fo  long  under  the 
Sons  work,  and  not  the  Spirits. 

Confutation 


A  Short  Story.  109 

Confutation  41.  This  expreffion  is  not  according  to  the 
patterne  of  wholefome  words,  which  teacheth  a  joynt  con¬ 
currence  of  all  the  Perfons,  working  in  every  worke  that  is 
wrought,  fo  that  wee  cannot  fay,  the  Father  works  fo  long 
and  the  Son  works  not,  becaufe  the  fame  worke  at  the  fame 
time  is  common  to  them  both,  and  to  all  the  three  Perfons, 
as  the  Father  drawes,  Joh.  6.  44.  fo  the  Son  fends  his  Spirit 
to  convince,  and  thereby  draws,  Joh .  16.  7,  8. 

Error  42.  There  is  no  affurance  true  or  right,  unleffe  it 
bee  without  feare  and  doubting. 

Confutation  42.  This  is  contrary  to  Scripture;  the  [9] 
penman  of  Pfal.  77.  had  true  affurance,  ver.  6.  and  yet 
hee  had  doubts  and  feares  of  Gods  eternall  mercy,  ver.  7,  8,  9. 
The  beft  Faith  is  imperfedt  and  admits  infirmity,  ver.  10. 
1  Cor.  13.  10,  11,  12.  Where  there  is  flefh  that  doth  fight 
againfi;  every  grace,  and  adt  thereof,  and  is  contrary  to  it, 
there  can  bee  no  grace  perfedt,  Ergo ,  doubting  may  ftand 
with  affurance,  Gal.  5.  17. 

Error  43.  The  Spirit  adts  moft  in  the  Saints,  when  they 
indevour  leaft. 

Confutation  43.  Referving  the  fpeciall  feafons  of  Gods 
preventing  grace  to  his  owne  pleafure,  In  the  ordinary  con- 
flant  courfe  of  his  difpenfation,  the  more  wee  indevour,  the 
more  affiftance  and  helpe  wee  find  from  him,  Prov.  2.  3,  4,  5. 
Hee  that  feeks  and  digs  for  wifdome  as  for  treafure  fhall  find 
it,  Hof  6.  3.  2  Chron.  15.  2.  The  Lord  is  with  you,  while 
you  are  with  him  ;  If  by  indevour  be  meant  the  ufe  of  lawfull 
meanes  and  Ordinances  commanded  by  God,  to  feeke  and 
find  him  in,  then  is  it  contrary  to  Mat.  7.  7.  Afke,  feeke, 
knock,  &c. 


Error 


I  IO 


The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Error  44.  No  created  worke  can  bee  a  manifeft  figne  of 
Gods  love. 

Confutation  44.  If  created  workes  flowing  from  union 
with  Chrift  bee  included,  it’s  againft  Johns  Epiftles,  and 
many  Scriptures,  which  make  keeping  the  Commandements, 
love  to  the  Brethren,  & c.  evidences  of  a  good  eftate,  fo  con- 
fequently  of  Gods  love. 

Ei'ror  45.  Nothing  but  Chrift  is  an  evidence  of  my  good 
eftate. 

Confutation  45.  If  here  Chrift  manifefting  himfelfe  in 
workes  of  holineffe,  bee  excluded,  and  nothing  but  Chrift 
nakedly  revealing  himfelfe  to  faith,  bee  made  an  evidence, 
it  is  againft  the  former  Scriptures. 

Error  46.  It  is  no  flnne  in  a  beleever  not  to  fee  his 
grace,  except  he  be  wilfully  blinde. 

Confutation  46.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scripture,  which 
makes  every  tranfgreflion  of  the  Law  flnne,  though  wilful- 
neffe  be  not  annexed ;  and  this  croffeth  the  worke  of  the 
Spirit  which  fheweth  us  the  things  that  are  given  us  of 
God;  1  Cor .  2.  12.  and  croffeth  alfo  that  command,  2  Cor . 
13.  5.  Prove  your  faith,  and  therefore  we  ought  to  fee  it. 

Error  47.  The  Seale  of  the  Spirit  is  limited  onely  to 
the  immediate  witnefle  of  the  Spirit,  and  doth  never  witneffe 
to  any  worke  of  grace,  or  to  any  conclufion  by  a  Syllogifme. 

Confutation  47.  This  is  contrary  to  Rom.  8.  16.  to  that 
which  our  Spirit  beares  witnefle,  to  that  the  Spirit  of  God 
beares  witneffe,  for  they  beare  a  joynt  witneffe,  as  the  words 
will  have  it :  but  our  Spirits  beare  witneffe  to  a  worke  of 
grace,  namely  that  beleevers  are  the  children  of  God,  Ergo . 

Error  48.  That  conditionall  promifes  are  legall. 

Confutation 


1 1 1 


A  Short  Story. 

Confutation  48.  Contrary  to  John  3.  16.  Matthew  5.  3.  &c. 

Error  49.  We  are  not  bound  to  keepe  a  conftant  courfe 
of  Prayer  in  our  Families,  or  privately,  unleffe  the  Spirit 
ftirre  us  up  thereunto. 

Confutation  49.  This  is  contrary  to  Ephef  6.  18.  1  Thef 
5-  17- 

Error  50.  It  is  poverty  of  fpirit,  when  wee  have  [10] 
grace,  yet  to  fee  wee  have  no  grace  in  our  felves. 

Confutation  50.  The  weake  beleever  Mark .  9.  24.  was 
poore  in  fpirit,  yet  faw  his  own  Faith  weak  though  it  were. 
Peter  when  hee  was  brought  to  poverty  of  fpirit  by  the  bitter 
experience  of  his  pride,  hee  faw  the  true  love  hee  had  unto 
Chrift,  and  appealed  to  him  therein,  Joh.  21.  15.  Paul  was 
leffe  then  the  lead  of  all  Saints  in  his  owne  eyes,  therefore 
poore  in  fpirit,  yet  faw  the  grace  of  God,  by  which  hee  was 
that  he  was,  and  did  what  hee  did,  and  was  truly  nothing  in 
his  own  eyes,  when  hee  had  fpoken  of  the  beffc  things  hee  had 
received  and  done,  Ephef  3.  18.  If  it  bee  poverty  of  the 
fpirit  to  fee  no  grace  in  our  felves,  then  fhould  poverty  of 
fpirit  croffe  the  office  of  the  Spirit,  which  is  to  reveale  unto 
us,  and  make  us  to  fee  what  God  gives  us,  1  Cor.  2.  9.  10,  n, 
12.  then  it  fhould  make  us  finne,  or  croffe  the  will  of  God, 
which  is,  that  wee  fhould  not  bee  ignorant  of  the  gracious 
workings  of  Chrift  in  us  from  the  power  of  his  death  and 
refurredtion,  Rom.  6.  3.  Know  yee  not,  &c.  then  would  it  de- 
ftroy  a  great  duty  of  Chriftian  thankfulneffe,  in,  and  for  all 
the  good  things  which  God  vouchfafeth  us,  1  Thef  5.  18. 

Error  51.  The  foule  need  not  to  goe  out  to  Chrift  for 
freffi  fupply,  but  it  is  adted  by  the  Spirit  inhabiting. 

Confutatioyi  51.  Though  wee  have  the  Spirit  adting  and 

inhabiting 


I  12 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

inhabiting  us,  this  hinders  not,  but  I  may  and  need  goe  out 
to  Chrift  for  frefh  fupply  of  Grace,  Joh.  i.  16.  Of  whole  ful- 
neffe  wee  have  all  received,  and  grace  for  grace  ;  2  Cor.  12.8. 
Paul  fought  thrice  to  Chrift  for  frefh  fupply;  Heb.  12.  2. 
Looke  unto  Chrift  the  Authour  and  finifher  of  our  faith. 

Wee  muft  looke  up  to  the  hils  from  whence  commeth  our 
helpe,  Ephef  4.  16.  by  whom  all  the  body  receiveth  increafe, 
and  to  the  edifying  of  it  felf. 

Error  52.  It  is  legal  to  fay,  wee  aft  in  the  ftrength  of 
Chrift. 

Confutation  52.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  the 
Gofpel  bids  us  bee  ftrong  in  the  Lord,  and  in  the  power  of 
his  might,  Ephef  6.  10  and  bee  ftrong  in  the  grace  that  is  in 
Chrift  Jefus,  2  Tim.  2.  1.  and  Paul  faith,  I  can  do  all  things 
through  Chrift  that  ltrengtheneth  me,  Phil.  4.  13.  and  that 
was  not  legall  ftrength. 

Error  53.  No  Minifter  can  teach  one  that  is  anoynted 
by  the  Spirit  of  Chrift,  more  then  hee  knowes  already  un- 
leffe  it  be  in  fome  circumftances. 

Confutation  53.  This  is  alfo  contrary  to  Scripture,  2  Cor. 
1.  It  is  God  that  ftablifheth  us  with  you,  &c.  Ephef  1.  13. 
and  4.  12.  14.  The  Corinthians  and  Ephef  ans,  were  an¬ 
oynted  and  fealed,  and  yet  were  taught  more  of  Paul  in  his 
Epiftles  then  only  in  fome  circumftances. 

Error  54.  No  Minifter  can  bee  an  inftrument  to  convey 
more  of  Chrift  unto  another,  then  hee  by  his  own  experience 
hath  come  unto. 

Confutation  54.  This  is  contrary  to  Ephef.  4.  11,  12.  the 
weakeft  Minifter  may  edify  the  ftrongeft  Chriftian  which 
hath  more  experience  then  himfelfe. 

Error 


A  Short  Story .  1 1 3 

Error  55.  A  man  may  have  true  Faith  of  depend-  [11] 
ance,  and  yet  not  bee  juftifyed. 

Confutation  55.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scripture,  Aits 
13.  39.  A1  believers  are  juftifyed,  but  they  that  have  true 
faith  of  dependance  are  believers,  therefore  juftifyed. 

Error  56.  A  man  is  not  effectually  converted  till  hee 
hath  full  affu ranee. 

Confutation  56.  This  is  crofte  to  the  Scripture,  If  a.  5. 
10.  wherein  wee  fee  that  a  man  may  truely  feare  God  (there¬ 
fore  truely  converted)  and  yet  walke  in  darkneffe,  without 
cleare  evidence  or  full  affurance. 

Error  57.  To  take  delight  in  the  holy  fervice  of  God,  is 
to  go  a  whoring  from  God. 

ConfUation  57.  No  Scripture  commands  us  to  go  a 
whoring  from  God,  but  firft,  the  Scripture  commands  us  to 
delight  in  the  fervice  of  God,  Pfal.  100.  2.  Serve  the  Lord 
with  gladnefte,  Ifa.  58.  13.  Thou  fhalt  call  the  Sabbath  thy 
delight,  Ergo.  Secondly,  God  loves  not  fuch  as  go  a 
whoring  from  him,  Pfal.  73.  ult.  but  God  loves  a  cheerful 
ferver  of  God,  2  Cor.  8.  Therefore,  fuch  as  ferve  him  cheer¬ 
fully,  do  not  thereby  go  a  whoring  from  him. 

Error  58.  To  help  my  faith,  and  comfort  my  confcience 
in  evill  houres,  from  former  experience  of  Gods  grace  in 
mee,  is  not  a  way  of  grace. 

Confutation  58.  What  the  Saints  have  done  and  found 
true  comfort  in,  that  is  a  way  of  grace ;  but  they  did  help  * 
their  faith,  and  comfort  their  confcience  from  former  evi¬ 
dences  of  Gods  grace  in  them :  Pfal.  77.  5,  6,  1 1.  I  confidered 
the  dayes  of  old,  and  called  to  remembrance  my  fongs  in  the 
night;  and  by  this  raifed  hee  up  his  faith,  as  the  latter  part 

15  of 


1 14  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

of  the  Pfalm  flieweth  ;  and  this  was  in  evil  houres,  ver.  2,  3. 
2  Cor.  1.  12.  This  is  our  rejoycing,  that  in  fimplicity  and 
godly  pureneffe,  wee  have  had  our  converfation,  and  this  was 
in  fad  houres,  ver.  4,  5,  8,  9,  10.  Job  35.  10.  None  faith, 
Where  is  God  that  made  mee,  which  giveth  fongs  in  the 
night  ?  here  the  not  attending  to  former  confolation,  is 
counted  a  fmful  negledt. 

Error  59.  A  man  may  not  bee  exhorted  to  any  duty, 
becaufe  hee  hath  no  power  to  do  it. 

Confutation  59.  This  is  contrary  to  Phil.  2.  12,  13.  Work 
out  your  falvation  &c.  For  it  is  God  that  worketh  in  you 
both  the  will  and  the  deed,  Ephef  5.  14.  Awake  thou  that 
fleepeft,  fo  1  Cor.  15.  ult. 

Error  60.  A  man  may  not  prove  his  election  by  his 
vocation,  but  his  vocation  by  his  eledtion. 

Confutation  60.  This  is  contrary  to  1  Thef  2.  4.  knowing 
your  election,  becaufe  our  Gofpel  came  unto  you,  not  in 
word  only,  but  in  power,  2  Thef.  2.  13,  14.  God  hath  eledted 
you  to  life,  through  fandtification  of  the  Spirit,  whereunto 
hee  hath  called  you  by  our  Gofpel. 

Error  61.  All  Dodtrines,  Revelations  and  Spirits,  muft 
be  tried  by  Chrift  the  word,  rather  then  by  the  Word  of 
Chrift. 

Confutation  61.  This  affertion  of  it  intends  to  exclude  the 
word,  we  conceive  it  contrary  to  Efay  8.  20.  John  5.  39.  Afts 
17.  11.  alfo  to  2  John  4.  1,  2.  Trye  the  fpirits,  every  fpirit 
that  confeffeth  that  Jefus  Chrift  is  come  in  the  flefh, 
[12]  &c.  where  Spirits  and  Dodtrines  confeffing  that  Chrift 
is  come  in  the  flefh,  are  made  diftindt  from  Chrift. 

Error  62.  It  is  a  dangerous  thing  to  clofe  with  Chrift  in 

a  promife.  ^  r  ,  ,. 

Confutation 


A  Short  Story.  1 1 5 

Confutation  62.  This  is  contrary  to  Joh.  3.  16.  AD.  10. 
43.  Ifa.  55.  1,  2.  Matth.  11.  28.  Joh .  7.  37.  If  Chrift  in  thefe 
places  invite  men  to  come  unto  him,  and  bids  them  incline 
and  hearken,  and  tells  them  their  Soules  fhall  live,  and  they 
fhall  drinke  and  be  refrefhed  by  hm,  and  by  thefe  promifes 
encourageth  them  to  clofe  with  him,  then  it  is  no  dangerous 
thing  to  clofe  with  him  in  a  promife,  it  is  no  danger  to  obey 
a  Command  of  God :  but  we  are  commanded  to  beleeve  the 
Gofpell,  Mar.  1. 15,  1.  the  promife  being  a  part  of  the  Gofpell. 

Error  63.  No  better  is  the  evidence  from  the  two  wit- 
neffes  of  water  and  blood,  mentioned  1  John.  5.  6,  7,  8.  then 
mount  Calvary ,  and  the  Souldiers  that  fhed  Chrifts  bloud, 
and  thefe  might  have  drunke  of  it ;  poore  evidences. 

Confutation  63.  Then  what  God  hath  ordained  or  made 
an  evidence,  is  no  better  then  what  he  hath  not  made,  then 
Chrift  lofeth  his  end  in  comming  by  water  and  blood,  verf  6. 
then  the  Spirit  fhould  agree  no  better  with  the  witneffe  of 
water  and  bloud,  then  it  doth  with  Mount  Calvary ,  and  the 
Souldiers :  but  the  Spirit  doth  agree  with  the  water  and  the 
bloud,  and  not  with  the  other,  1  Joh.  5.  7.  Thefe  three  agree 
in  one. 

Error  64.  A  man  muff  take  no  notice  of  his  finne,  nor  of 
his  repentance  for  his  finne. 

Confutation  64.  This  is  contrary  to  David ,  whofe  fmnes 
were  ever  before  him,  Pfal.  51.  hee  confidered  his  wayes 
(and  the  evill  of  them)  that  he  might  turne  his  feete  to  Gods 
Teftimonies,  Pfal.  119  59.  If  we  confeffe  our  ftnnes,  he  is 
faithfull  and  juft,  &c.  If  we  fay  we  have  not  finned  we  make 
him  a  lyar,  1  Joh.  1.  8,  9,  10.  Job  tooke  notice  of  finne  and 
of  his  repentance,  I  abhorre  my  felfe  and  repent  in  duft  and 

allies, 


1 1 6  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

allies,  Job  42  6.  David  feeth,  and  faith,  I  am  forry  for  my 
finnes,  Pfal.  38  28.  Solomons  penitent  muft  know  the 
Plague  in  his  heart,  that  is,  his  finne  and  the  punifhment 
thereof,  1  Kings  8  38. 

Error  65.  The  Church  in  admitting  members  is  not  to 
looke  to  holineffe  of  life,  or  Teftimony  of  the  fame. 

Confutation  65.  This  is  contrary  to  Rom .  1.  7.  and  the 
infcriptions  of  divers  Epiftles,  being  diredted  to  Saints,  and 
Saints  by  calling,  and  1  Cor.  14  33.  Churches  of  the  Saints, 
Alts  2.  the  members  there,  were  faid  to  repent  before  they 
were  admitted,  and  1  Cor.  5.  the  inceftuous  perfon  fhould 
not  then  have  beene  caft  out  for  want  of  holineffe,  and  Paul 
could  not  be  received  into  communion  without  Teftimony, 
Alls  9.  26. 

Error  66.  To  lay  the  brethren  under  a  Covenant  of 
works,  hurts  not,  but  tends  to  much  good  to  make  men 
looke  the  better  to  their  evidences. 

Confutation  66.  If  that  bee  done  ungroundedly,  it  is  con¬ 
trary  to  If  a.  5.  20.  where  woe  is  pronounced  to  fuch  as 
[13]  call  good  evill,  &c.  and  Ezek.  13.  22.  that  make  fuch 
hearts  fad,  as  the  Lord  would  not  have  fadded ;  and  it 
is  againft  the  rule  of  the  Covenant,  1  Cor.  13.  befides,  it  may 
trench  upon  the  devils  office  in  accufing  the  Brethren,  and 
then  it  will  be  good  to  tell  untruth,  good  to  breake  houfe 
and  Church  Communion,  then  good  to  break  neareft  rela¬ 
tions,  then  good  to  bite  one  another,  and  good  to  offend  the 
little  ones,  Matth.  18. 

Errour  67.  A  man  cannot  evidence  his  juftificatio'n  by 
his  fandlification,  but  he  muft  needs  build  upon  his  fandfifi- 
cation,  and  trufl  to  it. 


Confutation 


1 1 7 


A  Short  Story. 

Confutation  67.  Fird,  this  is  contrary  to  1  John  3.  18,  19. 
where  the  holy  Ghod  faith,  that  by  unfained  and  hearty  love 
we  may  have  affurance,  and  yet  neither  there  nor  any  where 
elfe  would  have  us  trull  to  our  fandlidcation,  fo  verf  7.  He 
that  doth  righteoufneffe  is  righteous,  as  he  is  righteous. 
Secondly,  if  poverty  of  fpirit,  which  emptieth  us  of  all  confi¬ 
dence  in  our  felves,  may  evidence  a  mans  j unification  with¬ 
out  trading  to  it,  then  may  fandlidcation  without  trailing  to 
it ;  but  the  former  is  true,  therefore  alfo  the  latter.  Thirdly, 
if  it  be  an  ordinance  of  God  to  evidence  ou*r  j unification  by 
our  fandtiHcation,  then  we  may  doe  this  without  trading  to 
it:  but  that  is  apparent  from,  2  Pet .  1.  10.  Ergo. 

Errour  68.  Faith  judides  an  unbeleever,  that  is,  that 
faith  that  is  in  Chrid,  judideth  me  that  have  no  faith  in 
my  felfe. 

Co7ifutation  68.  -  This  is  contrary  to  Hab .  2.  4.  For  if  the 
jud  lhall  live  by  his  faith,  then  that  faith  that  judides  is  not 
in  Chrid.  So  John  3.  ult.  He  that  beleeveth  not,  the  wrath 
of  God  abideth  on  him :  it  is  not  anothers  faith  will  fave  me. 

Errour  69.  Though  a  man  can  prove  a  gracious  worke  in 
himfelfe,  and  Chrid  to  be  the  authour  of  it,  if  thereby  he 
will  prove  Chrid  to  be  his,  this  is  but  a  Tandy  foundation. 

Confutation  69.  This  is  contrary  to  thefe  Scriptures,  John 
14.  21.  and  28.  He  that  keepeth  my  commandements,  is  he 
that  loveth  me,  and  he  that  loveth  me,  fhall  be  loved  of  my 
Father,  and  I  will  love  him,  and  will  diew  my  felfe  unto 
him,  1  John  3.  14.  We  know  that  we  have  paffed  from  death 
to  life,  becaufe  we  love  the  brethren,  and  1  John  5.  12.  He 
that  hath  the  Sonne  hath  life :  therefore  he  that  can  prove 
that  he  hath  fpirituall  life,  may  allure  himfelfe  that  hee  hath 
Chrid.  Errour 


1 1 8  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 


Errour  70.  Frequency  or  length  of  holy  duties  or  trouble 
of  confcience  for  negleft  thereof,  are  all  fignes  of  one  under 
a  Covenant  of  workes. 

Confutation  70.  This  is  contrary  to  thefe  Scriptures,  1 
Cor.  15.  58.  Be  abundant  alwayes  in  the  worke  of  the  Lord: 
if  the  faithfull  in  Chriffc  Jefus  be  commanded  to  abound  al¬ 
wayes  in  the  worke  of  the  Lord,  that  is,  holy  duties,  then 
frequency  in  holy  duties  is  no  figne  of  one  under  a  Covenant 
of  workes :  but  the  former  is  true,  therefore  alfo  the  latter ; 
as  alfo  1  Thef  4.  17.  18.  P fat.  55.  17.  Evening  and  morning 
and  noone  will  I  pray  and  make  a  noyfe,  and  he  will  heare 
me;  and  elfewhere,  Seven  times  a  day  doe  I  praife  thee,  Pfal. 

1 19.  146.  Pfal.  1.  2.  So  alfo  contrary  is  the  third 
[14]  branch  to  thefe  Scriptures,  2  Cor.  7.8.  11.  the  Co¬ 
rinthians  were  troubled  in  confcience,  and  forrowed 
that  they  had  negledled  the  holy  duties  of  Church  cenfure 
towards  the  inceftuous  perfon,  and  Ifa.  64.  7.  and  8.  Cant. 
5.  2.  Rom.  7.  19,  I  doe  not  the  good  I  would,  which  he 
lamenteth  and  complaineth  of. 

Errour  71.  The  immediate  revelation  of  my  good  eftate, 
without  any  refpedt  to  the  Scriptures,  is  as  cleare  to  me,  as 
the  voyce  of  God  from  Heaven  to  Paul. 

Confutation  71.  This  is  contrary  to  John  14.  26.  He  fhall 
teach  you  all  things,  and  bring  all  things  to  your  remem¬ 
brance,  &c.  whence  we  reafon  thus.  If  the  Spirit  reveale 
nothing  without  concurrence  of  the  Word,  then  this  revela¬ 
tion  of  the  Spirit  without  refpedl  to  the  Word  is  not  cleare, 
nor  to  be  trufted :  but  the  Spirit  doth  reveale  nothing,  but 
with  refpedl  to  the  Word,  for  John  14.  26.  If  the  office  of 
the  Spirit  be  to  teach  and  to  bring  to  remembrance  the 
things  that  Chrift  hath  taught  us,  Efay  8.  20.  what  ever 

fpirit 


A  Short  Story.  1 i 9 

fpirit  fpeakes  not  according  to  this  Word,  there  is  no  light 
there. 

Errour  72.  It  is  a  fundamentall  and  foule-damning  er- 
rour  to  make  fandification  an  evidence  of  j unification. 

Confutation  72.  This  is  contrary  to  thefe  Scriptures,5 
Rom .  8.  1.  They  that  walke  after  the  Spirit,  are  freed  from 
condemnation,  and  are  in  Chrift,  and  fo  juflified  :  fo  1  John 
3.  10.  In  this  are  the  children  of  God  knowne,  &c. 

Errour  73.  Chrifts  worke  of  grace  can  no  more  diftin- 
guifh  betweene  a  Hypocrite  and  a  Saint,  then  the  raine  that 
fals  from  Heaven  betweene  the  juft  and  the  unjuft. 

Confutation  73.  This  propofition  being  generall  includes 
all  gracious  works,  and  being  fo  taken  is  contradicted  in 
the  parable  of  the  fower,  Matth .  13.  20.  21,  22.  where  the 
good  ground  is  diftinguifhed  from  the  ftony  by  this,  that  it 
brings  forth  fruit  with  patience,  fo  Hebr.  6.  9.  there  is  fome- 
thing  better  in  the  Saints  then  thofe  common  gifts  which 
are  found  in  Hypocrites. 

Errour  74.  All  verball  Covenants,  or  Covenants  expreffed 
in  words,  as  Church  Couenants,  vowes,  &c.  are  Covenants 
of  workes,  and  fuch  as  ftrike  men  off  from  Chrift. 

Confutation  74.  Firft,  this  is  contrary  to  Scripture,  Efay 
44  5.  One  fhall  fay,  I  am  the  Lords,  another  fhall  call 
himfelfe  by  the  name  of  the  God  of  Jacob'.  Rom.  10.  10. 
With  the  mouth  confeffton  is  made  to  falvation.  Secondly, 
contrary  to  reafon,  for  then  the  Covenant  of  grace  is  made 
a  Covenant  of  workes,  by  the  writing,  reading,  and  preach¬ 
ing  of  the  fame,  for  they  are  verball  exprefllons  of  the  Cove¬ 
nant  on  Gods  part,  as  Church  Covenants  verbally  expreffe 
our  doling  herewith. 


Errour 


120 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Errour  75.  The  Spirit  giveth  fuch  full  and  cleare  evi¬ 
dence  of  my  good  eftate,  that  I  have  no  need  to  be  tried  by 
the  fruits  of  fandlification,  this  were  to  light  a  candle  to  the 
Sun. 

Confutation  75.  This  opinion  taken  in  this  fenfe,  that 
after  the  Spirit  hath  teftified  a  mans  good  eftate,  the 
[15]  perfon  need  not  to  be  tried  by  the  fruit  of  fandtifica- 
tion,  is  contrary  to  the  fcope  of  the  whole  firft  Epiftle 
of  Saint  John ,  where  variety  of  arguments  are  propounded 
to  all  beleevers  in  common,  1  John  5.  13.  to  diftinguifh  the 
perfons  of  beleevers  from  unbeleevers ;  the  water  is  annexed 
to  the  Spirit  and  bloud,  1  Iahn  5.  8. 

Errour  76.  The  Devill  and  nature  may  be  caufe  of  a 
gracious  worke. 

Confutation  76.  The  words  are  unfavoury,  and  the  peti¬ 
tion  unfound,  for  taking  [gracious]  according  to  the  lan¬ 
guage  of  the  Scripture,  gracious  words,  Luke  4.  22.  Let 
your  fpeech  be  gracious,  gracious  words  are  fuch  as  iffue 
from  the  faving  grace  of  Chrifts  Spirit  indwelling  in  the 
foule,  which  neither  the  Devill,  nor  nature  is  able  to  produce, 
for  Chriffc  profeffeth,  Iohn  15.  3,  4.  Without  me  yee  can  doe 
nothing,  nothing  truly  gracious,  Iohn  3.  What  ever  is  borne 
of  the  flefh  is  flefh,  and  Rom.  7.  18.  In  my  flefh  dwels  no 
good,  (truly  fpirituall  and  gracious)  Gen.  6.  5.  Every  imagi¬ 
nation  of  the  thoughts  of  a  mans  heart,  are  evill,  and  that 
continually ;  Betides,  the  Devill  is  that  evill  and  wicked  one, 
onely  wickedneffe,  an  adverfary  to  Gods  grace  and  glory, 
that  which  is  contrary  to  corrupt  nature,  and  the  hellifh 
nature  of  Satan,  and  above  the  power  of  both,  they  cannot 
be  the  caufes  of  gracious  works. 


Errour 


12  I 


A  Short  Story . 

Errour  77.  Sanctification  is  fo  farre  from  evidencing  a 
good  eftate  that  it  darkens  it  rather,  and  a  man  may  more 
clearely  fee  Chrift,  when  he  feeth  no  fandification  then 
when  he  doth,  the  darker  my  fanCtification  is,  the  brighter 
is  my  j unification. 

Confutation  77.  This  is  contrary  to  the  Scripture  of 
truth,  which  rather  giveth  the  name  of  light  to  fanflification 
and  holineffe,  and  even  for  this  ufe,  to  cleare  our  j unification, 
1  John  1.  6,  7.  For  the  holy  Ghofi  concludes  as  from  a 
cleare  and  infallible  promife,  and  propofition,  that  if  we 
walke  in  the  light,  as  he  is  in  the  light,  then  doth  the  bloud 
of  Chrifi  cleanfe  us  from  all  finne;  meaning,  that  then  and 
thereby  it  appeareth  that  it  is  done :  as  by  the  contrary  un- 
holineffe,  and  unholy  walking  is  like  darknefie,  which  obfcu- 
reth  all  the  goodly  prefumption  fiourifhes  and  hopes  of  an 
unregenerate  man,  verf  6.  For  this  purpofe,  1  Iohn  5.  8. 
the  water  of  fanCtification  is  made  a  witneffe,  now  the  nature 
of  a  witneffe  is  not  to  darken  and  obfcure  matters  in  quefiion, 
but  to  cleare  them,  and  Pfal.  51.  10,  11,  12.  when  David 
faw  his  heart  fo  uncleane,  and  his  fpirit  fo  altogether  out  of 
order,  his  jufiification  was  not  then  brighter,  for  then  he 
fhould  have  had  the  joy  of  his  falvation  more  full,  and  not 
fo  to  finke  as  that  he  begs  it  might  be  reftored  to  him,  as 
implying,  that  his  joy  for  the  prefent  was  wanting  to  him. 

Errour  78.  God  hath  given  fixe  witneffes,  three  in 
Heaven  and  three  in  earth,  to  beget  and  build  juftifying 
faith  upon. 

Confutation  78.  This  expreflion  anfwers  not  the  patterne 
of  wholefome  words,  for  if  this  pofition  be  taken  thus,  God 
hath  given  all  thefe  fixe  witneffes  both,  to  beget  and  alfo  to 

1 6  build 


122 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

build  j uftifying  faith  upon,  it  is  contrary  to  Scripture,  for  God 
hath  not  given  all  thefe  fixe  witneffes  to  beget  juftifying  faith, 
becaufe  the  water  of  fandlification,  which  is  one  of  the 
[16]  fixe,  doth  not  goe  before  juftifying  faith,  but  followeth 
after  it :  for  our  hearts  are  juflified  by  faith,  ACts  15.9. 

Errour  79.  If  a  member  of  a  Church  be  unfatisfied  with 
any  thing  in  the  Church,  if  he  expreffe  his  offence,  whether 
he  hath  ufed  all  meanes  to  convince  the  Church  or  no,  he 
may  depart. 

Confutation  79.  Contrary  to  the  rule  of  our  Saviour, 
Matth.  18.  If  thy  brother  offend  (convidlingly)  admonifh ; 
whence  it  is  evident,  that  in  our  carriage  towards  a  private 
brother  we  muff  convince  him,  before  admonifh  him,  much 
leffe  feparate  from  him.  Therefore  our  carriage  towards  the 
whole  Church  muft  upon  greater  reafon  be  with  like  pru¬ 
dence,  and  tenderneffe ;  whence  the  argument  followes  thus. 
An  offence  taken  before  convidlion  will  not  beare  an  admo¬ 
nition,  much  leffe  feparation  from  a  brother  or  Church :  but 
the  offence  in  the  queftion  propounded  is  fuch,  Ergo. 

Errour  80.  If  a  man  thinlce  he  may  edifie  better  in  an¬ 
other  congregation  then  in  his  owne,  that  is  ground  enough 
to  depart  ordinarily,  from  word,  feales,  fallings,  feaftings,  and 
all  adminiflrations  in  his  owne  Church,  notwithflanding  the 
offence  of  the  Church,  often  manifefled  to  him  for  fo  doing. 

Confutatioii  80.  It  is  contrary  to  the  condition  and  flation 
of  a  member  of  the  body  in  which  he  Hands,  1  Cor.  12.  27. 
A  member  muff  not  put  it  felfe  from  the  body  upon  its  owne 
thoughts ;  as  the  admiffion  of  a  member  was  by  the  confent 
of  the  whole,  fo  likewife  mufl  his  difmiffion  be.  It  is  contrary 
alfo  to  the  duty  of  a  member,  Ephef.  4.  16.  there  mufl  be  an 

effedluall 


123 


A  Short  Story. 

effedtuall  working  in  every  part  for  the  edification  of  the 
whole  which  this  departure  from  the  adminiftration  of  all 
the  holy  ordinances  in  the  Church  will  neceffarily  hinder. 
It  is  contrary  alfo  to  the  good  of  the  whole  Church,  and  the 
rule  which  the  Lord  hath  appointed  for  the  prefervation 
thereof,  i  Cor.  14.  33.  God  is  not  the  author  of  confufion, 
and  therefore  not  of  this  pradtife  which  will  certainly  bring 
it,  for  if  one  member  upon  thefe  his  imaginations  may  de¬ 
part,  why  may  not  ten,  yea  twenty,  yea  an  hundred  ?  Why 
may  not  the  Paftor  upon  fuch  grounds  leave  his  people, 
as  well  as  they  him,  confidering  the  tye  is  equall  on  both 
parts  ? 

Error  81.  Where  faith  is  held  forth  by  the  Miniftery,  as 
the  condition  of  the  covenant  of  grace  on  mans  part,  as  alfo 
evidencing  juflification  by  fandtification,  and  the  activity  of 
faith,  in  that  Church  there  is  not  fufficient  bread. 

Confutation  81.  This  pofition  feemeth  to  deny  faith  to 
be  a  condition  at  all,  or  at  all  adtive,  and  fo  if  condition  in 
this  place  fignifie  a  qualification  in  man  wrought  by  the 
holy  Ghoft,  without  which  the  promifes  doe  not  belong  to 
men,  this  is  contrary  to  Scripture,  for  John  6.  48.  Chriffc  is 
the  bread  of  life,  and  yet  in  the  fame  chapter  faith  is  held 
out  as  a  condition  of  the  covenant  by  the  Miniftery  of  Chrift 
himfelfe ;  and  the  adtivity  of  it  is  held  forth  in  thefe  words, 
Verily  I  fay  unto  you,  unleffe  yee  eate  the  flefli,  and  drinke 
the  bloud  of  the  Sonne  of  man,  you  have  no  life  in  you,  and 
who  fo  eateth,  &c.  As  for  the  lawfulneffe  of  evidencing 
juftification  by  fandtification  (if  it  be  underftood  of  that  [17] 
fandtification  which  is  by  faith  in  Chrift)  it  is  contrary 
to  the  intent  of  the  whole  Epiftle  of  John ,  befides  many  other 

places 


124  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

places  of  Scripture  which  yet  hold  forth  bread  fufficient  (if 
by  fufficient  is  meant  that  dodtrine,  which  in  its  right  ufe  is 
wholfome  and  good  food)  for  it  was  written  that  their  joy 
might  be  full;  yet  the  evidencing  of  j unification  by  fanftifi- 
cation  is  expreffely  held  forth  chap.  i.  verf.  7.  where  he  faith, 
If  we  walke  in  the  light,  as  Chrid  is  in  the  light,  we  have 
fellowfhip  one  with  another,  and  the  bloud  of  Jefus  Chrid 
cleanfeth  us  from  all  dnne ;  by  walking  in  the  light,  in  op- 
podtion  to  walking  in  darkneffe  fpoken  of  before,  verfe  6. 
Sandtification  is  evidently  meant,  and  this  is  expreffely 
noted  to  be  an  evidence  of  our  good  condition,  when  it  is 
faid,  if  we  fo  walke,  the  bloud  of  Chrid  cleanfeth  us  from 
all  dnne. 

Errour  82.  A  Minider  mud  not  pray  nor  preach  againd 
any  errour,  unleffe  he  declare  in  the  open  Congregation, 
upon  any  members  enquiry,  the  names  of  them  that  hold 
them. 

Confutation  82.  This  is  contrary  to  Scriptures,  which 
teach  Miniders  to  pray  and  preach  againd  all  errours  by 
whom  foever  they  be  held,  when  it  calleth  them  Watchmen 
and  Stewards,  in  whom  faithfulneffe  is  required  in  all  ad- 
minidrations :  yet  withall  it  enjoyneth  them  if  a  brother 
dnne  not  openly,  to  admonifh  him  in  fecret,  drd  betweene 
them  two  alone,  and  afterwards  in  the  prefence  of  two  or 
three  witneffes,  and  after  that  (and  not  before)  to  bring  the 
matter  to  the  Church,  Matth .  18.  15,  16,  17. 


Vnfavoury 


A  Short  Story. 


125 


Vnfavoury  fpeeches  confuted. 

Thefe  that  follow  were  judged  by  the  Ajfembly  aforefaid , 
as  unfafe  fpeeches . 

1.  rT'0  fay  that  we  are  juftified  by  faith  is  an  unfafe  fpeech , 
^  we  muft fay  we  are  jufli fed  by  Chrift . 

Anfwer  1.  Falfe,  for  the  conftant  language  of  the  Scrip¬ 
ture  is  not  unfafe ;  but  we  are  juftified  by  faith,  is  the  con¬ 
ftant  language  of  the  Scripture,  Rom .  5.  1.  being  juftified 
by  faith  ;  the  righteoufneffe  of  faith,  Rom .  10.  31,  32.  Right- 
eoufneffe  by  faith,  Phil  3.  9,  10. 

2.  The  diftindt  phrafe  of  the  Scripture  ufed  in  diftinguifh- 
ing  Legall  and  Evangelicall  righteoufneffe  is  no  unfafe 
fpeech,  but  fuch  is  this,  Rom .  9.  31,  32.  Ifrael  found  not 
righteoufneffe,  becaufe  they  fought  it  of  the  Law,  and  not  of, 
or  by  faith,  fo  Rom .  10.  5,  6.  The  righteoufneffe  of  faith,  faith 
thus,  &c.  The  Apoftle  makes  thefe  two  fo  direftly  oppofite, 
as  membra  dividentia ,  or  contrary  fpecies,  that  there  is  no 
danger  one  fhould  be  taken  for  another,  but  that  it’s  fo  fafe, 
as  that  he  that  affirmes  the  one  denies  the  other:  yea  in  the 
moft  exadt  expreffion  that  ever  Paul  made,  to  exclude 
whatfoever  might  be  unfafe  towards  a  mans  juftification,  [18] 
you  have  this  phrafe,  yea  twice  in  the  fame  verfe,  Phil. 

3.  9.  not  having  mine  owne  righteoufneffe,  which  is  of  the 
Law,  but  that  which  is  through  the  faith  of  Chrift ;  And 
againe,  The  righteoufneffe  which  is  of  God  by  faith  (hni  ttj 
nisei)  Ergo ,  it  is  no  unfafe  fpeech,  yea  it  muft  be  faid  on 
the  contrary  from  thofe  grounds,  that  to  fay  a  man  is  jufti¬ 
fied 


126  The  Antinoniian  Controverfy . 

fied  before  faith,  or  without  faith  is  unfafe,  as  contrary  to 
the  language  of  the  Scriptures. 

And  for  the  fecond  part,  that  we  muft  fay,  we  are  juftified 
by  Chrift;,  it  is  true  fo  farre,  as  that  it  cannot  be  denyed,  nor 
is  it  unfound  or  unfafe  at  all  fo  to  fpeake,  but  if  it  meane  a 
muft  of  neceffity  alwayes,  or  onely  fo  to  fpeake  as  it  is  here 
fet  in  oppofition  to  the  phrafe  of  being  juftified  by  faith, 
then  it  is  utterly  falfe,  for  as  much  as  the  Scripture  leades 
us  along  in  the  way  of  other  expreffions  ordinarily,  and  the 
Apoftle  gives  us  the  truth  of  dodtrine  and  foundneffe  of 
phrafe  together,  Rom.  io.  3.  Chrift  is  the  end  of  the  Law 
for  righteoufneffe  to  every  one  that  beleeveth. 

2.  To  evidence  jujiijication  by  fandlification,  or  graces,  fa¬ 
vours  of  Rome. 

Anfwer.  Not  fo.  1.  Rome  acknowledged^  not  j unifica¬ 
tion  in  our  common  fenfe,  Soil,  by  righteoufneffe  imputed. 
2.  Rome  demies  evidencing  of  our  j unification  and  peace 
with  God,  and  teacheth  a  dodtrine  of  doubting,  and  profeffeth 
that  a  man  cannot  know  what  God  will  doe  with  him  for 
life  or  death,  unleffe  by  fpeciall  revelation,  which  is  not  or¬ 
dinary.  But  if  they  meane  old  Rome ,  or  Pauls  Rome ,  to 
which  he  wrote,  it’s  true,  that  it  favours  of  the  dodtrine  that 
they  received,  as  appeareth,  Rom.  8.  28.  All  things  co-worke 
for  good  (the  evill  of  every  evill  being  taken  away,  which  is 
a  point  of  juftification,  and  this  is  propounded  under  the 
evidence  of  the  love  of  God)  to  them  that  love  him,  becaufe 
Rom.  8.  2.  9.  13.  14.  the  evidencing  of  our  being  in  Chrin, 
freedome  from  condemnation,  and  adoption  is  profecuted  by 
arguments  from  fandtification,  as  by  having  the  fpirit,  being 
led  by  the  fpirit,  walking  after  the  fpirit,  mortifying  the 

deeds 


127 


A  Short  Story. 


deeds  of  the  fledi  by  the  fpirit :  and  if  hereto  were  added 
the  dodlrine  of  Saint  John  fo  abundant  this  way  in  his  fird 
Epiftle  (whereof  I  have  already  made  mention)  I  doubt  not, 
but  it  was  the  faith  of  the  Church  of  Rome  that  then  was,  fo 
that  the  fpeech  is  unfavoury,  and  calling  a  foule  afperfion 
upon  a  good  thing  exprelfed  in  the  Scriptures,  but  as  for  the 
point  it  felfe,  that  is  included,  we  referre  it  to  its  place,  to 
be  difcuffed,  when  it  is  rightly  dated. 

3.  If  I  be  holy  I  am  never  the  better  accepted  of  God \  if  / 
be  unholy  /  am  never  the  worfe ,  this  I  am  fure  of  he  that 
hath  elected  me  mufi  fave  me . 

Anfw.  Thefe  words  favour  very  ill,  and  relifh  of  a  careleffe 
and  ungracious  fpirit,  for  howfoever  we  grant  that  our  ac¬ 
ceptation  unto  judification  is  alwayes  in  and  through  Chrid 
the  fame  in  Gods  account,  yet  this  exprefdon  imports,  that 
though  a  mans  converfation  be  never  fo  holy  and  gracious, 
yet  hee  can  expedl  never  the  more  manifedation  of  Gods 
kindneffe  and  love  to  him,  contrary  to  Pfal.  50.  ult.  To  him 
that  orders  his  converfation  aright  I  will  diew  the  falvation  of 
God,  and  John  14.  21.  It  implies  fecondly,  that  though 
a  mans  converfation  be  never  fo  vile  and  fenfuall,  yet  [19] 
he  neede  not  feare  nor  expebl  any  further  exprefdon 
of  Gods  difpleafure  and  anger  to  breake  forth  againd  him, 
or  withdrawings  of  his  favour  from  him,  contrary  to  PfaL 
51.  8.  11,  12.  where  God  breakes  Davids  bones  for  his  finne, 
and  Jonah  2.  4.  Jonah  was  as  one  cad  out  of  Gods  prefence, 
and  2  Chron.  15.  2.  If  you  forfake  him  hee  will  forfake  you: 
And  in  a  word  it  imports,  as  if  God  neither  loved  righteouf- 
neffe,  nor  hated  wickedneffe,  contrary  to  Pfal.  45.  6.  7.  and 
did  take  no  delight  in  the  obedience  of  his  people,  contrary 

to 


128  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

to  Pfal.  147.  11.  The  Lord  delighteth  in  thofe  that  feare 
him,  &c.  As  concerning  the  lafl  claufe,  he  that  hath  eledled 
me  muft  fave  me :  it  is  true,  the  foundation  of  Gods  eledtion 
remaineth  fure,  yet  it  is  as  true,  that  whom  he  choofeth,  he 
purpofeth  to  bring  to  Salvation,  through  fandtification  of 
the  Spirit,  2  TheJ.  2.  13. 

4.  If  Chrifi  will  let  me  finne,  let  him  looke  to  it,  upon  his 
honour  be  it. 

Anfw.  This  retorts  the  Lords  words  upon  himfelfe,  Prov. 
4.  23,  24  Keepe  thine  heart,  &c.  Ponder  thy  paths,  &c.  and 
therefore  no  leffe  blafphemous,  and  is  contrary  to  the  pro- 
feffed  pradtife  of  David ,  Pfal.  18  23.  I  was  upright  before 
him,  and  kept  my  felfe  from  mine  iniquity  :  The  latter  claufe 
puts  the  caufe  of  Gods  difhonour  upon  himfelfe,  no  leffe 
blafphemous  then  the  former,  and  contrary  to  Rom.  2.  23. 
where  the  difhonouring  of  God  is  laid  upon  themfelves. 

5.  Here  is  a  great  ftirre  about  graces  and  looking  to  hearts, 
but  give  me  Chrifi,  I  feeke  not  for  graces,  but  for  Chrifi,  / 
feeke  not  for  promifes,  but  for  Chrifi,  I  feeke  not  for  fandlifi- 
cation,  but  for  Chri/l ,  tell  not  me  of  meditation  and  duties, 
but  tell  me  of  Chrifi. 

Anfw.  1.  This  fpeech  feemeth  to  make  a  flat  oppofltion 
betweene  Chrifi:  and  his  graces,  contrary  to  that  in  foh.  1. 
16.  Of  his  fulneffe  we  all  received,  and  grace  for  grace;  and 
betweene  Chrift  and  his  promifes,  contrary  to  Gal.  3.  13,  14. 
Chrifi:  was  made  a  curfe  that  wee  might  receive  the  promife 
of  the  Spirit,  and  Luke  1.  70.  with  74.  And  betwixt  Chrifl: 
and  all  holy  duties,  contrary  to  Tit.  2.14.  and  therefore  hold 
forth  expreffions  not  agreeing  to  wholefome  dodlrine. 

6.  A  living  faith,  that  hath  living  fruits,  may  grow  from 

the  livmg  Law.  Anfw. 


129 


A  Short  Story. 

Anfw .  This  whole  fpeech  is  utterly  crofle  to  the  found 
forme  of  words  required,  2  Tim .  1.  13.  Hold  faff  the  forme 
of  found  words.  1.  That  a  Hypocrite  may  have  a  living 
Law,  is  contrary  to  James  2.  17.  where  the  hypocrites  faith 
is  called  a  dead  faith.  2.  That  a  hypocrite  may  bring  forth 
living  fruite,  is  contrary  to  that,  Heb .  9.  14.  3.  That  all 

this  growes  from  a  living  law,  contrary  to  2  Cor .  3  6.  where 
the  law  is  called  a  killing  letter,  and  to  Gal.  3.  21.  If  there 
had  beene  a  law  which  could  have  given  life,  &c. 

7.  /  know  I  am  Chrijls ,  becaufe  I  doe  crucijie  the 
htfts  of  the  flejh ,  but  becaufe  I  doe  not  crucifie  them ,  be- 
leeve  in  Chrifl  that  crucified  my  lifts  for  me. 

Anfw.  1.  The  phrafe  is  contrary  to  the  Scripture  lan¬ 
guage,  Gal.  5.  24.  They  that  are  Ch rifts,  have  crucified 
the  flefh  with  the  affections  and  lulls.  2.  It  favours  [20] 
of  the  flefh,  for  thefe  three  things  may  feeme  to  be  ex- 
preffed  in  it.  1.  If  Scripture  makes  not  oppofite,  but  fub- 
ordinate,  Rom.  8.  13.  I  through  the  Spirit  crucifie  the  flefh. 
2.  That  if  I  doe  not  crucifie  my  lulls,  then  there  is  an  open 
and  free  way  of  looking  to  Chrift,  contrary  to  the  Scripture, 
Mat.  5.  8.  Bleffed  are  the  pure  in  heart,  for  they  fhall  fee  God, 
both  in  boldneffe  of  faith  here,  and  fruition  hereafter,  2  Tim.  2. 
19.  Let  every  one  that  names  the  Lord  Jefus,  depart  from 
iniquity.  3.  That  beleeving  in  Chrifl,  may  eafe  me  from 
endeavouring  to  crucifie  my  lulls  in  my  owne  perfon  ;  which 
is  fo  groffe,  that  it  needes  no  more  confutation  then  to  name 
it.  4.  The  fafe  fenfe  that  may  be  poffibly  intended  in  fuch 
a  fpeech  is  this,  If  I  crucifie  the  flefh  in  my  own  flrength, 
it  is  no  fafe  evidence  of  my  being  in  Chrifl,  but  if  renounc¬ 
ing  my  felfe,  I  crucifie  the  flefh  in  the  flrength  of  Chrifl, 

applying 


17 


130  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

applying  his  death  by  faith,  it  is  a  fafe  evidence  of  my  being 
in  Chrift:  but  this  fenfe  conveighed  in  thefe  words,  is  to 
conveigh  wholefome  dodtrine  in  an  unwholefome  Chan- 
nell,  and  a  darkening  and  lofing  the  truth  in  an  unfavoury 
expreffion. 

8.  Peter  more  leaned  to  a  Covenant  of  work es  then  Paul, 
Pauls  do  Urine  was  more  for  free  grace  then  Peters. 

Anfw.  To  oppofe  thefe  perfons  and  the  dodtrine  of  thefe 
two  Apoftles  of  Chrift,  who  were  guided  by  one  and  the 
fame  Spirit  in  preaching  and  penning  thereof,  (2  Pet.  1.  21. 
Holy  men  of  God  fpake  as  they  were  moved  by  the  holy 
Ghoft,  2  Tim.  3.  16.  All  Scripture  is  given  by  infpiration 
of  God)  in  fuch  a  point  as  the  Covenant  of  workes  and 
grace,  is  little  lelfe  than  blafphemy. 

9.  If  Chrift  be  my  SanTtification ,  what  neede  I  looke  to  any 
thing  in  my  felfe ,  to  evidence  my  juft  if  cation  ? 

Anfw.  This  pofition  is  therefore  unfound,  becaufe  it 
holds  forth  Chrift  to  be  my  falsification,  fo  as  that  I  neede 
not  looke  to  any  inherent  holineffe  in  my  felfe ;  whereas 
Chrift  is  therefore  faid  to  be  our  fandtification,  becaufe  he 
workes  fandtification  in  us,  and  we  daily  ought  to  grow  up 
in  him,  by  receiving  new  fupply  and  increafe  of  grace  from 
his  fulneffe,  according  to  2  Pet.  3.  18.  Grow  in  grace  and  in 
the  knowledge  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chrift.1 

The 

1  “For  fome  account  of  this  Synod,  Story  muft  have  been  written  at  the 
fee  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  pp.  *237  and  time,  probably  by  fome  minifter.” — 
*  240 ;  Cotton’s  Way  Cleared ,  pp.  39-41  Deane,  MS.  note.  Vide ,  alfo,  Cotton 
et  feq.  The  Affembly  broke  up  Sep-  Mather’s  chapter  Hydra  Decapitata  in 
tember  22.  This  account  in  the  Short  the  Magnalia  (B.  VII.  chap.  iii.). 


[21] 

The  proceedings  of  the  Generali  Court  holden  at  New 
Towne  in  the  Maffachufets  in  New  England ,  OCtobl  2.  1637. 
Againft  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  other  erroneous  and 
feditious  perfons  for  their  difturbances  of  the 

publick  peace.1 2 


L though  the  Affembly  of  the  Churches  had  confuted 
and  condemned  moft  of  thofe  new  opinions  which 
were  fprung  up  amongft  us,  and  Mr.  Cotton  3  had 
in  publique  view  contented  with  the  reft,  yet  the 
leaders  in  thofe  erroneous  wayes  would  not  give  in,  but  flood 
{till  to  maintain  their  new  light,  which  they  had  boafted  of, 

and 


1  This  is  an  error,  due,  probably,  to 
the  careleffnefs  of  the  perfon  who  fuper- 
vifed  the  prefs  when  the  Short  Story 
was  publifhed.  The  feffion  of  the  Court 
here  referred  to  was  held  in  November. 

2  “  This  document,  pp.  21  and  43 
inclufive  [37-00  of  this  edition],  and 

probably  from  p.  59,  fourth  line  [00- 
000],  to  the  end,  fhould  properly  come 
laft,  in  the  order  of  the  three  official  or 
/£?/zz-official  papers,  being  an  account  of 
the  proceeding  of  the  General  Court , 
which  convened  at  Cambridge  Novem¬ 
ber  2,  1637,  at  which  Wheelwright,  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  and  others  of  their  friends 
were  fentenced  to  baniffiment.  This 


paper  might  properly  be  called  alfo  an 
‘  Apology,’  as  it  not  only  gives  the.  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  the  court,  but  is  alfo  a  jujiifi- 
cation  of  thofe  proceedings.  It  agrees 
with  Winthrop’s  defcription  of  it.  He 
fays  (Vol.  I.  pp.  *297,  *298)  :  ‘All  the 
proceedings  of  this  court  againft  thefe 
perfons  were  fet  down  at  large,  with  the 
reafons  arid  other  obfervations,  and  were 
fent  into  England  to  be  publifhed  there, 
to  the  end  that  all  our  godly  friends 
might  not  be  difcouraged  from  coming  to 
us,  etc.’  This  paper,  I  think,  was  written 
by  WinthropS  —  Deane,  MS.  note. 

3  The  Rev.  John  Cotton  was  born 
in  Derby,  England,  December  4,  1 585, 

arrived 


132  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 


and  that  the  difference  was  ftill  as  wide  as  before,  viz.  as 
great  as  between  heaven  and  hell:  Mr.  Wheelwright 1  alfo 
continued  his  preaching  after  his  former  manner,  and  Mif- 
tris  Hutchifon  her  wonted  meetings  and  exercifes,  and  much 
offence  was  ftill  given  by  her,  and  others  in  going  out  of  the 
ordinary  affemblies,  when  Mr  Wil?  began  any  exercife;  and 
fome  of  the  meffengers  of  the  Church  of  Bojlon ,  had  contemp- 
tuoufly  withdrawn  themfelves  from  the  generall  Affembly, 
with  profeffed  diflike  of  their  proceedings,  and  many  evi¬ 
dences  brake  forth  of  their  difcontented  and  turbulent  fpirits; 
it  was  conceived  by  the  Magiftrates,  and  others  of  the  Coun¬ 
trey,  that  the  means  which  had  been  ufed,  proving  uneffec- 
tuall,  the  cafe  was  now  defperate,  and  the  laft  remedy  was 
to  bee  applyed,  and  that  without  further  delay,  left  it  fhould 
bee  attempted  too  late,  when  fitter  opportunity  might  bee 
offered  for  their  advantage,  as  they  had  boafted,  and  did 

certainly 


arrived  in  Bofton  September  4,  1633, 
and  died  there  December  23,  1652. 
Full  accounts  of  Cotton  and  his  writ¬ 
ings  will  be  found  in  the  Magnalia 
(B.  III.  P.  I.  chap,  i.),  and  in  Eliot 
and  Allen’s  dictionaries.  All  the  bio¬ 
graphical  cyclopedias  contain  notices 
of  him.  See  alfo  Prof.  Enoch  Pond’s 
annotated  edition  of  Norton’s  Life  a7id 
Death  of  John  Cotton ,  publifhed  in 
London  in  1648  ;  and  the  Rev.  A.  W. 
M‘Clure’s  biography,  written  for  the 
Maffachufetts  Sabbath  School  Society, 
and  publifhed  in  1846  as  the  firft  in  the 
feries  of  Lives  of  the  Chief  Fathers  of 
New  England. 

1  The  Rev.  John  Wheelwright  was 
born  in  England,  probably  in  1592,  ar¬ 
rived  in  Bofton  May  26,  1636,  and  died 
in  Salifbury,  Mafs.,  November  15,  1679. 


Full  accounts  of  his  life  and  connection 
with  the  events  recorded  in  the  Short 
Story  are  to  be  found  in  C.  H.  Bell’s  me¬ 
moir,  prefixed  to  the  John  Wheelwright 
in  the  Prince  Society  Publications,  and 
in  the  fecond  of  Adams’s  Three  Epi- 
fodes  of  Maffachufetts  Hifory. 

2  The  Rev.  John  Wilfon  was  born 
in  Windfor,  England,  in  1588,  and  ar¬ 
rived  in  America  with  Governor  Win- 
throp  in  1630;  he  died  Auguft  7,  1667. 
Full  accounts  of  his  life  are  contained 
in  the  Magnalia  (B.  III.  P.  I.  chap,  iii.), 
in  the  various  biographical  dictionaries 
and  cyclopedias,  and  in  Ellis’s  Hiflory 
of  the  Firfl  Church  of  Bofton.  There 
is  a  highly  charaCteriftic  detailed  notice 
of  him  in  Savage’s  Genealogical  Dic¬ 
tionary  (Vol.  IV.  pp.  583-584). 


133 


A  Short  Story. 

certainly  expedl  upon  the  returne  of  fome  of  their  chiefe  fup- 
porters,  who  by  a  fpeciall  providence  were  now  abfent  from 
them :  And  for  this  end  the  generall  Court  being  affembled 
in  the  ordinary  courfe,  it  was  determined  to  begin  with  thefe 
troublers  of  our  peace,  and  to  fuppreffe  them  by  the  civill 
authority,  whereunto  there  was  a  faire  occafion  offered  upon 
a  feditious  writing,  which  had  been  delivered  into  the  Court 
in  March ,  when  Mr.  Wheel,  was  convift  of  fedition,  &c. 
under  the  hands  of  more  than  threefcore  of  them,  and  inti- 
tled  A  Remonftrance  or  Petition ,  the  Contents  whereof  were 
as  followeth : 

Wee  whofe  names  are  under  written  (have  diligently 
obferved  this  honoured  Courts  proceedings  againft  our  deare 
and  reverend  brother  in  Chrift,  Mr.  Wheel,  now  under  cen- 
fure  of  the  Court,  for  the  truth  of  Chrift)  wee  do  humbly 
befeech  this  honourable  Court  to  accept  this  Remonftrance 
and  Petition  of  ours,  in  all  due  fubmiffion  tendred  to  your 
Worfhips. 

For  firft,  whereas  our  beloved  Brother  Mr.  Wheel,  is  cen- 
fured  for  contempt,  by  the  greater  part  of  this  honoured 
Court,  wee  defire  your  Worfhips  to  confider  the  fincere 
intention  of  our  Brother  to  promote  your  end  in  the 
[22]  day  of  Faft,  for  whereas  wee  do  perceive  your  principal 
intention  the  day  of  Faft  looked  chiefely  at  the  publick 
peace  of  the  Churches,  our  Reverend  Brother  did  to  his  belt 
ftrength,  and  as  the  Lord  affifted  him,  labour  to  promote 
your  end,  and  therefore  indevoured  to  draw  us  neerer  unto 
Chrift,  the  head  of  our  union,  that  fo  wee  might  bee  eftab- 
liflied  in  peace,  which  wee  conceive  to  bee  the  true  way, 
fandtifyed  of  God,  to  obtaine  your  end,  and  therfore  deferves 
no  fuch  cenfure  as  wee  conceive. 


Secondly, 


134  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Secondly,  Whereas  our  deare  Brother  is  cenfured  of  fedi- 
tion  ;  wee  befeech  your  Worfhips  to  confider,  that  either  the 
perfon  condemned  mutt  bee  culpable  of  fome  feditious  faft, 
or  his  doftrine  muft  bee  feditious,  or  muff  breed  fedition  in 
the  hearts  of  his  hearers  or  elfe  wee  know  not  upon  what 
grounds  hee  fhould  bee  cenfured.  Now  to  the  firft,  wee 
have  not  heard  any  that  have  witneffed  againft  our  brother 
for  any  feditious  faft.  Secondly,  neither  was  the  doftrine 
it  felfe,  being  no  other  but  the  very  expreffions  of  the  Holy 
Ghoft  himfelfe,  and  therefore  cannot  juftly  be  branded  with 
fedition.  Thirdly,  if  you  look  at  the  effects  of  his  Dodlrine 
upon  the  hearers,  it  hath  not  ftirred  up  fedition  in  us,  not 
fo  much  as  by  accident ;  wee  have  not  drawn  the  fword,  as 
fometimes  Peter  did,  rafhly,  neither  have  wee  refcued  our 
innocent  Brother,  as  fometimes  the  Ifraelites  did  Jonathan , 
and  yet  they  did  not  feditioufly.  The  Covenant  of  free 
Grace  held  forth  by  our  Brother,  hath  taught  us  rather  to 
become  humble  fuppliants  to  your  Worfhips,  and  if  wee 
fhould  not  prevaile,  wee  would  rather  with  patience  give  our 
cheekes  to  the  fmiters.  Since  therefore  the  Teacher,  the 
Doftrine,  and  the  hearers  bee  moft  free  from  fedition  (as  wee 
conceive)  wee  humbly  befeech  you  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jefus  Chrift,  your  Judge  and  ours,  and  for  the  honour  of 
this  Court,  and  the  proceedings  thereof,  that  you  will  bee 
pleafed  either  to  make  it  appeare  to  us,  and  to  all  the  world, 
to  whom  the  knowledge  of  all  thefe  things  will  come,  wherein 
the  fedition  lies,  or  elfe  acquit  our  Brother  of  fuch  a  cenfure. 

Further,  wee  befeech  you  remember  the  old  method  of 
Satan,  the  ancient  enemy  of  Free  Grace,  in  all  ages  of  the 
Churches,  who  hath  raifed  up  fuch  calumnies  againft  the 

faithfull 


135 


A  Short  Story. 


faithfull  Prophets  of  God,  Eliah  was  called  the  troubler  of 
Ifrael ’  i  King.  1 8.  17,  18.  Amos  was  charged  for  confpir- 
acy,  Amos  7.  10.  Paul  was  counted  a  peftilent  fellow,  or 
moover  of  fedition,  and  a  ring-leader  of  a  Se6t,  A  As  24.  5. 
and  Chrift  himfelfe,  as  well  as  Paul  was  charged  to  bee  a 
Teacher  of  New  Dodtrine,  Mark.  1.  27.  A  As  1719.  Now 
wee  befeech  you  confider,  whether  that  old  ferpent  work  not 
after  his  old  method,  even  in  our  daies. 

Further,  wee  befeech  you  confider  the  danger  of  medling 
againft  the  Prophets  of  God,  P fal.  105.  14.  15,  for  what  yee 
do  unto  them,  the  Lord  Jefus  takes  as  done  unto  himfelfe  ; 
if  you  hurt  any  of  his  members,  the  head  is  very  fenfible  of 
it :  for  fo  faith  the  Lord  of  Hofls,  Hee  that  toucheth  you 
toucheth  the  apple  of  mine  eye,  Zach .  2  8.  And  better  a 
mill-ftone  were  hanged  about  our  necks,  and  that  wee 
were  caft  into  the  fea,  then  that  wee  fliould  offend  any  of  [23] 
thefe  little  ones,  which  beleeve  on  him,  Matthew  18.  6. 

And  laftly,  wee  befeech  you  confider,  how  you  fliould 
ftand  in  relation  to  us,  as  nurfing  Fathers,  which  gives  us 
encouragement  to  promote  our  humble  requefls  to  you,  or 
elfe  wee  would  fay  with  the  Prophet,  If  a.  22.  4.  Look  from 
mee  that  I  may  weep  bitterly,  Labour  not  to  comfort  mee, 
&c.  or  as  Jer.  9.  2.  O  that  I  had  in  the  wilderneffe  a  lodging 
place  of  a  wayfaring  man.  And  thus  have  wee  made  known 
our  griefes  and  defires  to  your  Worfhips,  and  leave  them 
upon  record  with  the  Lord  and  with  you,  knowing  that  if 
wee  fliould  receive  repulfe  from  you,  with  the  Lord  wee  fliall 

A  mono:  ft 


find  grace.1 


1  This  remonftrance,  copied  by  Sav-  (Vol.  I.  pp.  481-483),  together  with  the 
age  from  the  Short  Story,  is  reprinted  following  letter  of  Winthrop  in  relation 
in  his  edition  of  Winthrop’s  Hijlory  to  it :  — 


Beloved 


136  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


Amongft  others  who  had  fubfcribed  to  this  writing,  Wil¬ 
liam  Afpinwall 1  was  one,  and  being  returned  for  one  of  the 
Deputies  of  Bojion ,  it  was  propounded  in  the  Court,  whether 
hee  was  fit  to  bee  received  a  member  of  the  Court,  having 

fubfcribed 


Beloved  Brethren,  —  I  met  lately 
with  the  remonftrance  fubfcribed  by  your- 
felves  with  others.  I  mull  confefs  I  faw  it 
once  before,  but  had  not  then  time  to  read 
it  advifedly,  as  now  I  have.  I  hope  foon 
(by  God’s  affiftance)  to  make  it  appear,  what 
wrong  hath  been  done  to  the  court,  yea,  and 
to  the  truth  itfelf,  by  your  rafli,  unwarranted 
and  feditious  delinquency.  In  the  mean 
time,  I  thought  fit  to  advertife  you  of  fome 
mifcarriages  therein;  and  though  your  coun¬ 
tenancing  of  others  in  the  like  pra6tice 
leaves  me  fmall  hope,  that  you  will  hearken 
to  my  counfel  in  this,  yet,  in  difcharge  of 
my  duty  and  brotherly  refpecft  towards  you, 
I  have  given  this  attempt,  and  fliall  leave 
the  fuccefs  to  God. 

1.  In  this  you  have  broke  the  ends  of 
your  calling,  that  you  did  publifh  fuch  a 
writing,  when  you  were  no  members  of  the 
court. 

2.  In  that  you  tax  the  court  with  in- 
juftice. 

3.  In  that  you  affirm,  that  all  the  a£ts  of 
that  major  part  of  that  court  are  void, 
whereby  you  go  about  to  overthrow  the 
foundation  of  our  commonwealth  and  the 
peace  thereof,  by  turning  all  our  magiftrates 
out  of  office,  and  by  nullifying  all  our  laws. 

4.  In  that  you  invite  the  body  of  the 
people  to  join  with  you  in  your  feditious 
attempt  againft  the  court  and  the  authority 
here  eftablifhed,  againft  the  rule  of  the  apof- 
tle,  who  requires  every  foul  to  be  fubjedt  to 
the  higher  powers,  and  every  Chriftian  man 
to  ftudy  to  be  quiet  and  to  meddle  with  his 
own  bufinefs. 

I  earneftly  defire  you  to  confider  ferioufly 
of  thefe  things,  and  if  it  pleafe  the  Lord  to 
open  your  eyes  to  fee  your  failings,  it  will 
be  much  joy  to  me,  and  (I  doubt  not  but) 


the  court  will  be  very  ready  to  pafs  them 
by,  and  accept  of  your  fubmiffion,  and  it 
may  be  a  means  of  a  further  and  firm  recon¬ 
ciliation  ;  which  the  Lord  grant,  and  in  his 
good  time  effedt.  So  I  reft 

Your  loving  brother, 

J.  W. 

Xlth,  15,  1637. 

To  my  worthy  Friends  and  beloved  \ 

Brethren,  Mr.  Coddington,  Mr.  > 
Coggeshall,  and  Mr.  Colburn.  ) 

1  Of  William  Afpinwall,  Savage 
( Genealogical  Dictionary ,  Vol.  I.  pp. 
70,  71)  gives  the  following  record: 
Firft  mentioned  at  Charleftown,  in 
1630;  he  probably  came  in  the  fleet 
with  Winthrop.  He  ferved  on  the  ear- 
lieft  jury  of  inqueft  in  the  colony,  Sep¬ 
tember  28  of  that  year,  and  was  one  of 
the  firft  members  of  the  church,  his 
name  being  tenth  on  the  lift  ;  he  was 
chofen  one  of  the  two  deacons  at  the 
church  organization.  He  foon  removed 
to  Bofton,  and  was  made  freeman  April 
3,1632.  In  Auguft,  1637,  when  Gov.  Sir 
Harry  Vane  returned  to  England,  Afpin¬ 
wall  was  chofen  reprefentative  by  Bofton 
to  fucceed  him  ;  but  as  a  fupporter  of 
Wheelwright  and  follower  of  the  teach- 
ings  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  was  difmifled, 
difarmed,  disfranchifed,  and  banifhed. 
Firft  he  went  to  Rhode  Ifland,  “with 
fo  many  other  of  his  fellow  faints,”  and 
figned  the  incorporation  of  Portfmouth 
of  March  7,  1638;  appointed  fecretary 
of  the  colony,  he  was  fubfequently  fuf- 
pedted  of  fedition,  and,  January  2,  1638, 
“  it  was  ordered  that  they  would  deal 

with 


137 


A  Short  Story. 

fubfcribed  to  the  faid  writing,  which  was  fo  much  to  the 
difhonour  and  contempt  thereof,  &c.  Whereupon  hee  was 
demanded  if  hee  would  juffcifie  the  matter  contained  in  the 
faid  writing:  which  when  hee  had  peremptorily  affirmed,  by 
the  vote  of  the  Court  hee  was  prefently  difmilfed :  Where¬ 
upon  Mr.  Cogjhall '}  another  of  the  Deputies  of  Bojion ,  who 

had 


with  William  Afpinwall  concerning  his 
defaults,  as  alfo  concerning  invafions 
foreign  and  domeftic  ”  (i  R.  /.  Col.  Rec. 
64).  He  then  appears  to  have  left 
Rhode  Ifland  and  to  have  gone  to  Con¬ 
necticut.  He  lived  at  New  Haven  in 
1641-42,  but  came  again,  by  favor  of 
the  General  Court  (1  Mafs.  Col.  Rec. 
338)  to  Bofton,  where  in  1643  he  ferved 
as  clerk  of  the  writs,  or  recorder,  and 
was  of  the  artillery  company.  It  is  cer¬ 
tain  that  he  was  a  proprietor  at  Water- 
town,  though  he  never  refided  there. 
He  returned  to  England,  and  in  1653 
“publifhed  a  queer  book  as  prognoftic 
of  the  millennium  to  open  in  twenty 
years.  No  mortification  was  felt  prob¬ 
ably  by  him  for  non-arrival  of  this  fifth 
monarchy,  as  I  fuppofe  he  did  not  even 
live  to  fee  the  fuccefs  of  the  rival  dy- 
nafty.  Cromwell  alone  was  powerful 
enough  to  retard  fuch  event,  and  the 
whole  body  of  people  of  England  with 
unanimity  that  was  never  before  or 
fince  equalled  in  that  kingdom,  by  calls 
for  the  reftoration  of  the  houfe  of 
Stuart,  poftponed  the  fuccefs  of  fuch 
enthufiafm.” 

It  is  not  known  that  there  are  any 
defcendants  of  William  Afpinwall  in 
America. 

1  John  Coggefhall,  or  Coxfall,  mer¬ 
cer,  born  in  Eflex  in  1 591,  came  to  New 
England  in  the  fhip  Lion ,  landing  in 
Bofton  Sunday,  September  16,  1632. 


He  was  admitted  freeman  on  the  6th  of 
the  following  November,  and  removed 
from  Roxbury,  where  he  firft  fat  down, 
to  Bofton,  which  place  he  reprefented 
in  the  firft  three  General  Courts,  and 
alfo  in  the  fixth,  feventh,  eighth,  and 
ninth.  While  living  in  Bofton  he  had 
three  children,  Hanamel,  Wait,  and 
Bedaiah,  of  which  laft  Savage  remarks, 
“whether  fon  or  daughter  is  not 
known.”  After  his  banifhment  by  the 
twelfth  General  Court,  as  fet  forth  in 
the  text,  he  removed  to  Rhode  Ifland, 
where  he  was  chofen  as  Affiftant  in  1641, 
and  in  1647,  firft  Prefident  of  the  col¬ 
ony.  He  was  alfo  the  firft  Treafurer  of 
Rhode  Ifland,  and,  one  of  the  chief  men 
of  Newport,  died  on  November  16, 
1647,  in  the  fifty-fixth  year  of  his  age. 
He  was  buried  in  a  lot  on  his  own  farm 
in  Newport,  where  a  subftantial  monu¬ 
ment  ereCted  by  one  of  his  defcendants 
now  marks  the  place  of  his  interment. 

His  refidence  in  Bofton  was  near 
that  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  at  the  inter- 
feCtion  of  School  Street  with  Wafhing- 
ton  Street.  A  man  of  high  character, 
he  died  generally  lamented,  leaving  a 
numerous  progeny. 

Vide  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  p. 
*  130  n.,  and  Genealogical  Dictionary , 
Vol.  I.  p.  421,  where  the  date  of  death 
is  conjeCturally  but  erroneoufly  affigned 
as  1689 ;  alfo  Auftin’s  Genealogical 
Dictionary  of  Rhode  Ifland,  p.  49. 

8 


138  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


had  not  fubfcribed  to  the  faid  writing,  being  then  a  Deputy 
of  the  Court,  fpake  very  boldly  to  the  Court,  and  told  them, 
that  feeing  they  had  put  out  Mr.  Afpinwall  for  that  matter, 
they  were  belt  make  one  work  of  all,  for  as  for  himfelfe, 
though  his  hand  were  not  to  the  Petition,  yet  hee  did  ap¬ 
prove  of  it,  and  his  hand  was  to  a  Protection,  which  was 
to  the  fame  effeCt ;  Whereupon  the  Court  difmiffed  him  alfo, 
and  fent  word  to  Bojlon  to  chufe  two  new  Deputies :  then 
Mr.  Coddington 1  the  third  Deputy,  moved  the  Court  (by  Or¬ 
der  from  the  Town  of  Bojlon i)  that  the  former  cenfure  againft 
Mr.  Wheel,  might  bee  reverfed,  and  that  the  Order  made 
againft  receiving  fuch  as  fhould  not  bee  allowed  by  the 
Magiftrates  might  bee  repealed;  whereby  the  Court  per¬ 
ceived  their  obftinate  refolution  in  maintaining  this  faction, 
and  thereupon  gave  Order  hee  fhould  be  fent  for ;  and  for 
the  Law,  the  anfwer  was,  that  whereas  a  Declaration  had 
been  made  of  the  equity  of  that  Law,  and  that  fpecially  for 
the  fatisfaflion  of  thofe  of  Bojlon ,  and  an  Anfwer  had  been 
publifhed  by  fome  of  them,  wherein  much  reproach  and  dan¬ 
der  had  been  call;  upon  the  Court,  to  which  a  reply  had  been 
made  above  fix  weeks  fince,  but  was  kept  in  upon  expectation 
that  the  late  Affembly  would  have  had  fome  good  effeCt,  in 
clearing  the  points  in  controverfie,  and  reconciling  the  minds 
of  the  adverfe  party,  but  they  continuing  obftinate  and  irre- 

conciliable 


1  William  Coddington,  commonly- 
referred  to  as  the  “founder  of  the  col¬ 
ony  of  Rhode  Ifland,”  was  born  in 
England  in  1601,  and  lived  there  in 
Bolton.  He  came  to  Maffachufetts  with 
Winthrop,  in  1630,  and,  in  confequence 
of  the  a6tion  of  the  General  Court,  re¬ 
moved  to  Rhode  Ifland  in  March,  1638. 
He  died  in  Newport,  November  r,  1678. 


Biographical  notices  of  him  will  be 
found  in  the  cyclopedias,  in  Savage’s 
Genealogical  Dictionary  (Vol.  I.  p. 
416),  and  in  his  notes  to  Winthrop 
(Vol.  I.  p.  *50).  Vide  also  Auftin’s 
Genealogical  DiClionary  of  Rhode  IJl- 
and,  pp.  276-279,  and  Magazine  of 
New  England  Hiflory  (October,  1891), 
Vol.  I.  pp.  228-238. 


A  Short  Story .  139 

conciliable,  it  was  thought  fit  the  whole  proceedings  about 
the  law  fhould  bee  brought  forth,  and  accordingly  the  next 
day,  the  Declaration,  the  Anfwer  and  the  Reply  1  were  all 
brought  to  the  Court,  and  there  openly  read ;  which  gave 
fuch  fatisfadlion  to  thofe  which  were  prefent  as  no  man 
ought  to  object,  and  fome  that  were  of  the  adverfe  party, 


and  had  taken  offence  at  the 
themfelves  fully  fatisfyed. 

1  The  law,  or  “order,”  here  re¬ 
ferred  to  was  that  of  November,  1637 
( Records ,  Vol.  I.  p.  21 1),  and  was  as 
follows :  — 

“Whereas  the  opinions  &  revela¬ 
tions  of  Mr.  Wheelwright  &  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  have  feduced,  &  led  into 
dangerous  errors,  many  of  the  people 
heare  in  Newe  England,  infomuch  as 
there  is  juft  caufe  of  fufpition,  that  they, 
as  others  in  Germany,  in  former  times, 
may,  upon  fome  revelation,  make  fome 
fuddaine  irruption  upon  thofe  that  differ 
from  them  in  judgment:  for  prevention 
whereof,  it  is  ordered,  that  all  thofe, 
whofe  names  are  underwritten,  fhall, 
(upon  warning  given  or  left  at  their 
dwelling  houfes.)  before  the  30th  day  of 
this  month  of  November,  deliver  in  at 
Mr.  Cane’s  houfe  at  Bofton  all  fuch 
guns,  piftols,  fwords,  powder,  fhot,  & 
match,  as  they  fhalbee  owners  of,  or 
have  in  their  cuftody,  upon  paine  of 
ten  pound  for  evry  default  to  bee  made 
thereof ;  which  armes  are  to  bee  kept 
by  Mr.  Cane  till  this  Court  fhall  take 
further  order  therein.  Alfo  it  is  or¬ 
dered,  upon  like  penalty  of  X  £,  that 
no  man,  who  is  to  render  his  armes  by 
this  order,  fhall  buy  or  borrow  any  guns, 
fwords,  piftols,  powder,  fhot,  or  match, 


Law,  did  openly  acknowledge 

When 

untill  this  court  fhall  take  further  order 
therein.  .  .  . 

“  It  was  ordered,  that  if  any  that  are 
to  bee  difarmed  acknowledge  their  finn 
in  fubfcribing  the  feditious  libell,  or 
do  not  juftify  it,  but  acknowledge  it 
evill  to  two  magiftrates,  they  fhalbee 
thereby  freed  from  delivering  in  their 
armes  according  to  the  former  order. . . . 

“  The  towme  of  Roxberry  is  required 
to  take  order  for  the  fafe  cuftody  of 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon;  &  if  any  charge 
arife,  to  bee  defrayed  by  her  hufband.” 

The  “  Declaration  ”  and  “  Reply  ” 
referred  to  in  the  text  were  written  by 
Winthrop,  and  the  “Anfwer”  was  by 
Vane.  Thefe  papers  are  included  in 
Hutch  in  foil’s  State  Papers  (pp.  67- 
100),  reprinted  in  the  Collections  of 
the  Prince  Society,  and  an  abftraCt  of 
the  difcuftion  is  given  in  Upham’s  Vane 
(Sparks’s  American  Biography ,  Vol. 
IV.  pp.  123-164),  in  Hofmer’s  Vane  (pp. 
61-67),  and  in  R.  C.  Winthrop’s  Life 
and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop  (Vol.  II. 
pp.  182-191).  J.A.  Doyle  in  his  Englifh 
in  America  :  the  Puritan  Colonies  (Vol. 
I.  p.  178)  offers  a  brief  but  impartial 
and  judicious  criticifm  of  thefe  papers, 
none  of  which,  he  intimates,  rofe  to  the 
height  and  dignity  of  the  occafion. 


140  The  Antinomian  Controversy. 

When  the  Warrant  came  to  the  Town  of  Bojlon ,  they 
affembled  together  and  agreed  (the  greater  part  of 
[24]  them)  to  fend  the  fame  Deputies  which  the  Court  have 
rejected,  pretending  that  it  was  their  liberty,  and  thofe 
were  the  ablelt  men,  &c.  but  Mr.  Cotton  comming  amongft 
them,  and  perceiving  their  rafh  and  contemptuous  hehav- 
iour,  by  his  wifdome  diverted  them  from  that  courfe  :  fo  they 
chofe  two  other,1  but  one  of  them  they  knew  would  bee 
rejedted,  becaufe  his  hand  was  alfo  to  the  feditious  writing, 
as  it  fell  out,  for  hee  refuting  to  acknowledge  his  fault  in  it, 
was  alfo  difmiffed,  and  a  new  Warrant  fent  for  another  to 
bee  chofen,  which  they  never  made  any  return  of,  but  that 
contempt  the  Court  let  paffe. 

When  Mr.  Wheelwright  appeared,  it  was  declared  to  him, 
that  whereas  hee  was  long  fince  convidl  of  fedition  and  con¬ 
tempt  of  authority,  and  time  had  been  given  him  from  Court 
to  Court,  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  his  offence,  the  Court 
thought  it  now  time  to  know  how  his  mind  flood,  whether 
he  would  acknowledge  his  offence,  or  abide  the  fentence  of 
the  Court?  His  Anfwer  was  to  this  effedl,  that  hee  had 
committed  no  fedition  nor  contempt,  hee  had  delivered 
nothing  but  the  truth  of  Chrift,  and  for  the  application  of 
his  dodlrin  it  was  by  others,  and  not  by  him,  &c. 

To  which  it  was  anfwered  by  the  Court,  that  they  had 

not 

1  The  two  delegates  referred  to  banifhed.  The  firft  remained  in  Bofton, 
were  William  Colburn  and  John  Oliver.  and  ferved  feveral  times  as  feledtman 
The  name  of  the  laft  was  fubfcribed  to  fubfequent  to  1638  ;  while  Oliver,  re- 
the  Remonftrance,  and  permiffion  to  maining  for  a  time  in  Bofton,  afterwards 
take  his  feat  was  on  this  ground  refufed  removed  to  Newbury  (Savage,  Genea - 
him  (1  Mafs.  Col.  Rec.  206;  Savage’s  logical  Diftionary,  Vol.  I.  p.  423,  424; 
Winthrofi,  Vol.  I.  p.  *24672).  Neither  Vol.  III.  p.  309). 

Colburn  nor  Oliver  was  among  thofe 


A  Short  Story.  14 1 

not  cenfured  his  doCtrine,  but  left  it  as  it  was ;  but  his  ap¬ 
plication,  by  which  hee  laid  the  Magiftrates,  and  the  Minif- 
ters,  and  moft  of  the  people  of  God  in  thefe  Churches,  under 
a  Covenant  of  works,  and  thereupon  declared  them  to  bee 
enemies  to  Chrift,  and  Antichrifts,  and  fuch  enemies  as 
Herod  and  Pilate ,  and  the  Scribes  and  Pharifees,  &c.  per- 
fwading  the  people  to  look  at  them,  and  deale  with  them  as 
fuch,  and  that  hee  defcribed  them  fo,  as  all  men  might  know 
who  hee  meant,  as  well  as  if  hee  had  named  the  parties ; 
for  he  was  prefent  in  the  Court1  a  little  before,  when  both 
Magiftrates  and  Minifters  did  openly  profeffe  their  judge¬ 
ment  in  that  point,  and  that  they  did  walk  in  fuch  a  way  of 
evidencing  j unification  by  fandtification,  &c.  as  hee  held 
forth  to  bee  a  Covenant  of  works. 

Secondly,  the  fruits  of  that  Sermon  of  Mr.  Wheelwright , 
together  with  the  Declaration  of  his  judgement  in  that 
point  both  before  and  fince,  have  declared  it  to  tend  to 
fedition :  for  whereas  before  hee  broached  his  opinions, 
there  was  a  peaceable  and  comely  order  in  all  affaires  in 
the  Churches,  and  civill  ftate,  &c.  now  the  difference  which 
hee  hath  raifed  amongft  men,  by  a  falfe  diftind ion  of  a  Cove¬ 
nant  of  grace  and  a  Covenant  of  works ;  whereby  one  party 
is  looked  at  as  friends  to  Chrift,  and  the  other  as  his  ene¬ 
mies,  &c.  all  things  are  turned  upfide  down  among  us:  As 
firft,  in  the  Church,  hee  that  will  not  renounce  his  fandtifi- 
cation,  and  waite  for  an  immediate  revelation  of  the  Spirit, 
cannot  bee  admitted,  bee  hee  never  fo  godly ;  hee  that  is 
already  in  the  Church,  that  will  not  do  the  fame,  and  ac¬ 
knowledge 

1  The  Court  held  in  November,  1636.  Vide  Savage’s  Wintlirop ,  Vol.  I. 
p.  *215. 


v 


142  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


knowledge  this  new  light,  and  fay  as  they  fay,  is  prefently 
noted,  and  under-efteemed,  as  favouring  of  a  Covenant  of 
works :  thence  it  fpreads  into  the  families,  and  fets  divifions 
between  hufband  and  wife,  and  other  relations  there,  till  the 
weaker  give  place  to  the  ftronger,  otherwife  it  turnes  to 
[25]  open  contention  :  it  is  come  alfo  into  Civill  and  publike 
affaires,  and  hath  bred  great  difturbance  there,  as 
appeared  in  the  late  expedition  againft  the  Pequeds ;  for 
whereas  in  former  expeditions  the  Towne  of  Bojton  was  as 
forward  as  any  others  to  fend  of  their  choyce  members,  and 
a  greater  number  then  other  Townes  in  the  time  of  the 
former  Governour;  now  in  this  laft  fervice  they  fent  not  a 
member,  but  one  or  two  whom  they  cared  not  to  be  rid  of, 
and  but  a  few  others,  and  thofe  of  the  moft  refufe  fort,  and 
that  in  fuch  a  careleffe  manner,  as  gave  great  difcouragement 
to  the  fervice,  not  one  man  of  that  fide  accompanying  their 
Paftour,  when  he  was  fent  by  the  joynt  confent  of  the  Court, 
and  all  the  Elders  upon  that  expedition,  nor  fo  much  as  bid¬ 
ding  him  farewell1;  what  was  the  reafon  of  this  difference? 

Why, 


1  Vide  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I. 
p.  *  222.  The  MalTachufetts  proportion 
of  the  total  levy  for  this  expedition  was 
one  hundred  and  fixty  men,  of  which 
number  twenty-fix  were  apportioned  to 
Bofton.  If  the  relative  population  of 
the  place  at  the  two  periods  is  taken 
into  account,  this  would  have  been 
equivalent  to  a  levy  of  twenty-three 
hundred  men  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Confederate  rebellion  in  1861.  The 
great  prominence  given  to  the  clergy 
in  the  Prefbyterian  and  earlier  Puritan 
warfare  of  the  feventeenth  century,  and 


the  influence  they  exerted  over  military 
operations  even  in  the  face  of  an  enemy 
are  well  known,  though  the  familiar  tra¬ 
dition  that  it  was  only  through  their 
interference  with  Leflie’s  plans  that 
Cromwell  was  faved  from  ferious  dif- 
after  at  Dunbar  is  now  difcredited. 
Neverthelefs,  it  is  a  well  eftablifhed 
hiftorical  fadt  that  in  this  very  Pe- 
quot  campaign  Captain  John  Mafon  of 
Connedticut  left  the  courfe  to  be  pur- 
fued  at  the  turning-point  of  operations 
to  the  chaplain  of  the  expedition,  who 
during  the  night  was  “  to  feck  Divine 

direction 


A  Short  Story, 


143 


Why,  nothing  but  this,  Mr.  Wheelwright  had  taught  them 
that  the  former  Governour  and  fome  of  the  Magiftrates  then 
were  friends  of  Chrift  and  Free-grace,  but  the  prefent  were 
enemies,  &c.  Antichrifts,  perfecutors :  What  was  the  reafon 
that  the  former  Governour  never  ftirred  out,  but  attended 
by  the  Serjeants,  with  Halberts  or  Carbines,  but  this  prefent 
Governour  neglected?1  Why,  the  people  were  taught  to 
looke  at  this,  as  an  enemy  to  Chrift,  &c.  The  fame  differ¬ 
ence  hath  beene  obferved  in  Towne  lots,  rates,  and  in 
neighbour  meetings,  and  almoft  in  all  affaires,  whereby  it  is 
apparent  what  difturbance  the  feditious  application  of  Mr. 
Wheelwright  hath  wrought  among  us ;  therefore  as  the 
Apoflle  faith,  I  would  they  were  cut  off  that  trouble  you ; 
and  as  Cain,  Hagar ,  and  Ifmael ,2  were  expelled  as  troublers 

of 


diredtion  in  prayer”  (2  Mafs.  Hifl. 
Coll.  Vol.  VIII.  p.  134;  Palfrey,  Vol. 
I.  p.  464).  The  prominence  fubfe- 
quently  conceded  to  the  Rev.  John 
Wilfon  in  the  Maffachufetts  contingent 
of  this  fame  campaign  is  clearly  fhown 
in  the  letter  of  its  commander,  Ifrael 
Stoughton,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  writ¬ 
ten  on  the  14th  of  Auguft,  1637,  and 
printed  in  Savage’s  Winthrop  (Appen¬ 
dix  D,  Vol.  I.  pp.  478-481).  I  am 
not  aware  that  any  other  reference, 
befides  that  in  the  text,  exifts  to  the 
difficulty  experienced  in  raifing  men  for 
the  Boflon  contingent  in  the  Pequot  war; 
but  in  the  hiftories  of  the  Antinomian 
controverfy  much  ftrefs  has  been  laid 
on  the  fadt  as  illuftrating  the  dangerous 
charadter  of  the  diffenfion  (Palfrey, 
Vol.  I.  pp.  49b  492,  502;  J.  A.  Vinton, 
Antinomian  Controverfy ,  p.  62;  Twich- 
ell,  John  Winthrop ,  p.  165).  In  view 
of  the  intenfe  feeling  which  during  the 


fummer  of  1637  prevailed  in  the  Boflon 
church,  and  the  great  perfonal  antipathy 
felt  towards  Wilfon,  the  paftor,  the  lo¬ 
cal  reluctance  at  going  into  the  contin¬ 
gent  is  explicable  on  obvious  grounds. 
It  was  the  fame  as  if  men  were  in  more 
recent  times  afked  to  enlift  for  military 
or  naval  fervice  of  a  molt  dangerous 
charadter  under  an  unpopular  comman¬ 
der,  in  regard  to  whofe  capacity  there 
was  a  general  feeling  of  diflruft.  No 
general  inference  could  fafely  be  drawn 
from  the  fadt.  The  trouble,  as  fhown 
in  the  text,  was  largely  perfonal,  and 
fuch  as  would  be  experienced  at  all 
times  under  fimilar  conditions. 

1  Vide  Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I. 
p.  *  220  and  Editor’s  note,  and  p.  *  224. 

2  “  So,  by  the  example  of  Lot  in 
Abraham’s  family,  and  after  Hagar  and 
Ifhmael,  he  faw  they  muft  be  fent 
away.”  —  Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I. 
p.  *250. 


144  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

of  the  families,  (which  were  then  as  commonwealths)  fo 
juftice  requires,  and  the  neceffity  of  the  peace  cals  for  it, 
that  fuch  diflurbers  fhould  be  put  out  from  among  us,  feeing 
it  is  one  of  their  tenents,  that  it  is  not  poffible  their  opinions, 
and  externall  peace,  can  fiand  together;  and  that  the  differ¬ 
ence  betweene  them  and  us  is  (as  they  fay)  as  wide  as 
between  Heaven  and  Hell. 

Further  the  Court  declared  what  meanes  had  beene  ufed, 
to  convince  him  and  to  reduce  him  into  the  right  way,  as 
firfl  at  the  Court,  when  he  was  convict  of  his  offence,  the 
Miniflers  being  called  together  did  labour  by  many  found 
arguments,  both  in  publike  and  private  to  convince  him  of 
his  errour  and  finne,  but  he  contemptuoufly  flighted  what- 
foever  they  or  the  Magiflrates  faid  to  him  in  that  behalfe ; 
and  fince  that  much  paines  had  beene  taken  with  him,  both 
by  conference  and  writing,  not  onely  privately,  but  alfo  by 
the  late  Affembly  of  the  Churches,  wherein  his  erroneous 
opinions,  which  were  the  groundworke  of  his  feditious  Ser¬ 
mon,  were  clearely  confuted,  and  himfelfe  put  to  fllence,  yet 
he  obflinately  perflfled  in  j unification  of  his  erroneous  opin¬ 
ions;  and  befides  there  was  an  Apologie1  written  in  defence 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  againft  him,  which  though 
it  were  kept  in  for  a  time  in  expectation  of  a  Remonftrance, 
which  fome  of  his  party  were  in  hand  with,  for  juftification 
of  his  Sermon,  yet  it  was  long  fince  publifhed,  and  without 
queftion  he  hath  feene  it :  befides  the  Court  hath  ufed  much 
patience  towards  him  from  time  to  time,  admonifhing  him 
of  his  danger,  and  waiting  for  his  repentance,  in  ftead 

whereof 

1  The  “Apologie  ”  referred  to  was  fubfequently  printed  as  part  of  the  Short 
Story.  Vide  infra ,  pp.  1 91-233. 


145 


A  Short  Story. 

whereof  he  hath  threatned  us  with  an  appeale,  and 
urged  us  to  proceed:  To  this  Mr.  Wheelwright  replyed,  [26] 
that  he-  would,  by  the  helpe  of  God,  make  good  his 
dodtrines,  and  free  them  from  all  the  arguments  which  had 
beene  brought  againft  them  in  the  late  Affembly,  and  denyed 
that  he  had  feene  the  Apology,  but  confeffed  that  he  might 
have  feene  it  if  he  would.  This  was  obferved  as  an  argument 
of  the  pride  of  his  fpirit,  and  wilfull  negledt  of  all  the  meanes 
of  light  in  that  he  would  not  vouchfafe  to  read  a  very  briefe 
writing,  and  fuch  as  fo  much  concerned  him. 

Although  the  caufe  was  now  ready  for  fentence,  yet  night 
being  come,  the  Court  arofe,  and  enjoyned  him  to  appeare 
the  next  morning. 

The  next  morning  he  appeared,  but  long  after  the  houre 
appointed ;  the  Court  demanded  what  he  had  to  alleadge, 
why  fentence  fhould  not  proceed  againft  him  ;  He  anfwered, 
that  there  was  no  fedition  or  contempt  proved  againft 
him,  and  whereas  he  was  charged  to  have  fet  forth  the 
Magiflrates  and  Minifters,  as  enemies  to  Chrift,  &c.  he  de- 
fired  it  might  be  fhewed  him  in  what  page  or  leafe  of  his 
Sermon  he  had  fo  faid  of  them ;  The  Court  anfwered,  that 
he  who  defignes  a  man  by  fuch  circumftances,  as  doe  note 
him  out  to  common  intendments,  doth  as  much  as  if  he 
named  the  party :  when  Paul  fpake  of  thofe  of  the  circum- 
cifion,  it  was  as  certaine  whom  he  meant  as  if  he  named 
the  Jewes;  when  in  Bohemia  they  fpake  of  differences  be- 
tweene  men, /ub  una  &  fub  utraque ,  it  was  all  one  as  to  have 
faid  Papifts  and  Proteftants;  fo  of  the  Monflrants  and  Re- 
monftrants :  for  by  the  meanes  of  him  and  his  followers,  all 
the  people  of  God  in  this  Countrey  were  under  the  diftinc- 

tion 


19 


146  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

tion  of  men  under  the  Covenant  of  grace,  and  men  under  a 
Covenant  of  workes.  Mr.  Wheelwright  alleadged  a  place  in 
Alatth .  21.  where  Chrift  fpeaking  againft  the  Scribes  and 
Pharifees,  no  advantage  could  they  take  againft  him  becaufe 
he  did  not  name  them,  but  it  was  anfwered  they  did  not 
fpare  him  for  that  caufe,  for  then  they  would  have  taken 
their  advantage  at  other  times,  when  he  did  name  them. 
One  or  two  of  the  Deputies  fpake  in  his  defence,  but  it  was 
to  fo  little  purpofe  (being  onely  more  out  of  affebiion  to  the 
party,  then  true  judgement  of  the  hate  of  the  caufe)  that  the 
Court  had  little  regard  of  it.  Mr.  Wheelwright  being  de¬ 
manded  if  he  had  ought  elfe  to  fpeake,  faid  that  there  was  a 
double  Pharifee  in  the  charge  laid  upon  them.  1.  In  that 
the  troubles  of  the  Civill  State  were  imputed  to  him,  but  as 
it  was  by  accident,  as  it  is  ufuall  in  preaching  of  the  Gofpel. 
2.  That  it  was  not  his  Sermon  that  was  the  caufe  of  them, 
but  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift.  To  which  the  Court  anfwered, 
that  it  was  apparent  he  was  the  inftrument  of  our  troubles, 
he  muft  prove  them  to  be  by  fuch  accident,  and  till  then  the 
blame  muft  reft  upon  himfelfe,  for  we  know  Chrift  would  not 
owne  them,  being  out  of  his  way.  After  thefe  and  many  other 
fpeeches  had  palfed,  the  Court  declaring  him  guilty  for  troub¬ 
ling  the  civill  peace,  both  for  his  feditious  Sermon,  and  for  his 
corrupt  and  dangerous  opinions,  and  for  his  contemptuous 
behaviour  in  divers  Courts  formerly,  and  now  obftinately  main¬ 
taining  and  juftifying  his  faid  errours  and  offences, 
[27]  and  for  that  he  refufed  to  depart  voluntarily  from  us, 
which  the  Court  had  now  offered  him,  and  in  a  manner 
perfwaded  him  unto  ;  Seeing  it  was  apparent  unto  him,  from 
that  of  our  Saviour,  Matth.  that  we  could  not  continue 

together 


H7 


A  Short  Story. 

together  without  the  ruine  of  the  whole,  he  was  fentenced 

O  7 

to  be  disfranchifed  and  banifhed  our  jurifdidlion,  and  to  be 
put  in  fafe  cuftody,  except  he  fhould  give  fufficient  fecurity 
to  depart  before  the  end  of  March:  Upon  this  he  appealed 
to  the  Kings  Majefty,  but  the  Court  told  him  an  appeale  did 
not  lie  in  this  cafe,  for  the  King  having  given  us  an  author¬ 
ity  by  his  graunt  under  his  great  Seale  of  England  to  heare 
and  determine  all  caufes  without  any  refervation,  we  were 
not  to  admit  of  any  fuch  appeales  for  any  fuch  fubordinate 
ftate,  either  in  Ireland ,  or  Scotland ,  or  other  places  ;  and  if 
an  appeale  fhould  lie  in  one  cafe,  it  might  be  challenged  in 
all,  and  then  there  would  be  no  ufe  of  government  amongft 
us  :  neither  did  an  appeale  lie  from  any  Court  in  any  County 
or  Corporation  in  England,  but  if  a  party  will  remove  his 
caufe  to  any  of  the  Kings  higher  Courts,  he  muff  bring  the 
Kings  Writ  for  it;1  neither  did  he  tender  any  appeale,  nor 
call  any  witneffes,  nor  defired  any  Aft  to  be  entered  of  it : 
then  he  was  demanded  if  he  would  give  fecurity  for  his  quiet 
departure,  which  he  refufing  to  doe,  he  was  committed  to 
the  cuftody  of  the  Marfhall.  The  next  morning  he  be¬ 
thought  himfelfe  better,  and  offered  to  give  fecurity,  alleadg- 
ing  that  he  did  not  conceive  the  day  before  that  a  fentence 
of  banifhment  was  pronounced  againft  him,  he  alfo  fuffered 
to  relinquifh  his  appeale,  and  faid  he  would  accept  of  a 
fimple  banifhment;  The  Court  anfwered  him,  that  for  his 

appeale 


1  In  this  and  many  other  fimilar  a  criminal  offence  juftifying  the  inflic- 
cafes  the  right  of  appeal  from  the  colo-  tion  of  punifhment.  Savage’s  Win- 

nial  magiftracy  to  the  King  was  de-  throp ,  Vol.  II.  p.  *189.  Vide  alfo 

nied  ;  but  in  one  cafe  at  leaft, —  that  of  Adams’s  Three  Epifodes  of  Majfachu- 
Thomas  Morton,  in  1644,  the  fa6t  of  fetts  Hiflory ,  Vol.  I.  pp.  348-350. 
having  made  an  appeal  was  alleged  as 


1 48  The  Aniinomian  Controver/y. 


appeale,  he  might  doe  as  he  pleafed,  and  for  his  departure, 
he  fhould  have  the  liberty  the  Court  had  offered  him,  pro¬ 
vided  he  fhould  not  preach  in  the  meane  time ;  but  that  he 
would  not  yeeld  unto;  fo  in  the  end  the  Court  gave  him 
leave  to  goe  home,  upon  his  promife,  that  if  he  were  not 
departed  out  of  his  jurifdidlion  within  foureteene  dayes,  he 
would  render  himfelfe  at  the  houfe  of  Mr.  Stanton}  one  of 
the  Magiftrates,  there  to  abide  as  a  prifoner,  till  the  Court 
fhould  difpofe  of  him. 


Mr.  Cogjhall. 

/TAHe  next  who  was  called,  was  Mr.  John  Cogjhall ,  one  of 
-*■  the  Deacons  of  Bojlon ,  upon  his  appearance  the  Court 
declared  that  the  caufe  why  they  had  fent  for  him,  was 
partly  by  occafion  of  his  fpeeches  and  behaviour  in  this 
Court  the  other  day,  and  partly  for  fome  light  mifcarriages 
at  other  times,  and  that  they  did  looke  at  him  as  one  that 
had  a  principall  hand  in  all  our  late  difturbances  of  our  pub¬ 
like  peace.  The  firfl  thing  we  doe  charge  you  with,  is 
your  juftifying  a  writing  called  a  Remonftrance  or  Petition, 
but  indeed  a  feditious  Libell,  and  that  when  Mr.  Afp .  was 
queftioned  by  the  Court  about  it,  you  flood  up  uncalled, 
and  juftified  the  fame,  faying  to  this  effedl,  that  if  the  Court 

meant 


1  This  is  a  compofitor’s  mifreading 
of  copy,  the  name  having  apparently 
been  written  Stouton,  the  magiftrate  in 
queftion  having  been  Ifrael  Stoughton, 
of  Dorchefter  ( Mafs .  Col.  Rec .,  Vol.  I. 
p.  20 7).  Full  accounts  of  the  earlieft 
Stoughton  are  to  be  found  in  Savage’s 
notes  to  Winthrop  and  in  his  Genealog¬ 
ical  Diffionary,  in  Allen,  and  in  the 
hi  dories  of  Dorchefter.  At  the  time  of 


the  proceedings  referred  to  in  the  text, 
Stoughton  had  juft  returned  from  the 
Pequot  campaign,  in  which  he  com¬ 
manded  the  Maffachufetts  contingent; 
and  his  clofe  perfonal  relations  with  the 
Rev.  John  Wilfon  are  apparent  in  his 
letter  of  Auguft,  1637,  to  Winthrop, 
printed  in  the  Appendix  (D)  of  Sav¬ 
age’s  Winthrop  (Vol.  I.  pp.  478-481). 


A  Short  Story.  149 

meant  to  difmiffe  him  for  that,  it  was  beft  to  make  but  one 
worke  of  all,  for  though  your  felfe  had  not  your  hand  to  the 
Petition,  yet  you  did  approve  thereof,  and  your  hand  was  to 
the  Proteflation,  which  was  to  the  fame  effect ;  whereupon 
you  being  alfo  difmiffed,  ufed  clamorous  and  unbefeeming 
fpeeches  to  the  Court  at  your  departure,  whereby  we 
take  you  to  be  of  the  fame  minde  with  thofe  who  made  [28] 
the  Petition,  and  therefore  liable  to  the  fame  punifh- 
ment ;  upon  this  the  Petition  was  openly  read,  and  liberty 
was  granted  to  him  to  anfwer  for  himfelfe.  His  firft  anfwer 
was,  that  what  he  then  fpake,  he  fpake  as  a  member  of  the 
Court:  to  which  it  was  anfwered  againe,  that  1.  hee  was  no 
member  of  the  Court  (landing  upon  tryall  whether  to  be 
allowed  or  rejected,  at  fuch  time  as  he  uttered  molt  of  thofe 
fpeeches.  2.  Admit  he  were,  yet  it  is  no  privilege  of  a  mem¬ 
ber  to  reproach  or  affront  the  whole  Court,  it  is  licentiouf- 
neffe,  and  not  liberty,  when  a  man  may  fpeake  what  he  lift ; 
for  he  was  reminded  of  fome  words  he  uttered  at  his  going 
forth  of  the  Court,  to  this  effedl,  that  we  had  cenfured  the 
truth  of  Chrift,  and  that  it  was  the  greateft  ftroke  that  ever 
was  given  to  Free-grace. 

To  which  he  anfwered,  that  his  words  were  miftaken ;  for 
he  faid  that  he  would  pray  that  our  eyes  might  be  opened 
to  fee  what  we  did,  for  he  thought  it  the  greateft  ftroke  that 
ever  was  given  to  N.  E .  for  he  did  beleeve  that  Matter 
Wheelwright  did  hold  forth  the  truth.  He  was  further 
charged,  that  at  the  Court,  after  the  day  of  eledlions,  he 
complained  of  injury,  that  the  Petition  which  was  tendered, 
was  not  prefently  read  before  they  went  to  eledlion. 

To  which  being  anfwered,  that  it  was  not  then  feafonable, 

and 


150  The  A7itinomian  Co?itroverfy. 

and  againft  the  order  of  that  day,  but  the  Court  were  then 
ready  to  heare  it,  if  it  were  tendered ;  whereupon  he  turned 
his  backe  upon  the  Court,  and  ufed  menacing  fpeeches  to 
this  effeft.  That  fince  they  could  not  be  heard  then,  they 
would  take  another  courfe.  To  which  he  anfwered  (con- 
feffing  he  fpake  over  haftily  at  that  time)  that  his  words 
were  onely  thefe,  then  we  muff  doe  what  God  fhall  diredt  us. 
He  was  further  charged  that  he  fhould  fay,  that  halfe  the 
people  that  were  in  Church-covenant  in  N.  E ,  were  under 
a  Covenant  of  workes,  this  he  did  not  deny,  but  faid  he 
proved  it  by  the  parable  of  the  ten  Virgins,  Mat .  15.  Af¬ 
ter  thefe  and  many  other  fpeeches  had  paffed  betweene  the 
Court  and  himfelfe,  by  which  it  plainely  appeared  that  he 
had  beene  a  very  bufie  inftrument,  in  occafioning  of  our 
publike  difturbances,  and  his  juftifying  of  Mr.  Wheelewrights 
Sermon ;  and  the  Petition  or  Remonftrance  being  feditious 
writings,  a  motion  was  made  for  his  banifhment,  but  he  pre¬ 
tended  that  there  was  nothing  could  be  laid  to  his  charge, 
but  matter  of  different  opinion,  and  that  he  knew  not  one 
example  in  Scripture,  that  a  man  was  banifhed  for  his  judge¬ 
ment  ;  it  was  anfwered,  that  if  he  had  kept  his  Judgement 
to  himfelfe,  fo  as  the  publike  peace  had  not  beene  troubled 
or  endangered  by  it,  we  fhould  have  left  him  to  himfelfe,  for 
we  doe  not  challenge  power  over  mens  confciences,  but 
when  feditious  fpeeches  and  pra<5tifes  difcover  fuch  a  cor¬ 
rupt  confcience,  it  is  our  duty  to  ufe  authority  to  reforme 
both.  But  though  a  great  part  of  the  Court  did  encline  to 
a  motion  for  his  banifhment,  yet  becaufe  his  fpeech  and  be¬ 
haviour  at  prefent  were  more  modeft  and  fubmiffe,  then 
formerly  they  had  beene,  and  for  that  he  excufed  his  former 

intemperances 


A  Short  Story.  1 5 1 

intemperances  by  his  much  employment  and  publike  bufi- 
nelfes,  it  was  thought  fit  to  deliver  him  from  that  tempta¬ 
tion  ;  fo  he  was  onely  fentenced  to  be  disfranchized, 
with  admonition  no  more  to  occafion  any  difturbance  [29] 
of  the  publicke  peace,  either  by  fpeech  or  otherwife, 
upon  paine  of  banifhment  and  further  cenfure. 

Mr.  Afpin , 

HP  He  next  who  was  called  was  Mr.  William  Afpin ,  to 
**  whom  the  Court  faid  that  his  cafe  was  in  a  manner  the 
fame  with  Mafter  Cogjhalls ,  his  hand  was  to  the  Petition, 
he  had  j uftified  Mafter  Wheelwright  his  Sermon,  and  had 
condemned  the  Court,  and  therefore  what  could  he  fay,  why 
the  Court  fhould  not  proceede  to  fentence  ?  For  he  had 
beene  prefent  and  heard  what  was  faid  to  Mafter  Cogfhall \ 
to  have  convinced  him  of  his  fault,  and  therefore  it  would 
be  needleffe  to  repeate  any  thing.  To  this  he  anfwered  and 
confeffed  the  Petition,  and  that  his  heart  was  to  it  as  well  as 
his  hand,  and  that  that  for  which  Mafter  Wheelwright  was 
cenfured  was  for  nothing  but  the  truth  of  Chrift,  and  defired 
to  know  what  we  could  lay  to  his  charge  therein.  The 
Court  told  him  that  he  being  a  member  of  this  civill  Body, 
and  going  contrary  to  his  relation  and  oath,  to  flop  the 
courfe  of  Juftice  in  countenancing  feditious  perfons  and 
pradtifes  againft  the  face  of  authority,  this  made  him  a  fe¬ 
ditious  perfon.  He  anfwered  he  did  but'  preferre  a  humble 
Petition,  which  he  could  not  doe  but  he  mufl  intimate  fome 
caufe  why,  and  that  Mephibofheth 1  in  his  Petition  did  imply 
as  much  of  Davids  unjuft  fentence  againft  him  as  was  in 
this  Petition.  The  Court  replyed  that  he  was  ill  advifed  to 

bring 


1  2  Samuel  xv i.  1-4;  xix.  24-30. 


152  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

bring  that  example  for  his  juftification  which  makes  clearely 
againft  him,  for  Mephibofheth  doth  not  charge  David  with 
any  injuftice  not  fo  much  as  by  implication,  but  excufeth 
himfelfe  and  layeth  all  the  blame  upon  his  fervant.  Then  he 
alledged  the  Petition  of  EJiher  to  AhafuerusJ  but  neither 
would  that  ferve  his  turne,  for  fhe  petitioned  for  her  life,  &c. 
without  charging  the  King  with  injuftice.  Hee  ftill  fled  to 
this  plea,  that  it  is  lawfull  for  Subjects  to  Petition  ;  the  Court 
anfwered  that  this  was  no  Petition,  but  a  feditious  Libell, 
the  mif-naming  of  a  thing  doth  not  alter  the  nature  of  it: 
befides  they  called  it  in  the  firft  place  a  Remonftrance, 
which  implies  that  they  pretended  intereft,  and  is  in  the 
nature  of  it  a  plea,  which  challengeth  a  right  of  a  party : 
befides  they  give  peremptory  Judgement  in  the  caufe,  and 
that  direflly  oppofite  to  the  judgement  of  the  Court;  the 
Court  declared  Mr.  Wheelwright  guilty,  they  proclaime  him 
innocent,  the  Court  judged  his  fpeech  to  be  falfe  and  fedi¬ 
tious,  they  affirmed  it  to  be  the  truth  of  Chrift,  and  the  very 
words  of  the  holy  Ghoft,  which  is  apparently  untrue  if  not 
blafphemous.  Further  in  pretending  their  moderation,  they 
put  arguments  in  the  peoples  mindes  to  invite  them  to  vio¬ 
lence,  by  bringing  the  example  of  Peter 2  drawing  his 
Sword,  wherein  they  blame  not  his  fa6t,  but  his  rafhneffe. 
And  that  of  the  People  refcuing  Jonathan ,3  which  to  make 
the  more  effedtuall,  they  fay  that  it  was  not  feditious. 

Laflly,  it  was  great  arrogance  of  any  private  man  thus 
openly  to  advance  his  owne  judgement  of  the  Court,  there¬ 
fore  it  will  appeare  to  their  Pofterity  as  a  brand  of  infamy, 
upon  thefe  erroneous  opinions,  that  thofe  who  maintained 

them 

1  EJiher  v.  6-8;  viii.  3-6. 

2  John  xviii,  10. 


3  1  Samuel  xiv  45. 


A  Short  Story.  153 

them  were  not  cenfured  for  their  judgement,  but  for  [30] 
feditious  pradtifes :  He  further  pleaded,  that  no  Peti¬ 
tion  can  be  made  in  fuch  a  cafe,  but  fomething  may  bee 
miftaken  through  mifprifion  as  trenching  upon  authority, 
the  Court  anfvvered,  that  if  they  had  onely  petitioned  the 
Court  to  remit  his  cenfure,  or  had  defired  refpite  for  further 
confiderations,  or  leave  to  propound  their  doubts,  there 
could  have  beene  no  danger  of  being  miftaken.  Befides 
there  was  no  neede  of  fuch  hafte  in  Petitioning,  feeing  the 
fentence  was  not  given,  but  deferring  till  the  next  Court, 
Matter  Wheelwright  enjoyned  onely  to  appeare  there.  The 
Court  then  being  about  to  give  fentence,  Matter  Afpin 
defired  the  Court  to  fhew  a  rule  in  Scripture  for  banifhment; 
the  Court  anfwered  as  before,  that  Hagar  and  Ifmaelx  were 
banifhed  for  difturbance :  hee  replied  that  if  a  Father  give 
a  child  a  portion  and  fent  him  forth,  it  was  not  banifhment: 
but  it  was  anfwered,  the  Scripture  calls  it  a  catting  out,  not 
a  fending  forth ;  and  one  faid  further  that  he  was  a  childe 
worthy  of  fuch  a  portion. 

Then  the  fentence  of  the  Court  was  for  his  dif-franchife- 
ment  and  banifhment,  and  time  given  him  to  the  laft  of 
March  upon  fecurity  for  his  departure  then,  which  hee  pref- 
ently  tendered,  and  fo  was  difmiffed.  The  Court  intended 
onely  to  have  dif-franchifed  him,  as  they  had  done  Mr. 
Cogfhall \  but  his  behaviour  was  fo  contemptuous,  and  his 
fpeeches  fo  peremptory,  that  occafioned  a  further  aggrava¬ 
tion,  and  it  appeared  afterward  to  bee  by  an  over-ruling 
hand  of  God,  for  the  next  day  it  was  difcovered,  that  hee 
was  the  man  that  did  frame  the  Petition,  and  drew  many  to 

fubfcribe 

1  Genefis  xxi.  io,  14;  Jupra ,  p.  143. 


20 


154  The  Antinomian  Controversy. 


fubfcribe  to  it,  and  fome  had  their  names  put  to  it  without 
their  knowledge,  and  in  his  firft  draught  there  was  other 
paffages  fo  foule,  as  hee  was  forced  to  put  them  out,  and  yet 
many  had  not  fubfcribed,  but  upon  his  promife  that  it  fhould 
not  bee  delivered  without  advice  of  Mr.  Cotton ,  which  was 
never  done. 

William  Baulfton ,  Ed.  Hutchifon . 

AFter  thefe,  two  of  the  Serjeants  of  Bojlon  were  called, 
William  Baulfton }  &  Ed.  Hutchifon ,2  thefe  both  had 
their  hands  to  the  Petition,  and  juftifyed  the  fame,  William 


Baulfton  told  the  Court,  that 

1  William  Baulfton,  or  Balftone,  was 
a  member  of  Bofton’s  firft  board  of  af- 
feffors,  appointed  November  10,  1634. 
Of  him  Savage  fays  in  his  Ge7iealogical 
Dictionary  (Vol.  I.  p.  109) :  “  William 
Balftone  came,  no  doubt,  with  Win- 
throp’s  fleet ;  he  defired  admiflion  as 
freeman  of  the  company  19  Odlober, 
1630,  and  took  the  oath  18  May  follow¬ 
ing.  ...  He  was  in  fteady  employment 
for  town  affairs,  trufted  among  the  wor- 
thieft,  chofen  a  feledtman  in  1637;  yet 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  fame  year  was 
difarmed,  with  the  majority  of  his  fellow- 
worfhippers,  as  being  under  the  fafcina- 
tion  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  and  went,  in 
1638,  to  Portfmouth,  R.  I.,  which  his 
aflociates  purchafed  that  feafon.  He 
was  there  held  in  high  regard,  chofen 
as  an  Affiftant  in  1639,  1641,  and  1656, 
named  in  the  royal  charter  of  1663,  and 
died  14  March,  1678,  aged  feventy- 
eight.”  Vide  Auftin’s  Genealogical 
Dictionary  of  Rhode  IJla?id,  pp.  16-17. 

2  Savage  in  his  notes  to  Winthrop’s 
Hiflory  (Vol.  I.  p.  *247,  note  1)  fpeaks 


hee  knew  that  if  fuch  a  peti¬ 
tion 

of  Edward  Hutchinfon,  included  in  the 
lift  of  thofe  of  Bofton  who  were  dif¬ 
armed  under  the  order  of  November, 
1637,  as  a  “foil  of  the  prophetefs.” 
This  was  probably  the  fame  Edward 
Hutchinfon  referred  to  in  the  text,  but 
he  would  feem  to  have  been  not  a  fon 
of  Anne  Hutchinfon,  but  a  brother  of 
her  hufband.  It  will  be  noticed  that 
the  Edward  Hutchinfon  referred  to 
fpeaks  of  his  “  wife  and  children,”  and 
Anne  Hutchinfon’s  fon  Edward  was 
not  married  until  1636,  or  early  in  1637, 
and  the  record  of  the  birth  of  his  firft 
child  was  November  5,  1637,  while  the 
event  recorded  in  the  Short  Story  oc¬ 
curred  on  the  2d  of  that  month,  or 
three  days  previous.  The  elder  Ed¬ 
ward  Hutchinfon,  according  to  Savage 
( Genealogical  Dictionary,  Vol.  II.  p. 
508)  came  to  Bofton  with  his  wife  in 
1633,  probably  in  the  Griffin,  together 
with  John  Cotton,  Edmund  Quincy,  and 
other  prominent  perfons.  He  was  ad¬ 
mitted  into  the  church  in  October  of 
the  fame  year,  and  was  made  a  freeman, 

March 


155 


A  Short  Story. 


tion  bad  been  made  in  any  other  place  in  the  world,  there 
would  have  been  no  fault  found  with  it.  The  other  told 
the  Court,  (turning  himfelfe  in  a  fcornfull  manner)  that  if 
they  took  away  his  eftate,  they  muff  keep  his  wife  and  chil¬ 
dren  ;  for  which  hee  was  prefently  committed  to  the  Officer. 
The  Court  reafoned  a  good  while  with  them  both,  but  they 
were  peremptory,  and  would  acknowledge  no  failing,  and 
becaufe  of  their  contemptuous  fpeeches,  and  for  that  they 
were  known  to  bee  very  bufie  perfons,  and  fuch  as  had 
offered  contempt  to  the  Magiftrates,  for  that  they  were  not 
of  their  opinion,  they  were  dif-franchifed  and  fined,  William 
Banljlon  twenty  pounds,  Ed.  Hutchifon  forty  pounds. 

The  next  morning  Ed.  Hutchifon  acknowledged  his  fault 
in  his  mif-behaviour  in  the  face  of  the  Court,  and  fo 
was  releafed  of  his  imprifonment,  but  both  were  dif-  [31] 
abled  from  bearing  any  publick  Office. 


Tho.  Marfhal \  Dynely ,  Dier,  Rich.  Gridly. 


\  Nother  day  were  called 
ftirring  men,  who  had 

March  4,  1634.  Two  fons  were  born 
to  him  in  Bofton,  one  in  1634  and  an¬ 
other  in  September,  1637.  In  the 
Bofton  church  records  he  is  referred  to 
as  “  fenior,”  to  diftinguifh  him  from  his 
nephew,  who  came  over  before  his 
parents  with  the  Rev.  John  Cotton  and 
his  uncle.  In  the  records  and  bio¬ 
graphical  notices  the  two  Edwards  feem 
to  have  been  frequently  confounded. 
Except  from  the  genealogical  point  of 
view  the  matter  is  of  no  importance ; 
both  the  two  Edwards  were  among  the 
firft  fettlers  in  Newport,  but  the  uncle 


foure  more  of  the  principall 
fubfcribed  to  the  Petition, 

Thomas 

is  reported  as  having  foon  after  gone 
back  to  England,  whence  he  never  re¬ 
turned  to  America  ;  while  the  nephew, 
preferring  Bofton  as  his  refidence,  re¬ 
turned  there  from  Rhode  Ifland  a  few 
years  later,  and  was  killed  by  the  In¬ 
dians  while  holding  important  military 
rank  in  King  Philip’s  War.  He  died 
Auguft  19,  1675,  leaving  a  numerous 
progeny,  and  was  the  anceftor  of  Gov. 
Thomas  Hutchinfon  (N.  E.  Hift.  and 
Gen.  Reg.,  1847,  p.  297  ;  Drake’s  Bofton, 
pp.  226-227). 


156  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Thomas  Marjhal 1  the  Ferryman,  who  juftifyed  the  Petition 
fo  farre,  that  hee  would  not  acknowledge  any  fault ;  yet  hee 
anfwered  more  modeftly  then  the  former,  therefore  hee  was 
not  fined,  but  dif-franchifed,  and  put  out  of  his  place. 
Dynely ,2  and  Dier ,3  had  little  to  fay  for  themfelves,  but  per- 

fifting 


1  Thomas  Marfhall,  fhoemaker,  or 
ferryman,  or  both,  is  referred  to  as 
“widower,”  on  admiffion  to  the  Bolton 
church,  Augult  31,  1634.  Wheelwright, 
in  his  Mercurius  Americanus  (p.  5), 
fays  that  he  plied  his  trade  as  ferryman 
“  in  a  River  called  Charles  River ,  di¬ 
rectly  betwixt  Bofton  and  Charles  Town , 
and  other  Towns,  where  his  fpirits  be¬ 
ing  predifpofed  by  the  roughnefie  of 
winds  and  waves,  and  agitated  by  the 
Counterbuffes  of  Divinitie,  which  the 
refpeCtive  paflengers  vented,  he  might 
eafily  be  inflamed.”  Marfhall  was  made 
a  freeman  March  4,  1635.  He  was 
among  thofe  required  to  furrender  their 
arms  in  November,  1637;  “but,  like 
molt  of  the  reft  thus  abufed,  regained 
high  efteem,  was  feleCtman  of  Bofton, 
1647-58,  deacon  and  reprefentative  in 
1650,  and  died  perhaps  in  1665”  (Sav¬ 
age’s  Genealogical Dittionaiy ,  Vol.  III. 
p.  158).  There  were  two  Thomas  Mar- 
fhalls  in  Bofton  at  this  period,  cauftng 
fubfequently  much  genealogical  con- 
fufton. 

2  William  Dinely,  barber  furgeon, 
is  mentioned  in  the  records  only  in  the 
lift  of  thofe  difarmed  in  November, 
1637,  and  fubfequently  as  one  of  “five 
men  and  youths  [who]  perifhed  between 
Mattapan  and  Dorchefter  ”  in  the  north- 
eafter  of  December  15,  1638,  when,  in 
the  words  of  Winthrop  (. Hijlory ,  Vol. 
I.  p.  *286),  “there  was  fo  great  a  tem- 


peft  of  wind  and  fnow  all  the  night 
and  the  next  day,  as  had  not  been 
fince  our  time.”  Ten  days  later  Dine- 
ly’s  widow,  Alice,  gave  birth  to  a  fon 
to  whom  was  given  the  name  Father- 
gone.  Johnfon,  in  his  Wonderworking 
Providence  (p.  138),  has  the  following 
reference  to  William  Dinely  and  the 
circumftances  of  his  death  :  “  One  of 
Roxbury  fending  to  Bofton  his  fervant 
maid  for  a  barber- chirurgeon  to  draw 
his  tooth,  they  loft  their  way  in  the 
paflage  between,  and  were  not  found 
till  many  days  after,  and  then  the  maid 
was  found  in  one  place,  and  the  man 
in  another,  both  of  them  frozen  to  death  ; 
in  which  fad  accident  this  was  taken 
into  confideration  by  divers  people,  that 
this  barber  was  more  than  ordinary  la¬ 
borious  to  draw  men  to  thofe  finful 
errors,  that  were  formerly  fo  frequent, 
and  now  newly  overthrown, — by  the 
blefftng  of  the  Lord  upon  the  endeavor 
of  his  faithful  fervants  with  the  word  of 
truth,  —  he  having  a  fit  opportunity,  by 
reafon  of  his  trade,  fo  foon  as  any  were 
fat  down  in  his  chair,  he  would  com¬ 
monly  be  cutting  of  their  hair  and  the 
truth  together ;  notwithftanding  fome 
report  better  of  the  man,  the  example 
is  for  the  living ;  the  dead  is  judged  of 
the  Lord  alone.” 

3  William  Dier,  Dyer,  or  Dyre,  was 
the  hufband  of  Mary  Dyer,  whofe  name 
is  aflociated  with  fome  of  the  moft  tragic 

incidents 


157 


A  Short  Story. 


lifting  in  their  j  unification,  they  were  alfo  dif-franchifed : 
likewife  Rich.  Gridly /  an  honeft  poore  man,  but  very  apt 
to  meddle  in  publick  affaires,  beyond  his  calling  or  fkill, 
(which  indeed  was  the  fault  of  them  all,  and  of  many  others 
in  the  Country)  meane  condition,  and  weake  parts,  having 
nothing  to  fay,  but  that  he  could  find  no  fault,  &c.  was 
dif-franchifed. 

Mijiris  Hutchifon. 

A  LI  thefe  (except  Mr.  Wheelwright )  were  but  young 
branches,  fprung  out  of  an  old  root,  the  Court  had 
now  to  do  with  the  head  of  all  this  faction,  {Dux  foemina 
fafii2)  a  woman  had  been  the  breeder  and  nourifher  of  all 

thefe 


incidents  of  early  Mafiachufetts  hiftory. 
A  woman  of  unfound  mind,  living  at  a 
time  when  infanity  was  not  underftood, 
the  became  a  religious  monomaniac, 
and  was  finally  executed  on  Bofton 
Common  and  there  buried  ( Memorial 
Hiflory  of  Bofton ,  Vol.  I.  p.  185  n. ; 
Adams’s  Three  Ef  if  odes,  pp.  408,  532, 
548).  One  of  the  palTages  of  Winthrop’s 
Hiftory  which  might  beft  have  been 
omitted  (Vol.  I.  pp.  *261-263)  relates 
to  this  unfortunate  female.  Both  huf- 
band  and  wife  came  from  London  to 
Bofton  in  1635,  and  Winthrop  refers  to 
the  former  as  “a  milliner  in  the  New 
Exchange,”  and  to  both  as  “notorioufly 
infedled  with  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s  errors, 
and  very  cenforious  and  troublefome 
(fhe  being  of  a  very  proud  fpirit,  and 
much  addidled  to  revelations).”  The 
name  given  by  the  couple  to  one  of 
their  children  —  Maherlhalalhafhbaz 
(. Ifaiah  viii)  —  is  fuggeftive  of  their 
weaknefs  and  tendencies.  They  went 
to  Rhode  Ifland  with  the  Hutchinfons 
in  the  fpring  of  1638,  where  William 


Dyer  afterwards  ferved  as  fecretary  of 
the  colony,  and,  living  in  good  efteem, 
died  at  Newport  in  1677.  Auftin  ( Gen¬ 
ealogical  Dictionary  of  Rhode  Ifland \ 
pp.  290-292)  gives  detailed  memoranda 
of  both  the  Dyers  and  their  progeny. 

1  Richard  Gridley,  according  to  Sav¬ 
age  ( Genealogical  Dillionary ,  Vol.  II. 
P  3T3)>  came  to  Bofton  as  early  as  1631. 
He  was  made  a  freeman  in  1634.  He 
does  not  feem  to  have  been  the  New 
England  progenitor  of  the  Richard 
Gridley  who,  nearly  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  later,  planned  the  works  on 
Bunker  Hill  on  the  night  preceding  the 
17th  of  June,  1 775,  and  fubfequently 
held  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the 
provincial  army.  Of  the  firft  Richard 
Gridley  and  his  religious  tendencies, 
Wheelwright,  referring  to  the  proceed¬ 
ings  narrated  in  the  text,  remarks,  “the 
Court  cured  him  of  his  pragmatical- 
neffe  very  well  ;  for  they  took  from  him 
his  imployment”  (Mercurius  America¬ 
na  s,  p.  6). 

2  rEneid ,  B.  I.  1.  364. 


158  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

thefe  diftempers,  one  Miftris  Hutchifon ,  the  wife  of  Mr. 
William  Hutchifon  of  Bofton 1  (a  very  honed:  and  peaceable 
man  of  good  eftate)  and  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Marbury ,2  fome- 
times  a  Preacher  in  Lincolnfhire ,  after  of  London ,  a  woman 
of  a  haughty  and  fierce  carriage,  of  a  nimble  wit  and  adtive 
fpirit,  and  a  very  voluble  tongue,  more  bold  then  a  man, 
though  in  underftanding  and  judgement,  inferiour  to  many 
women.  This  woman  had  learned  her  fkil  in  England ,  and 
had  difcovered  fome  of  her  opinions  in  the  Ship,3  as  fhee 
came  over,  which  had  caufed  fome  jealoufie  of  her,  which 
gave  occafion  of  fome  delay  of  her  admiffion,  when  fhee 
firft  defired  fellowfhip  with  the  Church  of  Boflon ,  but  fhee 
cunningly  diffembled  and  coloured  her  opinions,  as  fhee  foon 
got  over  that  block,  and  was  admitted  into  the  Church,  then 
fhee  began  to  go  to  work,  and  being  a  woman  very  help- 
full  in  the  times  of  child-birth,  and  other  occafions  of  bodily 
infirmities,  and  well  furnifhed  with  means  for  thofe  purpofes, 
fhee  eafily  infinuated  her  felfe  into  the  affedtions  of  many, 
and  the  rather,  becaufe  fhee  was  much  inquifitive  of  them 
about  their  fpiritual  efiates,  and  in  difcovering  to  them  the 
danger  they  were  in,  by  trufting  to  common  gifts  and  graces, 

without 


1  “  A  man  of  a  very  mild  temper 

and  weak  parts,  and  wholly  guided  by 
his  wife  ”  (Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I. 
p.  *295),  “  a  woman  of  a  ready  wit  and 
bold  fpirit”  (lb.  *200).  “The  genius 
of  that  family  hath  not  much  inclined 
to  fubtilties,  fcarce  any  of  the  Hutchin- 
fons  have  been  Sectaries,  unleffe  a 
latere ,  and  indirectly  ”  ( Mercurius 

Americanus ,  p.  4). 

2  In  the  New  England  Gcnealogi- 

o  t) 

cal  and  Antiquarian  Regijler  for  1866 


(Vol.  XX.  pp.  355-367)  there  is  an 
elaborate  paper  by  J.  L.  Chefter  on 
“The  Hutchinfon  Family  of  England 
and  New  England,  and  its  Connection 
with  the  Marburys  and  Drydens.” 

8  William  Hutchinfon  and  his  wife 
came  over  in  the  Griffin,  the  Rev. 
John  Lothrop  and  the  Rev.  Zachariah 
Symmes,  “two  godly  minifters,  coming 
in  the  fame  fhip”  (Savage’s  Winthrop , 
Vol.  I.  p.  *  143).  Infra ,  p.  313. 


A  Short  Story. 


without  any  fuch  witneffe  of  the  Spirit,  as  the  Scripture 
holds  out  for  a  full  evidence ;  whereby  many  were  convinced 
that  they  had  gone  on  in  a  Covenant  of  works,1  and  were 
much  humbled  thereby,  and  brought  to  inquire  more  after 
the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  without  whom  all  their  gifts  and 
graces,  all  their  contributions,  &c.  would  prove  but  legall, 
and  would  vanifh :  all  this  was  well,  and  fuited  with  the 
publick  Miniftery,  which  went  along  in  the  fame  way,  and 
all  the  faithful  imbraced  it,  and  bleffed  God  for  the  good 
fucceffe  that  appeared  from  this  difcovery.2  But  when  fhee 

had 


1  In  regard  to  the  theological  tenets 
known  as  the  Covenant  of  Grace  and 
the  Covenant  of  Works,  a  difcuffion 
will  be  found  in  Ellis’s  Puritan  Age 
of  MaJJ'achufetts  (pp.  301-362)  and  in 
Adams’s  Three  Epifodes  (pp.  402- 
406). 

2  “At  her  firft  comming  the  was 
well  refpedted  and  efteemed  of  me,  not 
onely  becaufe  herfelf  and  her  family 
were  well  beloved  in  England  at  All¬ 
ford  in  Lincolnfhire  (not  far  beyond 
Bofton  :)  nor  onely  becaufe  the  with  her 
family  came  over  hither  (as  was  faid) 
for  confcience  fake  :  but  chiefly  for  that 
I  heard,  fhee  did  much  good  in  our 
Town,  in  womans  meeting  at  Childbirth- 
Travells,  wherein  fhee  was  not  onely 
fkilfull  and  helpfull,  but  readily  fell  into 
good  difcourfe  with  the  women  about 
their  fpiritual  eftates :  And  therein 
cleared  it  unto  them,  That  the  foul 
lying  under  a  Spirit  of  Bondage,  might 
fee  and  fenfibly  feel  the  hainous  guilt, 
and  deep  defert  of  fin,  and  thereby 
not  onely  undergoe  afflidtion  of  Spirit 
but  alfo  receive  both  reftraining,  and 
conftraining  Grace  likewife,  (in  fome 


meafure :)  reftrainipg  from  all  known 
evill  (both  courfes,  and  companies)  (at 
leaft  for  a  feafon)  and  conftraining  to  all 
knowen  duties,  as  fecret  Prayer,  Fam¬ 
ily  Exercifes,  Confcience  of  Sabbaths, 
Reverence  of  Minifters,  Frequenting 
of  Sermons,  Diligence  in  calling,  hon- 
efty  in  dealing,  and  the  like:  yea  and 
that  the  Soul  might  find  fome  taftes 
and  flafhes  of  fpirituall  comfort  in  this 
eftate,  and  yet  never  fee  or  feel  the  need 
of  Chrift,  much  lefle  attain  any  faving 
Union,  or  Communion  with  him,  being 
no  more  but  Legall  work,  even  what 
the  Law,  and  the  Spirit  of  bondage 
(breathing  in  it)  might  reach  unto.  By 
which  means  many  of  the  women  (and 
by  them  their  hufbands)  were  con¬ 
vinced,  that  they  had  gone  on  in  a  Cov¬ 
enant  of  Works,  and  were  much  thaken 
and  humbled  thereby,  and  brought  to 
enquire  more  ferioufly  after  the  Lord 
Jefus  Chrift,  without  whom  all  their 
Gifts  and  Graces  would  prove  but  com¬ 
mon,  and  their  duties  but  legall,  and  in 
the  end  wizzen  and  vanifh.  All  this 
was  well  (as  is  reported  truely,  page  31 
of  her  Story)  and  fuited  with  the  pub¬ 
like 


160  The  Antinojnian  Controverfy. 


had  thus  prepared  the  way  by  fuch  wholefome  truths,  then 
fhee  begins  to  fet  forth  her  own  ftuffe,  and  taught  that 
[32]  no  fandlification  was  any  evidence  of  a  good  eflate, 
except  their  j unification  were  firft  cleared  up  to  them 
by  the  immediate  witnefTe  of  the  Spirit,  and  that  to  fee  any 
work  of  grace,  (either  faith  or  repentance,  &c.)  before  this 
immediate  witneffe,  was  a  Covenant  of  works :  whereupon 
many  good  foules,  that  had  been  of  long  approved  godlineffe, 
were  brought  to  renounce  all  the  work  of  grace  in  them,  and 
to  wait  for  this  immediate  revelation  :  then  fprung  up  alfo 
that  opinion  of  the  in-dwelling  of  the  perfon  of  the  Holy 
Ghoft,  and  of  union  with  Chrift,  and  Juftification  before 
faith,  and  a  denying  of  any  gifts  or  graces,  or  inherent  quali¬ 
fications,  and  that  Chrift  was  all,  did  all,  and  that  the  foule 
remained  alwayes  as  a  dead  Organ : 1  and  other  of  thofe 
groffe  errours,  which  were  condemned  in  the  late  Affembly, 
and  whereof  diverfe  had  been  quafhed,  by  the  publick  Min- 

iftery ; 


like  Miniftery,  which  had  gone  along  in 
the  fame  way,  fo  as  thefe  private  con¬ 
ferences  did  well  tend  to  water  the 
feeds  publikely  fowen.  Whereupon  all 
the  faithful  embraced  her  conference, 
and  bleffed  God  for  her  fruitful  dif- 
courfes.  And  many  whofe  fpirituall 
eftates  were  not  fo  fafely  layed,  yet  were 
hereby  helped  and  awakened  to  difcover 
their  fandy  foundations,  and  to  feek  for 
better  eftablifhment  in  Chrift:  which 
caufed  them  alfo  to  blelfe  the  Lord  for 
the  good  fuccelfe,  which  appeared  to 
them  by  this  difcovery  ”  (Cotton,  Way 
Cleared  \  1648],  pp.  50-51). 

1  “Two  dangerous  errors:  I.  That 
the  perfon  of  the  Holy  Ghoft  dwells  in 
a  juftified  perfon.  2.  That  no  fan<5tifi- 


cation  can  help  to  evidence  to  us  our 
juftification.  —  From  thefe  two  grew 
many  branches ;  as,  1,  Our  union  with 
the  Holy  Ghoft,  fo  as  a  Chriftian  re¬ 
mains  dead  to  every  fpiritual  action, 
and  hath  no  gifts  nor  graces,  other  than 
fuch  as  are  in  hypocrites,  nor  any  fanc- 
tification  but  the  Holy  Ghoft  himfelf  ” 
(Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  p.  *200). 
“  Mr.  Cotton  .  .  .  agreed  .  .  .  thatfanc- 
tification  did  help  to  evidence  juftifica¬ 
tion.  .  .  .  but,  for  the  indwelling  of  the 
perfon  of  the  Holy  Ghoft,  he  held  that 
ftill  .  .  .  but  not  union  with  the  perfon 
of  the  Holy  Ghoft  (as  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
and  others  did)  fo  as  to  amount  to  a 
perfonal  union  ”  (/ b .  p.  *201). 


A  Short  Story.  161 

iftery;  but  the  maine  and  bottom  of  all,  which  tended  to 
quench  all  indevour,  and  to  bring  to  a  dependance  upon  an 
immediate  witneffe  of  the  Spirit,  without  light  of  any  gift  or 
grace,  this  fhick  fall,  and  prevailed  fo,  as  it  began  to  bee 
oppofed,  and  fhee  being  queftioned  by  fome,  who  marvelled 
that  fuch  opinions  Ihould  fpread  fo  faff,  fhee  made  anfwer, 
that  where  ever  fhee  came  they  muff  and  they  fhould  fpread, 
and  indeed  it  was  a  wonder  upon  what  a  fudden  the  whole 
Church  of  Bojlon  (fome  few  excepted)  were  become  her  new 
converts,  and  infefted  with  her  opinions,  and  many  alfo  out 
of  the  Church,  and  of  other  Churches  alfo,  yea,  many  pro- 
phane  perfons  became  of  her  opinion,  for  it  was  a  very  eafie, 
and  acceptable  way  to  heaven,  to  fee  nothing,  to  have  noth¬ 
ing,  but  waite  for  Chrift  to  do  all ;  fo  that  after  fhee  had 
thus  prevailed,  and  had  drawn  fome  of  eminent  place  and 
parts  to  her  party  (whereof  fome  profited  fo  well,  as  in  a  few 
moneths  they  outwent  their  teacher)  then  fhee  kept  open 
houfe  for  all  commers,  and  fet  up  two  Lefture  dayes  in  the 
week,  when  they  ufually  met  at  her  houfe,  threefcore  or 
fourefcore  perfons,  the  pretence  was  to  repeate  Sermons,1 

but 


1  “  It  had  been  a  cuftom  in  many 
congregations  that  the  minifters  allowed 
their  people  the  liberty  ftill,  after  fer- 
mon,  to  propofe  what  queftions  they 
thought  fit  for  their  further  fatisfadiion 
about  any  points  which  had  been  deliv¬ 
ered"  ( Magnalia ,  B.  VII.  chap.  3,  §6). 
This  cuftom  feems  to  have  been  common 
in  the  Calviniftic  churches  of  both  Eng¬ 
land  and  Scotland.  Burnet  ( Hi/iory  of 
his  own  Times ,  Vol.  I.  p.  280)  thus 
defcribes  the  practice  as  it  prevailed  in 
the  latter  country :  “  Their  minifters 


generally  brought  [the  people]  about 
them  on  the  Sunday  nights,  where  the 
fermons  were  talked  over ;  and  every 
one,  women  as  well  as  men,  were  de- 
fired  to  fpeak  their  fenfe  and  their  expe¬ 
rience  :  and  by  thefe  means  they  had 
a  comprehenfion  of  matters  of  religion, 
greater  than  I  have  feen  among  people 
of  that  fort  any  where.  The  preachers 
went  all  in  one  track,  of  raifing  obferva- 
tions  on  points  of  doftrine  out  of  their 
text,  and  proving  thefe  by  reafons,  and 
then  of  applying  thofe,  and  fhewing  the 

ufe 


2  r 


1 62  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

but  when  that  was  done,  fhee  would  comment  upon  the  Doc¬ 
trines,  and  interpret  all  paffages  at  her  pleafure,  and  expound 
dark  places  of  Scripture,  fo  as  whatfoever  the  Letter  held 
forth  (for  this  was  one  of  her  tenents,  that  the  whole  Scrip¬ 
ture  in  the  Letter  of  it  held  forth  nothing  but  a  Covenant 
of  works)  fhee  would  bee  fure  to  make  it  ferve  her  turn,  for 


the  confirming  of  her  maine 
another,  That  the  darker  our 

ufe  that  was  to  be  made  of  fuch  a  point 
of  doCtrine,  both  for  inftruCtion  and 
terror,  for  exhortation  and  comfort,  for 
trial  of  themfelves  upon  it,  and  for 
furnifhing  them  with  proper  directions 
and  helps :  and  this  was  fo  methodical, 
that  the  people  grew  to  follow  a  fermon 
quite  through  every  branch  of  it.  To 
this  fome  added,  the  refolving  of  doubts 
concerning  the  ftate  they  were  in,  or 
their  progrefs  or  decay  in  it;  which 
they  called  cafes  of  confcience :  and 
thefe  were  taken  from  what  their  people 
faid  to  them  at  any  time,  very  oft  being 
under  fits  of  melancholy,  or  vapours,  or 
obfiructions,  which,  though  they  flowed 
from  natural  caufes,  were  looked  on  as 
the  work  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  a 
particular  exercife  to  them  ;  and  they  fed 
this  difeafe  of  weak  minds  too  much.” 

Cotton  Mather  goes  on  to  fay  that  in 
the  early  New  England  churches  this 
practice  “  was  oftentimes  made  an  occa- 
fion  of  much  contention,  vexation  and 
folly  in  the  affemblies.”  It  was  accord¬ 
ingly  condemned  by  the  Cambridge 
Synod  of  Augult,  1637,  and  the  following 
rules  laid  down  in  regard  to  it :  — 

“  1.  That  though  women  might  meet 
(fome  few  together)  to  pray  and  edify 
one  another;  yet  fuch  a  fet  affembly, 


principles,  whereof  this  was 
fancTification  is,  the  cleerer  is 

our 

(as  was  then  in  practice  at  Bofton,) 
where  fixty  or  more  did  meet  every 
week,  and  one  woman  (in  a  prophetical 
way,  by  refolving  queftions  of  doCtrine, 
and  expounding  fcripture)  took  upon 
her  the  whole  exercife,  was  agreed  to 
be  diforderly,  and  without  rule. 

“  2.  Though  a  private  member  might 
afk  a  queftion  publicly,  after  fermon, 
for  information  ;  yet  this  ought  to  be 
very  wifely  and  fparingly  done,  and  that 
with  leave  of  the  elders  :  but  queflions 
of  reference,  (then  in  ufe)  whereby  the 
doCtrines  delivered  were  reproved,  and 
the  elders  reproached,  and  that  with 
bitternefs,  etc.,  was  utterly  condemned. 

“3.  That  a  perfon,  refuting  to  come 
to  the  affembly,  to  abide  the  cenfure  of 
the  church,  might  be  proceeded  againft, 
though  abfent ;  yet  it  was  held  better, 
that  the  magiftrates’  help  were  called 
for,  to  compel  him  to  be  prefent. 

“  4.  That  a  member,  differing  from 
the  reft  of  the  church  in  any  opinion, 
which  was  not  fundamental,  ought  not 
for  that  to  forfake  the  ordinances  there  ; 
and  if  fuch  did  defire  difmiffion  to  any 
other  church,  which  was  of  his  opinion, 
and  did  it  for  that  end,  the  church 
whereof  he  was  ought  to  deny  it  for  the 
fame  end.” 


A  Short  Story.  -  163 

our  j  unification  ;  And  indeed  moft  of  her  new  tenents  tended 
to  flothfulneffe,  and  quench  all  indevour  in  the  creature : 
and  now  was  there  no  fpeech  fo  much  in  ufe,  as  of  vilifying 
fanftification,  and  all  for  advancing  Chrift  and  free  grace, 
and  the  whole  Pedegree  of  the  Covenant  of  works  was  fet 
forth  with  all  its  Complements,  beginning  at  Cain,  If  thou 
doft  well  (halt  thou  not  bee  accepted  ?  then  it  is  explained 
and  ratifyed  at  Mount  Sinai ,  and  delivered  in  the  two  Ta¬ 
bles,  and  after  fprinkled  with  the  blood  of  Chrift,  Exod.  24. 
and  fo  carryed  on  in  the  Letter  of  the  Scripture,  till  it  bee 
compleat,  as  the  Covenant  of  Grace  by  the  Spirit,  feales, 
forgiveneffe  of  fins,  one  of  the  venters  whereon  Chrift  begets 
children,  &c.  and  in  the  end  wherefore  is  all  this  adoe, 
but  that  having  a  more  cleanly  way,  to  lay  all  that  [33] 
oppofed  her,  (being  neere  all  the  Elders  and  moft  of 
the  faithfull  Chriftians  in  this  Countrey)  under  a  Covenant 
of  workes,  fhee  might  with  the  more  credit,  difclofe  and 
advance  her  mafterpiece  of  immediate  revelations,  under  the 
faire  pretence  of  the  Covenant  of  free  Grace ;  wherein  fhee 
had  not  failed  of  her  ayme,  to  the  utter  fubverfion  both  of 
Churches  and  civill  ftate,  if  the  moft  wife  and  mercifull 
providence  of  the  Lord  had  not  prevented  it  by  keeping  fo 
many  of  the  Magiftrates,  and  Elders,  free  from  the  infection  : 
for  upon  the  countenance  which  it  took  from  fome  eminent 
perfons,  her  opinions  began  to  hold  up  their  heads,  in  Church 
Affemblies,  and  in  the  Court  of  Juftice,  fo  as  it  was  held  a 
matter  of  offence  to  fpeak  any  thing  againft  them  in  either 
Alfembly :  thence  fprang  all  that  trouble  to  the  Paftour  of 
Bojlon ,  for  his  free  and  faithfull  fpeech  in  the  Court,  though 
required  and  approved :  thence  took  Mr.  Wheelwright  cour¬ 
age 


164  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

age  to  inveigh  in  his  fermon  againft  men  in  a  Covenant  of 
works  (as  hee  placed  them)  and  to  proclaim  them  all  enemies 
to  Chrift,  Scribes  and  Pharifees,  &c.  whereas  before  hee  was 
wont  to  teach  in  a  plaine  and  gentle  ftile,  and  though  hee 
would  fometimes  glaunce  upon  thefe  opinions,  yet  it  was 
modeftly  and  refervedly,  not  in  fuch  a  peremptory  and  cen- 
forious  manner,  as  hee  did  then  and  after;  for  they  made 
full  account  the  day  had  been  theirs,  But  blefted  bee  the 
Lord,  the  lnare  is  broken,  and  wee  are  delivered,  and  this 
woman  who  was  the  root  of  all  thefe  troubles,  hands  now 
before  the  feat  of  Juftice,  to  bee  rooted  out  of  her  ftation,  by 
the  hand  of  authority,  guided  by  the  finger  of  divine  provi¬ 
dence,  as  the  fequell  will  fhow. 

When  fhee  appeared,  the  Court  fpake  to  her  to  this 
effedt.1 

Miftris  Hutchifon.  You  are  called  hither  as  one  of  thofe 
who  have  had  a  great  fhare  in  the  caufes  of  our  publick 
difturbances,  partly  by  thofe  erroneous  opinions  which  you 
have  broached  and  divulged  amongft  us,  and  maintaining 
them,  partly  by  countenancing  and  incouraging  fuch  as  have 
fowed  feditions  amongft  us,  partly  by  calling  reproach  upon 
the  faithfull  Minifters  of  this  Countrey,  and  upon  their  Min- 
iftery,  and  fo  weakning  their  hands  in  the  work  of  the  Lord, 
and  raifing  prejudice  againft  them,  in  the  hearts  of  their 
people,  and  partly  by  maintaining  weekly  and  publick  meet¬ 
ings  in  your  houfe,  to  the  offence  of  all  the  Countrey,  and 

the 

1  Befides  the  report  of  the  trial  of  482-526).  Whence  he  derived  it  is 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  in  the  Short  Story ,  not  known.  This  fecond  report,  not 
another  and  diftindt  report  was  printed  included  in  Hutchinfon’s  State  Papers , 
by  Hutchinfon  in  the  Appendix  to  his  is  reprinted  as  part  of  the  prefent  pub- 
HiJlo7y  of  Majfachufetts  (Vol.  II.  pp.  lication.  Vide  infra,  pp.  235-284. 


A  Short  Story .  165 

the  detriment  of  many  families,  and  {till  upholding  the  fame, 
fince  fuch  meetings  were  clearely  condemned  in  the  late 
generall  Affembly. 

Now  the  end  of  your  fending  for,  is,  that  either  upon 
fight  of  your  errors,  and  other  offences,  you  may  bee  brought 
to  acknowledge,  and  reforme  the  fame,  or  otherwife  that 
wee  may  take  fuch  courfe  with  you  as  you  may  trouble  us 
no  further. 

Wee  do  defire  therefore  to  know  of  you,  whether  you  will 
Juftifie  and  maintaine  what  is  laid  to  your  charge  or  not  ? 

Mistris  Hutchifon .  I  am  called  here  to  anfwer  to  fuch 
things  as  are  laid  to  my  charge,  name  one  of  them. 

Court  Have  you  countenanced,  or  will  you  juftifie  [34] 
thofe  feditious  practifes  which  have  been  cenfured 
here  in  this  Court  ? 

Hutch .  Do  you  ask  mee  upon  point  of  confcience  ? 

Court  No,  your  confcience  you  may  keep  to  your  felf, 
but  if  in  this  caufe  you  fhall  eountenance  and  incourage 
thofe  that  thus  tranfgreffe  the  Law,  you  muft  bee  called  in 
queftion  for  it,  and  that  is  not  for  your  confcience,  but  for 
your  praftife. 

Hutch .  What  Law  have  they  tranfgreffed  ?  the  Law  of 
God? 

Court  Yes,  the  fifth  Commandement,  which  commands  us 
to  honour  Father  and  Mother,  which  includes  all  in  author¬ 
ity,  but  thefe  feditious  praftifes  of  theirs,  have  caft  reproach 
and  difhonour  upon  the  Fathers  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Hutch.  Do  I  intertaine,  or  maintaine  them  in  their 
adlions,  wherein  they  ftand  againft  any  thing  that  God  hath 
appointed  ? 


Court 


1 66  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Cotirt  Yes,  you  have  juftified  Mr.  Wheelwright  his  Ser¬ 
mon,  for  which  you  know  hee  was  convidt  of  fedition,  and 
you  have  likewife  countenanced  and  encouraged  thofe  that 
had  their  hands  to  the  Petition. 

Hutch .  I  deny  it,  I  am  to  obey  you  only  in  the  Lord. 

Court  You  cannot  deny  but  you  had  your  hand  in  the 
Petition. 

Hutch .  Put  cafe,  I  do  feare  the  Lord,  and  my  Parent  doe 
not,  may  not  I  entertain  one  that  feares  the  Lord,  becaufe 
my  Father  will  not  let  mee  ?  I  may  put  honour  upon  him 
as  a  childe  of  God. 

Court  That’s  nothing  to  the  purpofe,  but  wee  cannot 
ftand  to  difpute  caufes  with  you  now,  what  fay  you  to  your 
weekly  publick  meetings  ?  can  you  fhew  a  warrant  for 
them  ? 

Hutch.  I  will  fhew  you  how  I  took  it  up,  there  were  fuch 
meetings  in  ufe  before  I  came,  and  becaufe  I  went  to  none 
of  them,  this  was  the  fpeciall  reafon  of  my  taking  up  this 
courfe,  wee  began  it  but  with  five  or  fix,  and  though  it  grew 
to  more  in  future  time,  yet  being  tolerated  at  the  firfl,  I 
knew  not  why  it  might  not  continue. 

Court  There  were  private  meetings  indeed,  and  are  ftill 
in  many  places,  of  fome  few  neighbours,  but  not  fo  publick 
and  frequent  as  yours,  and  are  of  ufe  for  increafe  of  love, 
and  mutuall  edification,  but  yours  are  of  another  nature,  if 
they  had  been  fuch  as  yours  they  had  been  evill,  and  ther- 
fore  no  good  warrant  to  jufiifie  yours ;  but  anfwer  by  what 
authority,  or  rule,  you  uphold  them. 

Hutch .  By  Tit.  2.  where  the  elder  women  are  to  teach 
the  younger. 


Court 


A  Short  Story.  167 

Court  So  wee  allow  you  to  do,  as  the  Apoftle  there 
meanes,  privately,  and  upon  occafion,  but  that  gives  no  war¬ 
rant  of  fuch  fet  meetings  for  that  purpofe ;  and  befides,  you 
take  upon  you  to  teach  many  that  are  elder  than  your  felfe, 
neither  do  you  teach  them  that  which  the  Apoftle  com¬ 
mands,  viz.  to  keep  at  home. 

Hutch.  Will  you  pleafe  to  give  mee  a  rule  againft  it,  and 
I  will  yeeld? 

Court  You  muft  have  a  rule  for  it,  or  elfe  you  [35] 
cannot  do  it  in  faith,  yet  you  have  a  plaine  rule  againft 
it ;  I  permit  not  a  woman  to  teach. 

Hutch.  That  is  meant  of  teaching  men. 

Coitrt  If  a  man  in  diftreffe  of  confcience  or  other  temp¬ 
tation,  &c.  fhould  come  and  ask  your  counfell  in  private, 
might  you  not  teach  him  ? 

Hutch.  Yes. 

Court  Then  it  is  cleare,  that  it  is  not  meant  of  teaching 
men,  but  of  teaching  in  publick. 

Hutch.  It  is  faid,  I  will  poure  my  Spirit  upon  your 
Daughters,  and  they  fhall  prophefie,  & c.  If  God  give  mee 
a  gift  of  Prophecy,  I  may  ufe  it. 

Court  Firft,  the  Apoftle  applies  that  prophecy  unto  thofe 
extraordinary  times,  and  the  gifts  of  miracles  and  tongues 
were  common  to  many  as  well  as  the  gift  of  Prophecy.  Sec¬ 
ondly,  in  teaching  your  children,  you  exercife  your  gift  of 
prophecy,  and  that  within  your  calling. 

Hutch.  I  teach  not  in  a  publick  congregation  :  The  men 
of  Berea  are  commended  for  examining  Pauls  Dodtrine ; 
wee  do  no  more  but  read  the  notes  of  our  teachers  Sermons, 
and  then  reafon  of  them  by  fearching  the  Scriptures. 


Court 


1 68  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


Court  You  are  gone  from  the  nature  of  your  meeting,  to 
the  kind  of  exercife,  wee  will  follow  you  in  this,  and  fhew 
you  your  offence  in  them,  for  you  do  not  as  the  Bereans  1 
fearch  the  Scriptures  for  their  confirming  in  the  truths  de¬ 
livered,  but  you  open  your  teachers  points,  and  declare  his 
meaning,  and  corredl  wherein  you  think  he  hath  failed,  &c. 
and  by  this  meanes  you  abafe  the  honour  and  authority  of 
the  publick  Miniftery,  and  advance  your  own  gifts,  as  if 
hee  could  not  deliver  his  matter  fo  clearely  to  the  hearers 
capacity  as  your  felf. 

Hutch.  Prove  that,  that  anybody  doth  that. 

Court  Yes,  you  are  the  woman  of  moft  note,  and  of  belt 
abilities,  and  if  fome  other  take  upon  them  the  like,  it  is  by 
your  teaching  and  example,  but  you  fhew  not  in  all  this,  by 
what  authority  you  take  upon  you  to  bee  fuch  a  publick 
inftrudter :  (after  fhee  had  flood  a  fhort  time,  the  Court  gave 
her  leave  to  fit  downe,  for  her  countenance  difcovered  fome 
bodily  infirmity.) 

Hutch .  Here  is  my  authority,  Aquila  and  Prif cilia,  tooke 
upon  them  to  inftrudt  Apollo ,  more  perfectly,2  yet  he  was  a 
man  of  good  parts,  but  they  being  better  inflrudled  might 
teach  him. 

Court  See  how  your  argument  flands,  Prifcilla  with  her 
husband,  tooke  Apollo  home  to  inftrudt  him  privately,  there¬ 
fore  Miftris  Hutchifon  without  her  husband  may  teach  fixty 
or  eighty. 

Hutch.  I  call  them  not,  but  if  they  come  to  me,  I  may 
inflrudl  them. 

Court  Yet  you  fhew  us  not  a  rule. 

Hutch.  I  have  given  you  two  places  of  Scripture. 

v**  (J  H  r  I? 

1  Afts  xvii.  ir.  2  Ads  xviii.  26. 


169 


A  Short  Story. 

Court  But  neither  of  them  will  fute  your  prabtife. 

Hutch .  Muft  I  fhew  my  name  written  therein? 

Court  You  muft  fhew  that  which  muft  be  mqui va¬ 
lent,  feeing  your  Miniftry  is  publicke,  you  would  have  [36] 
them  receive  your  inftrubtion,  as  comming  from  fuch 
an  Ordinance. 

Hutch .  They  muft  not  take  it  as  it  comes  from  me,  but 
as  it  comes  from  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  and  if  I  tooke  upon 
me  a  publick  Miniftery,  I  fhould  breake  a  rule,  but  not  in 
exercifing  a  gift  of  Prophecy,  and  I  would  fee  a  rule  to  turne 
away  them  that  come  to  me. 

Court,  It  is  your  exercife  which  drawes  them,  and  by 
occafion  thereof,  many  families  are  negledted,  and  much 
time  loft,  and  a  great  damage  comes  to  the  Common-wealth 
thereby,  which  wee  that  are  betrufted  with,  as  the  Fathers 
of  the  Common-wealth,  are  not  to  fuffer.  Divers  other 
fpeeches  palled  to  and  fro  about  this  matter,  the  iffue  was, 
that  not  being  able  to  bring  any  rule  to  juflifie  this  her 
difordered  courfe,  fhe  faid  fhe  walked  by  the  rule  of  the 
Apoftle,  Gal,  which  fhe  called  the  rule  of  the  new  creature, 
but  what  rule  that  was,  fhe  would  not,  or  fhe  could  not  tell, 
neither  would  fhe  confent  to  lay  downe  her  meetings,  except 
authority  did  put  them  downe,  and  then  fhe  might  be 
fubjedt  to  authority. 

Then  the  Court  laid  to  her  charge,  the  reproach  fhe  had 
call  upon  the  Minifters,  and  Miniftery  in  this  Country,  fay¬ 
ing  that  none  of  them  did  preach  the  Covenant  of  free 
Grace,  but  M after  Cotton,  and  that  they  have  not  the  Seale 
of  the  Spirit,  and  fo  were  not  able  Minifters  of  the  New 
Teftament:  fhe  denyed  the  words,  but  they  were  affirmed 

22  by 


170  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

by  divers  of  the  Minifters,  being  defired  by  the  Court  to  be 
prefent  for  that  end.  The  matter  was  thus,  It  being  reported 
abroad  that  Miftris  Hutchifon  did  flight  them  and  their 
Miniftery  in  their  common  talke,  as  if  they  did  preach  noth¬ 
ing  but  a  Covenant  of  workes,  becaufe  they  prefTed  much 
for  faith  and  love,  &c.  without  holding  forth  fuch  an  imme¬ 
diate  witnefle  of  the  Spirit  as  flie  pretended,  they  advifed 
with  Mafter  Cotton  about  it,  and  a  meeting  was  appointed 
at  his  houfe,  and  flie  being  fent  for,  and  demanded  the 
reafon  why  flie  had  ufed  fuch  fpeeches,  at  firfl  flie  would 
not  acknowledge  them,  but  being  told  that  they  could 
prove  them  by  witneffes,  and  perfwaded  to  deale  freely 
and  truely  therein,  flie  faid  that  the  feare  of  man  was 
a  fnare,  and  therefore  fhe  was  glad  flie  had  this  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  open  her  minde,  and  thereupon  fhe  told  them, 
that  there  was  a  wide  difference  betweene  Mafter  Cottons 
Miniftery  and  theirs,  and  that  they  could  not  hold  forth 
a  Covenant  of  free  Grace,  becaufe  they  had  not  the  Seale 
of  the  Spirit,  and  that  they  were  not  able  Minifters  of  the 
New  Teftament. 

It  was  neare  night,  fo  the  Court  brake  up,  and  flie  was 
enjoyned  to  appeare  againe  the  next  morning.  When  flie 
appeared  the  next  day,  fhe  objected  that  the  Minifters  had 
fpoken  in  their  owne  caufe,  and  that  they  ought  not  to  be 
informers  and  witneffes  both,  and  required  that  they  might 
be  fworne  to  what  they  had  fpoken :  to  which  the  Court 
anfwered,  that  if  it  were  needfull,  an  oath  fhould  be  given 
them :  but  becaufe  the  whole  Court  (in  a  manner  man 
by  man)  did  declare  themfelves  to  be  fully  fatisfied  of  the 
truth  of  their  teftimones,  they  being  6  or  7.  men  of  long 

approved 


A  Short  Story.  171 

approved  godlineffe,  and  fincerity  in  their  courfe,  and  [37] 
for  that  it  was  alfo  generally  obferved,  that  thofe  of 
her  party  did  looke  at  their  miniftery  (for  the  moft  part)  as  a 
way  of  the  Covenant  of  workes,  and  one  had  beene  punifhed 
about  halfe  a  yeere  before,1  for  reporting  the  like  of  them. 
The  Court  did  paufe  a  while  at  it,  whereupon  fhe  faid  that 
fire  had  Mr.  Wilfons  notes  of  that  conference,2  which  were 
otherwife  then  they  had  related :  the  Court  willed  her  to 
fliew  them,  but  her  anfwer  was  fhee  had  left  them  at  home : 
whereupon  Mr.  Wilfon  (with  the  leave  of  the  Court)  faid, 
that  if  flie  brought  forth  his  notes,  they  fhould  finde  written 
at  the  foote  of  them,  that  he  had  not  written  downe  all  that 
was  fpoken,  but  being  often  interrupted,  he  had  omitted 
divers  paffages ;  then  fhe  appealed  to  Mr.  Cotton ,  who  being 
called,  and  defired  to  declare  what  he  remembred  of  her 
fpeeches,  faid,  that  he  remembred  onely  that  which  tooke 
impreffion  on  him,  for  he  was  much  grieved  that  fhe  fhould 
make  fuch  comparifon  betweene  him  and  his  brethren,  but 
yet  he  tooke  her  meaning  to  be  onely  of  a  graduall  differ¬ 
ence,  when  fire  faid  that  they  did  not  hold  forth  a  Covenant 

of 

nation  of  the  governorfhip,  “  every  oc- 
cafion  increafed  the  contention,  and 
caufed  great  alienation  of  minds  ;  .  .  . 
and  it  began  to  be  as  common  here  to 
diftinguifh  between  men,  by  being  under 
a  covenant  of  grace  or  a  covenant  of 
works,  as  in  other  countries  between 
Proteftants  and  Papifts.”  The  records 
of  the  colony  contain  no  reference  to 
the  conference,  the  details  of  which  are 
to  be  learned  only  from  the  allufions  in 
the  text  and  in  the  Governor  Hutchin- 
fon  report  of  the  trial  of  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
fon  (vide  infra ,  pp.  246-249). 


1  “One  Stephen  Greenfmith,  for 
faying  that  all  the  minifters,  except  A. 
B.  C.,  did  teach  a  covenant  of  works, 
was  cenfured  to  acknowledge  his  fault 
in  every  church,  and  fined  £  40  ”  (Sav¬ 
age’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  p.  *215  ; 
Records ,  Vol.  I.  p.  189). 

2  This  conference  took  place  in 
Bofton,  December  12  and  13,  1636,  and 
there  is  an  extended  reference  to  it  in 
Winthrop  (Vol.  I.  pp.  *  207-210).  Held 
during  the  fittings  of  the  fpecial  feffion 
of  the  General  Court  fummoned  to  fill 
the  vacancy  occafioned  by  Vane’s  refig- 


172  The  Antinomian  Controverjy. 

of  Free-grace,  as  he  did,  for  fhe  likened  them  to  Chrifts  Dif- 
ciples,  and  their  miniftery,  before  his  afcenfion,  and  before 
the  holy  Ghoft  was  come  downe  upon  them ;  and  when  fhe 
was  afked  by  fome  of  them,  why  they  could  not  preach  a 
Covenant  of  Free-grace,  fhe  made  anfwer,  becaufe  they  had 
not  the  Seale  of  the  Spirit:  upon  this  the  Court  wifhed  her 
to  confider,  that  Mr.  Cotton  did  in  a  manner  agree  with  the 
teftimony  of  the  reft  of  the  Elders :  and  as  he  rembembred 
onely  fo  much  as  at  prefent  tooke  moft  impreffion  in  him,  fo 
the  reft  of  the  Elders  had  reafon  to  remember  fome  other 
paffages,  which  he  might  not  heare,  or  not  fo  much  obferve 
as  they  whom  it  fo  neerely  and  properly  concerned ;  All  this 
would  not  fatisfie  Miftris  Hutchifon ,  but  fhe  ftill  called  to 
have  them  fworne,  whereupon  the  Court  being  weary  of  the 
clamour,  and  that  all  mouths  might  be  flopped,  required 
three  of  the  Minifters  to  take  an  oath,  and  thereupon  they 
confirmed  their  former  teftimony. 

Upon  this  file  began  to  fpeake  her  mind,  and  to  tell  of 
the  manner  of  Gods  dealing  with  her,  and  how  he  revealed 
himfelfe  to  her,  and  made  her  know  what  fhe  had  to  doe  ; 
The  Governour  perceiving  whereabout  fhe  went,  interrupted 
her,  and  would  have  kept  her  to  the  matter  in  hand,  but 
feeing  her  very  unwilling  to  be  taken  off,  he  permitted  her 
to  proceed.  Her  fpeech  was  to  this  effedl. 

Miftris  Hutchifon. 

When  I  was  in  old  England,  I  was  much  troubled  at  the 
conftitution  of  the  Churches  there,  fo  farre,  as  I  was  ready 
to  have  joyned  to  the  Separation,  whereupon  I  fet  apart 
a  day  for  humiliation  by  my  felfe,  to  feeke  direction  from 
God,  and  then  did  God  difcover  unto  me  the  unfaithful- 

neffe 


173 


A  Short  Story. 

neffe  of  the  Churches,  and  the  danger  of  them,  and  that 
none  of  thofe  Minifters  could  preach  the  Lord  Jefus  aright, 
for  he  had  brought  to  my  mind,  that  in  the  i  John  4.  3.1 
Every  fpirit  that  confefleth  not,  that  Jefus  Chrift  is  come  in 
the  flefh,  is  the  fpirit  of  Antichrift ;  I  marvelled  what 
this  fhould  meane,  for  I  knew  that  neither  Proteftants  [38] 
nor  Papifts  did  deny  that  Chrift  was  come  in  the  flefh ; 
and  are  the  Turkes  then  the  onely  Antichrifts?  now  I  had 
none  to  open  the  Scripture  to  me,  but  the  Lord,  he  muft  be 
the  Prophet,  then  he  brought  to  my  mind  another  Scripture, 
He  that  denies  the  Teftament,  denies  the  death  of  the  Tef- 
tator;  from  whence  the  Lord  did  let  me  fee,  that  every  one 
that  did  not  preach  the  New  Covenant,  denies  the  death  of 
the  Teftator;  then  it  was  revealed  to  me  that  the  Minifters 
of  England  were  thefe  Antichrifts,  but  I  knew  not  how  to 
beare  this,  I  did  in  my  heart  rife  up  againft  it,  then  I  begged 
of  the  Lord  that  this  Atheifme  might  not  be  in  my  heart: 
after  I  had  begged  this  light,  a  twelve  moneth  together,  at 
laft  he  let  me  fee  how  I  did  oppofe  Chrift  Jefus,  and  he  re¬ 
vealed  to  mee  that  place  in  Efay  46.  12,  13.2  and  from  thence 
fhewed  me  the  Atheifme  of  my  owne  heart,  and  how  I  did 
turne  in  upon  a  Covenant  of  works,  and  did  oppofe  Chrift 
Jefus;  from  which  time  the  Lord  did  ailcover  to  me  all 

forts 

1  “2  Hereby  know  ye  the  Spirit  “4  Ye  are  of  God,  little  children, 
of  God :  every  fpirit  that  confeffeth  and  have  overcome  them :  becaufe 
that  Jefus  Chrift  is  come  in  the  flefh  is  greater  is  he  that  is  in  you,  than  he  that 
of  God  :  is  in  the  world.” 

“3  And  every  fpirit  that  confefleth  2  “  12  Hearken  unto  me,  ye  ftout- 
not  that  Jefus  Chrift  is  come  in  the  flelh  hearted,  that  are  far  from  righteoufnefs  : 
is  not  of  God  :  and  this  is  that  fpirit  of  “  13  I  bring  near  my  righteoufnefs; 
antichrift,  whereof  ye  have  heard  that  it  fhall  not  be  far  off,  and  my  falvation 
it  fhould  come,  and  even  now  already  fhall  not  tarry :  and  I  will  place  falva- 
it  is  in  the  world.  tion  in  Zion  for  Ifrael  my  glory."’ 


174  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 


forts  of  Minifters,  and  how  they  taught,  and  to  know  what 
voyce  I  heard,  which  was  the  voyce  of  Mofes ,  which  of  John 
Baptiji ,  and  which  of  Chrift ;  the  voyce  of  my  beloved,  from 
the  voyce  of  ftrangers  ;  and  thenceforth  I  was  the  more 
carefull  whom  I  heard,  for  after  our  teacher  Mr.  Cotton ,  and 
my  brother  Wheelwright  were  put  downe,  there  was  none  in 
England  that  I  durft  heare.  Then  it  pleafed  God  to  re- 
veale  himfelfe  to  me  in  that  of  Efay  30.  20.1  Though  the 
Lord  give  thee  the  bread  of  adverfity,  &c.  yet  thine  eyes 
fhall  fee  thy  teachers ;  after  this  the  Lord  carrying  Mr. 
Cotton  to  New  England  (at  which  I  was  much  troubled)  it 
was  revealed  to  me,  that  I  muft  go  thither  alfo,  and  that 
there  I  fliould  be  perfecuted  and  fuffer  much  trouble.  I  will 
give  you  another  Scripture,  Jer.  46.2  Feare  not  Jacob  my 
fervant,  for  I  am  with  thee,  I  will  make  a  full  end  of  all 
the  Nations,  & c.  then  the  Lord  did  reveale  himfelfe  to  me, 
fitting  upon  a  Throne  of  Juftice,  and  all  the  world  appearing 
before  him,  and  though  I  muff  come  to  New  England, ,  yet 
I  muff  not  feare  nor  be  difmaied.  The  Lord  brought  an¬ 
other  Scripture  to  me,  Efay.  8.  9?  The  Lord  fpake  this  to 

me 


1  “  20  And  though  the  Lord  give 
you  the  bread  of  adverfity,  and  the 
water  of  affliction,  yet  fhall  not  thy 
teachers  be  removed  into  a  corner  any 
more,  but  thine  eyes  fhall  fee  thy 
teachers.” 

2  “  27  But  fear  not  thou,  O  my 
fervant  Jacob,  and  be  not  difmayed,  O 
Ifrael :  for,  behold,  I  will  fave  thee  from 
afar  off,  and  thy  feed  from  the  land  of 
thy  captivity ;  and  Jacob  fhall  return, 
and  be  in  reft  and  at  eafe,  and  none 
fhall  make  him  afraid. 


“28  Fear  not  thou,  O  Jacob  my 
fervant,  faith  the  Lord :  for  I  am  with 
thee ;  for  I  will  make  a  full  end  of  all 
the  nations  whither  I  have  driven  thee : 
but  I  will  not  make  a  full  end  of  thee, 
but  correct  thee  in  meafure ;  yet  will  I 
not  leave  thee  wholly  unpunifhed.” 

3  “11  For  the  Lord  fpake  thus  to 
me  with  a  ftrong  hand,  and  inflruCled 
me  that  I  fhould  not  walk  in  the  way 
of  this  people,  faying, 

“  12  Say  ye  not,  A  confederacy,  to 
all  them  to  whom  this  people  fhall  fay, 


175 


A  Short  Story. 


me  with  a  ftrong  hand,  and  inftru6ted  me  that  I  fhould  not 
walke  in  the  way  of  this  people,  &c.  I  wil  give  you  one 
place  more  which  the  Lord  brought  to  me  by  immediate 
revelations,  and  that  doth  concerne  you  all,  it  is  in  Dan .  6.1 
When  the  Prefidents  and  Princes  could  find  nothing  againft 
him,  becaufe  he  was  faithfull,  they  fought  matter  againft 
him  concerning  the  Law  of  his  God,  to  caft  him  into  the 
Lions  denne ;  fo  it  was  revealed  to  me  that  they  fhould  plot 
againft  me,  but  the  Lord  bid  me  not  to  feare,  for  he  that 
delivered  Daniel \  and  the  three  children,  his  hand  was  not 
fhortened.  And  fee  this  Scripture  fulfilled  this  day  in  mine 
eyes,  therefore  take  heed  what  yee  goe  about  to  doe  unto 
me,  for  you  have  no  power  over  my  body,  neither  can  you 
do  me  any  harme,  for  I  am  in  the  hands  of  the  eternall 
Jehovah  my  Saviour,  I  am  at  his  appointment,  the  bounds 
of  my  habitation  are  caft  in  Heaven,  no  further  doe  I  ef- 
teeme  of  any  mortall  man,  then  creatures  in  his  hand,  I 
feare  none  but  the  great  Jehovah,  which  hath  foretold  me  of 
thefe  things,  and  I  doe  verily  beleeve  that  he  will  deliver 


A  Confederacy;  neither  fear  ye  their 
fear,  nor  be  afraid. 

“  13  Sandtify  the  Lord  of  hofts  him- 
felf :  and  let  him  be  your  fear,  and  let 
him  be  your  dread. 

“14  And  he  fhall  be  for  a  fandtuary ; 
but  for  a  ftone  of  humbling  and  for  a 
rock  of  offence  to  both  the  houfes  of 
Ifrael,  for  a  gin  and-  for  a  fnare  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Jerufalem. 

“15  And  many  among  them  fhall 
humble,  and  fall,  and  be  broken,  and 
be  fnared,  and  be  taken. 

“  16  Bind  up  the  teftimony,  feal 
the  law  among  my  difciples. 

“  17  And  I  will  wait  upon  the  Lord, 


me 

that  hideth  his  face  from  the  houfe  of 
Jacob,  and  I  will  look  for  him. 

“18  Behold,  I  and  the  children  whom 
the  Lord  hath  given  me  are  for  figns  and 
for  wonders  in  Ifrael  from  the  Lord  of 
hofts,  which  dwelleth  in  mount  Zion.” 

1  “4  Then  the  prefidents  and 
princes  fought  to  find  occafion  againft 
Daniel  concerning  the  Kingdom;  but 
they  could  find  none  occafion  nor  fault; 
forafmuch  as  he  was  faithful,  neither  was 
there  any  error  or  fault  found  in  him. 

“  5  Then  faid  thefe  men,  he  fhall 
not  find  any  occafion  againft  this  Dan¬ 
iel,  except  we  find  it  againft  him  con¬ 
cerning  the  law  of  his  God.” 


1 76  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

me  out  of  our  hands,  therefore  take  heed  how  you  pro- 
[39]  ceed  againft  me ;  for  I  know  that  for  this  you  goe 
about  to  doe  to  me,  God  will  ruine  you  and  your 
pofterity,  and  this  whole  State. 

When  flie  had  thus  vented  her  mind,  the  Court  demanded 
of  her,  how  fhe  expected  to  be  delivered,  whether  by  miracle 
as  Daniel  was,  to  which  fhe  anfwered,  yes,  by  miracle  as 
Daniel  was.  Being  further  demanded  how  fliee  did  know 
that  it  was  God  that  did  reveale  thefe  things  to  her,  and  not 
Satan  ?  She  anfwered,  how  did  Abraham  know  that  it  was 
the  voyce  of  God,  when  he  commanded  him  to  facrifice  his 
fonne  ? 

Mr.  Cotton  being  prefent,  and  defired  by  the  Court  to 
deliver  his  judgement  about  Miftris  Hutchifon  her  Revela¬ 
tions,  anfwered,  there  be  two  forts  of  Revelations,  fome  are 
without  or  befides  Scripture,  thofe  I  looke  at  as  Satanicall, 
and  tending  to  much  danger,  other  are  fuch  as  the  Apoftle 
fpeakes  of,  Ephef.  i.1  where  he  praieth  for  a  fpirit  of  revela¬ 
tion  to  be  given  them,  thofe  are  never  difpenfed  but  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  word  of  God,  though  the  word  revelation  be 
uncouth,  yet  in  Scripture  fenfe  I  thinke  it  not  lawfull  fo  to 
expreffe  it,  and  when  ever  it  comes,  it  comes  with  the 
miniftery  of  the  word.  Being  againe  defired  to  expreffe 
himfelfe  particularly  concerning  her  revelations,  he  de¬ 
manded  of  her  (by  the  leave  of  the  Court)  whether  by  a 

miracle 

1  “17  That  the  God  of  our  Lord  what  the  riches  of  the  glory  of  his  in- 
Jefus  Chrift,  the  Father  of  Glory,  may  heritance  in  the  faints, 
give  unto  you  the  fpirit  of  wifdom,  and  “  19  And  what  is  the  exceeding 
revelation  in  the  knowledge  of  him:  greatnefs  of  his  power  to  us-ward  who 

“  1 8  The  eyes  of  your  underltanding  believe,  according  to  the  working  of  his 
being  enlightened ;  that  ye  may  know  mighty  power.” 
what  is  the  hope  of  his  calling,  and 


1 77 


A  Short  Story. 

miracle  fhe  doth  meane  a  worke  beyond  the  power  of  nature, 
or  onely  above  common  providence  ?  for  if  (as  you  fay)  you 
expedt  deliverance  from  this  Court  beyond  the  power  of 
nature,  then  I  fhould  fufpedt  fuch  a  revelation  to  be  falfe. 
To  this  flie  anfwered,  you  know  when  it  comes,  God  doth 
not  defcribe  the  way.  Mr.  Cotton  asked  her  againe,  whether 
(when  fhee  faid  fhee  fhould  be  delivered)  flie  meant  a  deliv¬ 
erance  from  the  fentence  of  the  Court,  or  from  the  calamity 
of  it  ?  She  anfwered,  yes,  from  the  calamity  of  it.  Miftris 
Hutchifon  having  thus  freely  and  fully  difcovered  her  felfe, 
the  Court  and  all  the  reft  of  the  Affembly  (except  thofe  of 
her  owne  party)  did  obferve  a  fpeciall  providence  of  God, 
that  (while  fliee  went  about  to  cover  fuch  offences  as  were 
laid  to  her  charge,  by  putting  matters  upon  proofe,  and  then 
quarrelling  with  the  evidence)  her  owne  mouth  fhould  de¬ 
liver  her  into  the  power  of  the  Court,  as  guilty  of  that  which 
all  fufpedted  her  for,  but  were  not  furnifhed  with  proofe 
fufficient  to  proceed  againft  her,  for  here  fhe  hath  manifefted, 
that  her  opinions  and  pradtife  have  been  the  caufe  of  al  our 
difturbances,  &  that  fhe  walked  by  fuch  a  rule  as  cannot 
hand  with  the  peace  of  any  State ;  for  fuch  bottomleffe 
revelations,  as  either  came  without  any  word,  or  without  the 
fenfe  of  the  word,  (which  was  framed  to  humane  capacity) 
if  they  be  allowed  in  one  thing,  muft  be  admitted  a  rule  in 
all  things ;  for  they  being  above  reafon  and  Scripture,  they 
are  not  fubjedt  to  controll :  Againe,  fhe  hath  given  a  reafon 
why  fhe  hath  fo  much  flighted  the  faithfull  Minifters  of 
Chrift  here,  why  ?  it  was  revealed  to  her  long  fince  in  Eng¬ 
land ,  that  all  the  packe  of  them  were  Antichriftians,  fo  as 
fhe  durft  heare  none  of  them,  after  Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr. 

Wheelwright 


23 


178  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Wheelwright  were  once  gone  ;  for  they  could  not  preach 
Chrift  and  the  new  Covenant  (as  the  affirmes),  why,  but  they 
did  preach  fomewhat,  and  if  they  could  not  hold  forth  Chrift 
in  a  Covenant  of  Free-grace,  then  mult  they  needs 
[40]  hold  him  forth  in  a  Covenant  of  workes,  then  are  they 
not  able  Minifters  of  the  New  Teftament,  nor  fealed 
by  the  Spirit;  for  the  fervants  of  God,  who  are  come  over 
into  New  England,  do  not  thinke  themfelves  more  fpirituall 
then  other  of  their  brethren  whom  they  have  left  behind,  nor 
that  they  can  or  doe  hold  forth  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift  in  their 
miniftery,  more  truly  then  he  was  held  forth  in  England ,  and 
feeing  their  miniftery  was  a  moft  precious  fweete  favour  to 
all  the  Saints  before  fhe  came  hither,  it  is  eafie  to  difcerne 
from  what  finke  that  ill  vapour  hath  rifen,  which  hath  made 
fo  many  of  her  feduced  party  to  loath  now  the  fmell  of  thofe 
flowers  which  they  were  wont  to  find  fweetneffe  in :  yet  this 
is  not  all  (though  it  be  too  too  vile)  fhe  can  fetch  a  revelation 
that  {hall  reach  the  Magiftrates  and  the  whole  Court,  and  the 
fucceeding  generations,  and  fhe  hath  Scripture  for  it  alfo, 
Daniel  muft  be  a  type  of  Miftris  Hutchifon ,  the  Lions  denne 
of  the  Court  of  juftice,  and  the  Prefidents  and  Princes  of  the 
reverend  Elders  here,  and  all  muft  fort  to  this  conclufion, 
flie  muft  be  delivered  by  miracle,  and  all  we  muft  be  ruined ; 
See  the  impudent  boldnefle  of  a  proud  dame,  that  Athaliah - 
like1  makes  havocke  of  all  that  ftand  in  the  way  of  her  am¬ 
bitious  fpirit ;  fhe  had  boafted  before  that  her  opinions  muft 
prevaile,  neither  could  fhe  endure  a  flop  in  her  way,  as  ap¬ 
peared 

1  “1  And  when  Athaliah  the  “3  And  Athaliah  did  reign  over  the 
mother  of  Azakiah  faw  that  her  fon  was  land.” 

dead,  fhe  arofe  and  deftroyed  all  the  (2  Kings  xi. ;  2  Chronicles  xxii. 
feed  royal.  .  .  .  10-12.) 


A  Short  Story.  179 


peared  once  upon  a  flight  occafion  when  her  reputation  being 
a  little  touch’d  upon  a  miftake,  yet  fo  carried  as  fhe  could  not 
get  the  party  upon  that  advantage  which  fhe  expedled,  fhe 
vented  her  impatience  with  fo  fierce  fpeech  and  countenance, 
as  one  would  hardly  have  gueffed  her  to  have  been  an  Anti¬ 
type  of  Daniel \  but  rather  of  the  Lions  after  they  were  let 
loofe.  The  like  appeared  in  her,  when  fhe  could  not  have 
her  will  againft  her  faithfull  Paftor  for  his  oppofing  her 
opinions,  as  fhe  apprehended,  fo  as  neither  reafon,  nor  Scrip¬ 
ture,  nor  the  judgement  and  example  of  fuch  as  fhe  rever¬ 
enced  could  appeafe  her  difpleafure.  So  that  the  Court  did 
clearely  difcerne,  where  the  fountaine  was  of  all  our  diftem- 
pers,  and  the  Tragedy  of  Munjler 1  (to  fuch  as  had  read  it) 
gave  juft  occafion  to  feare  the  danger  we  were  in,  feeing  (by 
the  judgement  of  Luther  writing  of  thofe  troublous  times) 
we  had  not  to  doe  with  fo  fimple  a  Devill,  as  managed  that 
bufmeffe,  and  therefore  he  had  the  leffe  feare  of  him  ;  but 
Satan  feemed  to  have  commiffion  now  to  ufe  his  utmoft 
cunning  to  undermine  the  Kingdome  of  Chrift  here  (as  the 
fame  Luther  foretold,  he  would  doe,  when  he  fhould  enter- 

prize 


1  The  Anabaptift  uprifing  at  Mun- 
fter  under  John  of  Leyden  and  Knipper- 
doling  was  fupprefted  in  June,  1536, 
almoft  exadtly  one  century  before  the 
events  referred  to  in  the  text,  the  dif- 
turbances  having  extended  over  a 
period  of  about  three  years.  For  about 
a  century  and  a  half  after  the  Anabap¬ 
tift  commotions,  if  not,  indeed,  for  a 
longer  period  and  until  the  French 
revolution,  they  were,  as  in  the  prefent 
cafe,  referred  to  as  a  concluftve  objedt- 
leffon,  and  made  the  pretext  and  excufe 


for  a  policy  of  rigid  fuppreffton  in  all 
acute  cafes  of  religious  difference.  A 
precifely  fimilar  reference  to  that  in  the 
text  is  found  in  the  declaration  of  the 
Maffachufetts  General  Court  of  1659 
(Records,  Vol.  IV.  Pt.  I.  p.  385)  in  rela¬ 
tion  to  the  Quakers ;  and  “  the  example 
of  theire  predeceffors  in  Munfter”  was 
folemnly  cited  in  evidence  of  the  defign 
of  two  women  from  the  Barbadoes  to 
“  undermine  and  ruine  ”  the  “  peace  and 
order  here  eftablifhed.”  Vide ,  alfo, 
Paget’s  Herefiography ,  pp.  1-44. 


i8o  The  Antinomian  Controver/y . 

prize  any  fuch  innovation  under  the  cleare  light  of  the 
Gofpel)  fo  as  the  like  hath  not  beene  knowne  in  former 
ages,  that  ever  fo  many  wife,  fober,  and  well  grounded 
Chriftians,  fhould  fo  fuddenly  be  feduced  by  the  meanes  of 
a  woman,  to  fticke  fo  fail  to  her,  even  in  fome  things  wherein 
the  whole  current  of  Scripture  goeth  againft  them,  and  that 
notwithftanding  that  her  opinions  and  pradtife  have  beene 
fo  groffe  in  fome  particulars,  as  their  knowledge  and  fmcer- 
ity  would  not  fuffer  them  to  approve,  yet  fuch  intereft  hath 
flie  gotten  in  their  hearts,  as  they  feeke  cloakes  to  cover  the 
nakedneffe  of  fuch  deformities,  as  in  the  meane  time  they 
are  afhamed  to  behold.  ^ 

[41]  The  Court  faw  now  an  inevitable  neceffity  to  rid  her 
away,  except  wee  would  bee  guilty,  not  only  of  our  own 
ruine,  but  alfo  of  the  Gofpel,  fo  in  the  end  the  fentence 
of  banifhment  was  pronounced  againft  her,  and  fhee  was 
committed  to  the  Marfhall,  till  the  Court  fhould  difpofe 
of  her. 

Another  day,  Captaine  John  Under hilU  was  fent  for,  and 
being  charged  with  joyning  in  the  faid  Petition,  acknowl¬ 
edged  the  fame,  profeffing  that  hee  could  fee  no  fault  in  it : 
being  demanded  a  rule  by  which  hee  might  take  fo  much 
upon  him,  as  publickly  to  contradict  the  fentence  of  the 
Court,  &c.  hee  alledged  the  example  of  Joab  his  rough 
fpeech  to  David,  when  hee  retired  himfelf  for  Abfaloms 

death, 

1  John  Underhill  came  to  New  Eng-  age’s  Winthrop  (Vol.  I.  p.  *55)  and 
land  in  the  fleet  with  Winthrop.  The  Genealogical  Dictionary  (Vol.  IV.  p. 
place  and  time  of  his  birth  are  not  3 58),  and  in  Adams’s  Three  Epifodes 
known;  he  is  reported  to  have  died  at  (pp.  551-558).  Alfo  in  Bolton’s  Hif 
Oyfter  Bay,  L.  I.,  in  1672.  Full  refer-  tory  of  Weft  Chefler  (Vol.  II.  p. 
ences  to  his  life  will  be  found  in  Sav-  229). 


A  Short  Story. 


1 8 1 


death,  and  that  David  did  not  reprove  him  for  it.1  To  this 
the  Court  anfwered. 

Firft,  That  Joab  was  then  in  the  matters  of  his  own 
calling,  and  being  Generali  of  the  Army,  had  liberty  by 
his  place  to  give  advice  to  the  King  in  caufes  of  that 
nature,  but  when  hee  failed  in  the  manner  of  his  fpeech, 
therein  hee  is  not  to  bee  excufed,  and  therefore  not  to  bee 
followed. 


Secondly,  Joab  did  not  contradi<5t  or  reprove  any  Ju- 
diciall  fentence  of  the  King,  but  only  an  inordinate 
paffion. 

Thirdly,  Hee  was  occafioned  by  an  urgent  neceffity  of  the 
fafety  of  the  King  and  State. 

Fourthly,  That  which  hee  fpake  was  in  private,  for  the 
Kins;  had  withdrawn  himfelf. 

Fifthly,  It  appeares  that  David  did  take  it  as  a  great 
mifcarriage,  for  hee  prefently  difplaced  him.2 

Againe,  in  our  caufe,  the  Captain  was  but  a  private  maq, 
and  had  no  calling  to  deale  in  the  affaires  of  the  Court, 
therefore  no  warrant  from  hence.  Hee  infifted  much  upon 

the 


1  “4  But  the  king  covered  his  face, 
and  the  king  cried  with  a  loud  voice, 
O  my  fon  Absalom,  O  Abfalom,  my  fon, 
my  fon  ! 

“5  And  Joab  came  into  the  houfe 
to  the  king,  and  faid,  Thou  haft  fhamed 
this  day  the  faces  of  all  thy  fervants, 
which  this  day  have  faved  thy  life,  and 
the  lives  of  thy  fons  and  of  thy  daugh¬ 
ters,  and  the  lives  of  thy  wives,  and 
the  lives  of  thy  concubines  ; 

“6  In  that  thou  loveft  thine  enemies, 
and  hateft  thy  friends.  For  thou  haft 
declared  this  day,  that  thou  regarded: 


neither  princes  nor  fervants :  for  this 
day  I  perceive,  that  if  Abfalom  had 
lived,  and  all  we  had  died  this  day,  then 
it  had  pleafed  thee  well. 

“  7  Now  therefore  arife,  go  forth, 
and  fpeak  comfortably  unto  thy  fervants : 
for  I  fwear  by  the  Lord,  if  thou  go  not 
forth,  there  will  not  tarry  one  with  thee 
this  night:  and  that  will  be  worfe  unto 
thee  than  all  the  evil  that  befell  thee 
from  thy  youth  until  now. 

“8  Then  the  king  arofe,  and  fat  in 
the  gate.”  —  2  Sa7nuel  xix. 

2  2  Samuel  xix.  13. 


1 82  The  Antinomian  Co?itroverfy. 

the  liberty  which  all  States  do  allow  to  Military  Officers, 
for  free  fpeech,  &c.  and  that  hirnfelf  had  fpoken  fometimes 
as  freely  to  Count  Naff  aw} 

But  it  was  anfwered,  wee  are  not  to  look  at  what  fome  do 
tolerate,  but  what  is  lawfull,  and  there  may  bee  a  reafon  of 
State,  to  connive  at  that  diforder  at  fome  feafon,  which  may 
not  with  honour  and  fafety  bee  permitted  at  another. 

Being  further  demanded,  how  they  came  fo  many  of  them, 
to  bee  fo  fuddenly  agreed  in  fo  weighty  and  doubtfull  a  cafe, 
hee  anfwered,  that  many  of  them  being  prefent  when  Mr. 
Wheelwright  was  convidt  of  fedition,  they  were  fore  grieved 
at  it,  and  fuddenly  rufhing  out  of  the  Court,  a  ftrange 
motion  came  into  all  their  mindes,  fo  as  they  faid  (in  a 
manner  all  together)  Come  let  us  petition ;  and  for  his  part, 
from  that  time  to  this,  his  confcience  which  then  led  him 
to  it,  will  not  fuffer  him  to  retradl  it. 

The  Court  pityed  him  much,  and  were  grieved  at  his 
obftinacy,  that  when  all  his  arguments  were  taken  away,  hee 
had  no  defence  left,  hee  would  yet  maintaine  a  bad  caufe  by 
the  light  of  a  deluded  confcience,  and  withall  they  tooke 
notice  how  thefe  ungrounded  revelations  began  to  work, 
and  what  dangerous  confequences  were  like  to  follow 
[42]  of  them,  when  fo  many  perfons  upon  fuch  a  fudden 
motion  had  no  fcruple  to  enterprize  fuch  a  feditious 
adtion,  nor  can  bee  brought  by  any  light  of  reafon  or  Scrip¬ 
ture,  to  fee  their  error :  fo  the  Court  (when  they  faw  no 
other  remedy)  dif-franchifed  him,  and  difcharged  him  of  his 
place,  but  allowed  him  his  quarters  means. 

There 

1  Prince  Maurice,  fecond  fon  of  Wil-  1625  ;  ftadtholder  of  Holland  from  1584 
liam  of  Orange,  born  in  1567,  died  in  to  his  death. 


A  Short  Story.  183 


There  were  diverfe  who  were  not  prefent  when  that  fudden 
motion  or  revelation  firft  fet  the  Petition  on  foot,  but  were 
drawn  in  after,  who  foon  found  their  error,  and  did  as  freely 
acknowledge  it,  and  defired  to  have  their  names  put  out  of 
it,  which  was  eafily  granted,  and  their  offence  with  a  loving 
admonition  remitted. 

It  had  been  obferved  a  good  time  fince,  that  fome  of  the 
leaders  of  this  faction  (by  occafion  of  new  Difciples,  being 
inquifitive  about  their  tenents)  would  let  fall  thefe  anfwers, 
I  have  many  things  to  tell  you,  but  you  cannot  beare  them 
now;  and  there  is  a  great  light  to  break  forth,  if  men  do 
not  refill  it,  and  you  fhall  fee  the  bottom  hereafter;  and  one 
of  them  reproved  the  reft,  telling  them  that  they  had  spoyled 
their  caufe,  by  being  over  hafty  and  too  open,  &c.  And 
now  it  began  to  appeare,  what  their  meanings  were,  for  after 
Miflris  Hutchifon  had  difcovered  the  fecret  by  her  fpeech  in 
the  Court,  then  others  opened  their  minds,  and  profeffedly 
maintained  thefe  Enthufiafmes  as  the  Oracles  of  God.  And 
that  fuch  revelations  as  Abraham  had  to  kill  his  Son,  and 
as  Paul  had  in  the  Ship,  and  when  hee  was  caught  up  into 
the  third  heaven,  &c.  were  ordinary,  fo  that  Mr.  Cotton  took 
notice  of  the  danger  of  them,  and  publickly  confuted  them 
in  diverfe  Sermons.  Among  other  like  paffages  there  was 
one  that  fell  out,  at  Mr.  Wheel  his  farewell  to  thofe  whom 
hee  ufed  to  Preach  unto  at  the  Mount. 

One  of  his  own  Scholars  told  him  openly,  that  hee  had 
Preached  Antichriftianifme,  and  had  fet  up  a  Chrift  againft 
a  Chrift ;  the  fame  party  maintained  immediate  revelations 
without  any  word  at  all,  faying,  that  the  free  promifes  were 
only  for  thofe  under  the  Law,  but  wee  are  to  look  for  all 


our 


184  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

our  affurance  by  immediate  Revelation,  and  that  in  the  New 
Teftament  there  are  no  fignes,  no  not  our  baptifme,  for  the 
baptifme  of  water  is  of  no  ufe  to  us,  when  once  wee  are  bap¬ 
tized  with  the  Holy  Ghoft :  hee  faid  alfo  that  a  man  might 
bee  adopted  and  not  juftified,  and  that  every  new  creature  is 
as  a  dead  lump,  not  adting  at  all,  but  as  Chrift  afts  in  him, 
and  denyed  all  inherent  righteoufneffe,  and  that  the  com- 
mandements  were  a  dead  Letter.  Thefe  things  were  fo 
groffe,  as  Mr.  Wheelwright  could  not  but  contradict  him,  yet 
hee  did  it  fo  tenderly,  as  might  well  difcover  his  neere  agree¬ 
ment  in  the  points,  though  his  wifdome  ferved  him  to  bee 
more  referved  till  a  fitter  feafon ;  for  that  poore  man  being 
newly  come  on  to  the  profeffion  of  Religion,  muft  needs 
learn  thofe  points  of  Mr.  Wheel,  or  draw  them  as  neceffary 
confequences  from  fome  of  his  tenents :  And  it  is  frequently 
found  to  bee  an  effeCt  of  all  unfound  and  unfafe  doCtrines, 
that  ftill  the  Scholar  goeth  a  ftep  further  then  his  Teacher. 
So  it  hath  proved  in  former  times,  Luther ,  and  no  doubt 
many  of  thofe  who  did  imbrace  his  errors,  in  the  firft  edi¬ 
tion  of  them,  yet  lived  and  dyed  in  the  true  faith 
[43]  of  Chrift,  but  the  fucceeding  generations  (inheriting 
thofe  erroneous  tenents,  which  they  had  drawn  from 
their  godly  forefathers,  but  not  their  godlineffe)  proved 
hereticks  and  fchifmaticks  to  this  day.  So  it  hath  been 
in  the  Churches  of  Rome ,  and  others,  and  fo  wee  may 
juftly  feare  in  thefe  Churches  in  New  England, ,  howfoever 
that  many  that  now  adhere  to  thefe  Familifticall  opinions, 
are  indeed  truely  godly,  and  (no  doubt)  fhall  perfevere  fo 
to  the  end,  yet  the  next  generation,  which  fhall  bee  trained 
up  under  fuch  dodrines,  will  bee  in  great  danger  to  prove 

plain 


A  Short  Story.  185 

plain  Families1  and  Schifmaticks.  This  difcovery  of  a  new 
rule  of  pracfife  by  immediate  revelations,  and  the  confidera- 
tion  of  fuch  dangerous  confequences,  which  have  and  might 
follow  thereof,  occafioned  the  Court  to  difarm  all  fuch  of 
that  party,  as  had  their  hands  to  the  Petition,  and  fome 
others,  who  had  openly  defended  the  fame,  except  they 
fhould  give  fatiffaftion  to  the  Magiftrates  therein  ;  which 
fome  prefently  did,  others  made  a  great  queftion  about  it, 
for  bringing  in  their  armes,  but  they  were  too  weake  to 
ftand  it  out.2 

Thus  it  pleafed  the  Lord  to  heare  the  prayers  of  his 
afflifted  people  (whofe  foules  had  wept  in  fecret,  for  the 
reproach  which  was  caft  upon  the  Churches  of  the  Lord 
Jefus  in  this  Countrey,  by  occafion  of  the  divifions  which 
were  grown  amongft  us,  though  the  vanity  of  fome  weake 
minds,  which  cannot  ferioufly  affeCt  any  thing  long,  except 
it  bee  offered  them  under  fome  renewed  fhape)  and  by  the 
care  and  indevour  of  the  wife  and  faithfull  Minifters  of  the 
Churches,  affifted  by  the  Civill  authority,  to  difcover  this 
Mafter-piece  of  the  old  Serpent,  and  to  break  the  brood  by 
fcattering  the  Leaders,  under  whofe  conduft  hee  had  pre¬ 
pared 

1  The  religious  fe<5t  known  as  the  2  “  The  court  alfo  ordered,  that  the 
Family  of  Love,  or  Familifts,  was  reft,  who  had  fubfcribed  the  petition, 
founded  in  Holland  in  the  fixteenth  (and  would  not  acknowledge  their  fault, 
century  by  Hans  Niklas,  a  difciple  of  and  which  near  twenty  of  them  did,) 
the  Dutch  Anabaptift,  David  George,  and  fome  others,  who  had  been  chief 
or  Joris.  Its  creed  was  myftical  and  ftirrers  in  thefe  contentions,  etc.,  fhould 
fomewhat  allied  to  modern  Pantheifm,  be  difarmed.  This  troubled  fome  of 
being  bafed  on  the  theory  that  religion  them  very  much,  efpecially  becaufe 
confifts  wholly  in  love  independently  of  they  were  to  bring  them  in  themfelves ; 
the  form  of  faith.  Vide  Maffon’s  Mil-  but,  at  laft,  when  they  faw  no  remedy, 
ton,  Vol.  II.  p.  152.  they  obeyed.”  —  Savage’s  Winthrop , 

Vol.  I.  p.  *  247. 


24 


1 86  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

pared  fuch  Ambufhment,  as  in  all  reafon  would  foon  have 
driven  Chrift  and  Gofpel  out  of  New  England,  (though  to 
the  ruine  of  the  inftruments  themfelves,  as  well  as  others) 
and  to  the  repoffeffing  of  Satan  in  his  ancient  Kingdom ; 
It  is  the  Lords  work,  and  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes.  Mr. 
Wheel,  is  now  gone  to  Pafcal}  Miftris  Hutchifon  is  confined 
in  a  private  houfe,  till  the  feafon  of  the  yeer  (hall  bee  fit  for 
her  departure,1 2  fome  of  thofe  whom  God  hath  left  to  bee 
molt  ftrongly  deluded,  are  preparing  to  follow  them,  and 
wee  hope  the  Lord  will  open  the  eyes  of  the  reft,  and  per- 
fwade  them  to  joyn  again  with  their  fometime  deare  and 
moft  beloved  brethren,  that  peace  and  truth  may  again 
flourifh  in  New  England ,  Amen . 

After  the  Court  had  thus  proceeded,  fome  of  the  Churches 
dealt  with  fuch  of  their  members  as  were  found  guilty  of 
thefe  erroneous  and  feditious  pradfifes,  the  Church  of  Rox- 
bury  (after  much  pains  and  patience  to  reduce  them)  excom¬ 
municated  five  or  fix;3  and  the  Church  of  Bofton ,  by  the 

folicitation 


1  “  Pafcataqua  was  then  the  general 
defignation  applied  by  people  redding 
elfewhere  to  the  region  bordering  on 
the  river  of  that  name,”  now  known  as 
the  Pifcataqua.  —  Bell’s  Wheelwright , 
p.  30. 

2  This  fixes  the  exadt  time  at  which 

this  part  of  the  Short  Story  was  pre¬ 
pared.  Writing  under  the  general  date 
of  November  1,  1637,  though  evidently 
at  a  confiderably  later  day,  Winthrop 
fays  (Vol.  I.  p.  *248):  “All  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  this  court  againft  thefe  per- 
fons  were  fet  down  at  large,  with  the 
reafons  and  other  obfervations,  and  were 
fent  into  England  to  be  publifhed  there.” 


The  proceedings  referred  to  took  place 
in  November,  1637,  occupying  nearly 
the  entire  month  ;  and  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
fon  was  detained  at  the  houfe  of  Jofeph 
Weld,  in  Roxbury,  until  fhortly  before 
the  15th  of  the  following  March.  In 
the  interim,  therefore,  this  portion  of 
the  Short  Story  was  prepared,  and, 
probably,  tranfmitted  immediately  to 
London.  Vide  infra ,  p.  231,  n. 

3  The  church  records  of  Roxbury 
give  the  names  of  three  perfons,  Philip 
Sherman,  Thomas  Wilfon,  and  Henry 
Bull;  but  the  records  are  evidently  in¬ 
complete.  Vide  Sixth  Report  of  the  Bof¬ 
ton  Record  Commiflioners,  pp.  79,  81. 


A  Short  Story. 


187 

folicitation  of  fome  of  the  Elders  of  the  other  Churches, 
proceeded  againft  Miflris  Hutchifon ,  the  manner  and  iffue 
whereof  is  fet  down  in  the  next. 


A  T  Bofton  in  New  England ,  upon  the  17.  day  of  Odlober 
1637.  the  wife  of  one  William  Dyer ,  fometimes 
a  Citizen  &  Millener  of  London ,  a  very  proper  and  [44] 
comely  young  woman,  was  delivered  of  a  large  woman 
childe,  it  was  ftilborn,  about  two  moneths  before  her  time, 
the  childe  having  life  a  few  houres  before  the  delivery,  but  fo 
monftrous  and  mif-fhapen,  as  the  like  hath  fcarce  been  heard 
of :  it  had  no  head  but  a  face,  which  flood  fo  low  upon  the 
breft,  as  the  eares  (which  were  like  an  Apes)  grew  upon 
the  fhoulders. 

The  eyes  flood  farre  out,  fo  did  the  mouth,  the  nofe  was 
hooking  upward,  the  breft  and  back  was  full  of  fharp  prickles, 
like  a  Thornback,  the  navell  and  all  the  belly  with  the  dif- 
tindtion  of  the  fex,  were,  where  the  lower  part  of  the  back 
and  hips  fhould  have  been,  and  thofe  back  parts  were  on 
the  fide  the  face  flood. 

The  arms  and  hands,  with  the  thighs  and  legges,  were  as 
other  childrens,  but  in  ftead  of  toes,  it  had  upon  each  foot 
three  claws,  with  talons  like  a  young  fowle. 

Upon  the  back  above  the  belly  it  had  two  great  holes, 
like  mouthes,  and  in  each  of  them  fluck  out  a  piece  of 
fiefh. 

It  had  no  forehead,  but  in  the  place  thereof,  above  the 
eyes,  foure  homes,  whereof  two  were  above  an  inch  long, 
hard,  and  fharpe,  the  other  two  were  fomewhat  fhorter. 

Many 


1 88  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Many  things  were  obfervable  in  the  birth  and  di/covery  of 
this  Monfier . 

1.  The  Father  and  Mother  were  of  the  higheft  forme  of 
our  refined  Familifts,  and  very  adtive  in  maintaining  their 
party,  and  in  reproaching  fome  of  the  Elders,  and  others, 
who  did  oppofe  thofe  errors. 

2.  The  Midwife,  one  Hawkins  wife  of  St.  Ives ,  was 
notorious  for  familiarity  with  the  devill,  and  now  a  prime 
Familift.1 

3.  This  Monfier  was  concealed  by  three  perfons  above 
five  moneths. 

4.  The  occafion  of  concealing  it  was  very  flrange,  for 
molt  of  the  women  who  were  prefent  at  the  womans  travaile, 
were  fuddenly  taken  with  fuch  a  violent  vomiting,  and 
purging,  without  eating  or  drinking  of  any  thing,  as  they 
were  forced  to  goe  home,  others  had  their  children  taken 
with  convulfions,  (which  they  had  not  before,  nor  fince)  and 
fo  were  fent  for  home,  fo  as  none  were  left  at  the  time  of 
the  birth,  but  the  Midwife  and  two  other,  whereof  one  fell 
afleepe. 

5.  At 


1  “ .  .  .  It  was  certainly  known,  that 
Hawkins’s  wife  (who  continued  with 
[Mrs.  Hutchinfon  at  Aquidneck]  and 
was  her  bofom  friend)  had  much  famil¬ 
iarity  with  the  devil  in  England,  where 
fhe  dwelt  at  St.  Ives,  where  divers 
minifters  and  others  reforted  to  her  and 
found  it  true”  (Savage’s  Winthrofi , 
Vol.  II.  p  *9).  In  Bofton  “fhe  grew 
into  great  fufpicion  to  be  a  witch,  for  it 
was  credibly  reported,  that,  when  fhe 
gave  any  medicines,  (for  fhe  pradtifed 


phyfic,)  fhe  would  afk  the  party,  if  fhe 
did  believe,  fhe  could  help  her,  &c.”  (/A 
Vol.  I.  p.  *263).  Wheelwright  in  the 
Merciirius  Americanus  (pp.  7-8)  refers 
contemptuoufly  to  Mrs.  Hawkins  as 
“a  poore  filly  woman,”  who  “complied 
with  her patronejfe,  not  fo  much  out  of 
love  to  her  pofitions  as  pojgets ,  being 
guilty  I  think  of  no  other  sorcerie , 
unleffe  it  were  conjuring  the  fpirit  of 
Err  our  into  a  Cordial  IT 


A  Short  Story. 


189 

5.  At  fuch  time  as  the  child  dyed  (which  was  about  two 
houres  before  the  birth)  the  bed  wherein  the  mother  lay 
fhook  fo  violently,  as  all  which  were  in  the  roome  per¬ 
ceived  it. 

6.  The  after  birth  wherein  the  childe  was,  had  prickles 
on  the  infide  like  thofe  on  the  childes  brefl. 

7.  The  manner  of  the  difcovery  was  very  ftrange  alfo,  for 
it  was  that  very  day  Miftris  Hutchifon  was  caft  out  of  the 
Church  for  her  monftrous  errours,  and  notorious  falfehood ; 
for  being  commanded  to  depart  the  Affembly,  Miftris  Dyer 
accompanied  her,  which  a  ftranger  obferving,  asked 
another  what  woman  that  was,  the  other  anfwered,  [45] 
it  was  the  woman  who  had  the  Monfter,  which  one  of 

the  Church  of  Boflon  hearing,1  enquired  about  it  from  one 
to  another,  and  at  length  came  to  Miftris  Hutchifon ,  with 
one  of  the  Elders  of  the  Church,  to  whom  fhee  revealed  the 
truth  of  the  thing  in  generall  onely ;  this  comming  to  the 
Governours  eare,  hee  called  another  of  the  Magiftrates  and 
fent  for  the  Midwife,  and  (in  the  prefence  of  the  Elder,  to 
whom  Miftris  Hutchifon  had  revealed  it)  they  examined  her, 
who  at  firft  confefied  it  was  a  monftrous  birth,  but  concealed 
the  horns  and  claws,  and  fome  other  parts,  till  being  ftraitly 
charged,  and  told  it  fhould  bee  taken  up,  and  viewed,  then 
fhee  confeffed  all,  yet  for  further  affurance,  the  childe  was 
taken  up,  and  though  it  were  much  corrupted,  yet  the  horns, 
and  claws,  and  holes  in  the  back,  and  fome  fcales,  &c.  were 
found  and  feen  of  above  a  hundred  perfons.  g  ^ 

1  “Another  thing  obfervable  was,  woman  it  was.  The  others  anfwered, 
the  difcovery  of  it,  which  was  juft  when  it  was  the  woman  which  had  the  mon- 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  was  caft  out  of  the  fter;  which  gave  the  firft  occafion  to 
church.  For  Mrs.  Dyer  going  forth  fome  that  heard  it  to  fpeak  of  it.”  — 
with  her,  a  ftranger  afked,  what  young  Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  *263. 


190  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

8.  The  Father  of  this  Monfter,  having  been  forth  of  the 
Town,  about  a  Moneth,  and  comming  home  juft  at  this 
time,  was  upon  the  Lords  day  (by  an  unexpected  occafion) 
called  before  the  Church  for  fome  of  his  monftrous  opinions, 
as  that  Chrift  and  the  Church  together,  are  the  new  crea¬ 
ture,  there  is  no  inherent  righteoufneffe  in  Chriftians,  Adam 
was  not  made  after  Gods  Image,  &c.  which  hee  openly 
maintained,  yet  with  fuch  fhuffling,  and  equivocating,  as  hee 
came  under  admonition,  &C.1 

1  “  Thefe  two  pages,  44  and  45,  and  put  in  without  a  proper  connection  with 
two  lines  on  page  43,  are,  unfortunately,  the  order  of  the  narrative,  which  has 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  book  placed  but  little  order  indeed.  Evidently  from 
fo  as  to  interrupt  the  narrative.  It  Winthrop’s  pen.”  - —  Deane,  MS.  note. 
feems  to  be  an  ifolated  paper,  abruptly 


A  briefe  Apologie  in  defence  of  the  generall 
proceedings  of  the  Court,  holden  at  Bojlon 

the  ninth  day  of  the  firft  moneth,  1636,  againft 
Mr.  J.  Wheelwright  a  member  there,  by 
occafion  of  a  Sermon  delivered  there 
in  the  fame  Congregation.1 


Orafmuch  as  fome  of  the  Members  of  the  Court 
(both  of  the  Magiftrates  and  Deputies)  did  dif- 
fent  from  the  major  part,  in  the  judgement  of 
the  caufe  of  Mr.  Wheelwright ,  and  divers  others 
have  fince  cenfured  the  proceedings  againft  him 
as  unjuft,  or  (at  beft)  over  hafty,  for  maintaining  of  which 
cenfures,  many  untruths  are  like  to  be  fpread  abroad,  whereby 

the 


1  “  This  ‘  Apology/  pp.  46-59,  fhould, 
in  the  order  of  time,  be  placed  fir/l  in 
this  volume.  It  relates  to  the  proceed¬ 
ings  of  the  G.  Court ,  not  Synod,  on 
Wheelwright,  whofe  fermon  preached 
on  a  Faft-day,  Jan.  20  (Win.  1,  213), 
was  pronounced  /editions.  It  feems 
that  a  Synod  had  before  been  refolved 
upon,  to  confider  the  erroneous  opinions 
abroad,  and  among  the  preparations 
for  the  Synod,  the  Faft-day  was  ap¬ 
pointed.  On  this  occafion  Wheelwright 
preached  his  offenfive  fermon  ;  fee  Cot¬ 
ton’s  ‘  Way ,’  <Sr J,c.  ‘cleared,’  p.  40.  At 
this  court  judgment  was  pronounced 
againft  him  ;  but  his  fentence  of  dif- 


franchifement  and  banifhment  was  de¬ 
ferred  till  November  court  (Mafs.  Rec ., 
I.  207).  Winthrop  fays  (I.  221)  ‘an 
apology  ’  was  ‘  fet  forth  ’  by  the  Magif¬ 
trates  ‘to  juftify  the  fentence’  (judgment 
he  means,  for  fentence  was  not  given 
againft  him  till  November  2)  of  the 
court  againft  Mr.  Wheelwright.’  Thefe 
proceedings,  he  fays,  ‘were  faithfully 
collected  and  publifhed  [not  printed] 
foon  after  the  court  broke  up’  (I.  245). 
This  document  is  probably  the  one  re¬ 
ferred  to  by  Winthrop,  and  Mr.  Savage 
fuppofes  him  to  have  been  the  author.” 
—  Deane,  MS.  note. 


192  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

the  moft  equall  Judges  may  be  in  danger  of  prejudice;  and 
fo  the  honour  not  of  the  Court  onely,  but  alfo  of  the  tryall 
and  juftice  it  felfe  may  be  blemifhed :  It  is  thought  needfull 
to  make  this  publike  Declaration  of  all  the  proceedings, 
with  the  reafons  and  grounds  thereof,  fo  farre  as  concern- 
eth  the  clearing  of  the  juftice  of  the  Court.  As  for  fuch 
paffages  as  fell  by  occafion,  and  are  too  large  to  be  here 
inferted,  fuch  as  defire  to  know  them,  may  receive  fatisfac- 
tion  from  three  or  foure  of  Bofton  (being  Mr.  Wheelwright 
his  fpeciall  friends)  who  tooke  all  by  Characters  (we  doubt 
not)  will  give  a  true  report  thereof ;  As  for  fuch  as  have 
taken  offence,  that  the  caufe  was  not  firft  referred  to  the 
Church,  we  defire  them  to  confider  thefe  reafons. 

1.  This  cafe  was  not  matter  of  confcience,  but  of  a  civill 
nature,  and  therefore  moft  proper  for  this  Court,  to  take 
Cognizance  of,  and  the  rather  for  the  fpeciall  contempt 
which  had  beene  offered  to  the  Court  therein,  and  which 
the  Church  could  not  judge  of.  2.  In  fome  cafes  of  reli¬ 
gious  nature,  as  manifeft  herefie,  notorious  blafphemy,  &c. 
the  Civill  power  may  proceed,  Ecclejia  inconfulta ,  and  that 
by  the  judgement  of  all  the  Minifters.  3.  It  had  beene  a 
vaine  thing  to  referre  a  caufe  to  the  judgement  of  thofe  who 
had  openly  declared  their  prejudice  therein,  both  in  the 
Court  and  otherwife,  as  by  two  Petitions  under  the  hands  of 
moft  of  them,  delivered  into  the  Court  on  his  behalfe,  did 
plainely  appeare.  4.  The  heat  of  contention  and  unchari¬ 
table  cenfures  which  began  to  over-fpread  the  Countrey,  and 
that  chiefely  by  occafion  of  that  Sermon,  and  the  like 
[47]  mifcarriages,  did  require  that  the  Civill  power  fhould 
fpeedily  allay  that  heat,  and  beare  witneffe  againft  all 

feditious 


193 


A  Short  Story. 

feditious  courfes,  tending  to  the  overthrow  of  truth  and 
peace  amongft  us :  this  onely  by  way  of  entrance,  to  the 
matter  which  now  followeth. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  Court,  the  Deputies  upon  the 
fame  of  a  Sermon  delivered  by  Mr.  Wheelwright  (upon 
the  firft  day1)  which  was  fuppofed  to  tend  to  fedition,  and 
difturbance  of  the  publike  peace,  defired  that  he  might  be 
fent  for,  which  the  Court  affenting  unto,  one  of  the  Magif- 
trates  (his  fpeciall  friend)  undertooke  to  give  him  notice 
thereof,  and  accordingly  at  the  next  meeting  he  was  in  the 
Towne,  ready  to  appeare,  when  he  fhould  be  called  for, 
which  was  not  till  two  or  three  dayes  after,  and  then  he  was 
fent  for  (not  by  the  Marfhall,  as  the  ufuall  manner  is ;  but) 
by  one  of  the  Deputies  his  intimate  friend  upon  his  appear¬ 
ance  he  was  made  acquainted  with  the  caufe  why  he  was 
fent  for,  viz.  To  fatisfie  the  Court  about  tome  paffages  in 
his  Sermon,  which  feemed  to  be  offenfive,  and  therewith  a 
copy  of  it  was  produced,  and  he  was  demanded  whether 
he  would  owne  it:  whereupon  he  drew  forth  another  copy 
which  he  delivered  into  the  Court,  as  a  true  copy,  (for  the 
fubftance  of  it)  fo  he  was  difmiffed  very  gently,  and  defired 
to  be  ready  when  he  fhould  be  called  for  againe. 

The  next  day  he  was  againe  fent  for  by  the  former  mef- 
fenger:  About  this  time  a  Petition  was  delivered  into  the 
Court,  under  the  hands  of  above  forty  perfons,  being  moft 
of  the  Church  of  Bojlon  (being  none  of  the  Petitions  before 
mentioned,  which  were  delivered  after)  to  this  effeft,  that  as 
free-men  they  might  be  admitted  to  be  prefent  in  the  Court 
in  caufes  of  judicature,  and  that  the  Court  would  declare 

whether 


1  A  mifprint  for  “faft-day.” 
25 


194  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

whether  they  might  proceed  in  cafes  of  confcience,  without 
referring  them  firft  to  the  Church.  To  this  the  Court 
anfwered  on  the  backfide  of  the  Petition,  that  they  did 
conceive  the  Petition  was  without  juft  ground,  for  the  firfl 
part  of  it,  the  Court  had  never  ufed  privacie  in  Judiciall 
proceedings,  but  in  preparation  thereto  by  way  of  examina¬ 
tion  of  the  party,  &c.  they  might  and  would  ufe  their  liberty, 
as  they  fhould  fee  caufe ;  and  for  the  other  part  of  the 
Petition,  when  any  matter  of  confcience  fhould  come  before 
them,  they  would  advife  what  were  fit  to  be  done  in  it. 

When  Mr.  Wheelwright  came  in,  the  Court  was  private, 
and  then  they  told  him  they  had  confidered  of  his  Sermon, 
and  were  defirous  to  aske  him  fome  queftions  which  might 
tend  to  cleare  his  meaning,  about  fuch  paffages  therein  as 
feemed  offenfive ;  he  demanded  whether  he  were  fent  for  as 
an  innocent  perfon,  or  as  guilty?  It  was  anfwered  neither, 
but  as  fufpedted  onely ;  Then  he  demanded,  who  were  his 
accufers  ?  It  was  anfwered,  his  Sermon;  (which  was  there 
in  Court)  being  acknowledged  by  himfelfe  they  might  there¬ 
upon  proceed,  ex  officio',  at  this  word  great  exception  was 
taken,  as  if  the  Court  intended  the  courfe  of  the  High  Com- 
miilion,  &c.  It  was  anfwered  that  the  word  ex  officio  was 
very  fafe  and  proper,  fignifying  no  more  but  the  authority 
or  duty  of  the  Court,  and  that  there  was  no  caufe  of  offence, 
feeing  the  Court  did  not  examine  him  by  any  compul- 
[48]  fory  meanes,  as  by  oath,  imprifonment,  or  the  like,  but 
onely  defired  him  for  better  fatisfadtion  to  anfwer  fome 
queftions,  but  he  dill  refufed,  yet  at  lad  through  perfwafion 
of  fome  of  his  friends,  he  feemed  content;  The  queftion 
then  put  to  him  was,  whether  before  his  Sermon  he  did  not 

know 


A  Short  Story.  195 

know,  that  moft  of  the  Minifters  in  this  jurifdidtion  did 
teach  that  dodfrine  which  he  in  his  Sermon  called  a  Cove¬ 
nant  of  works;  to  this  he  faid,  he  did  not  defire  to  anfwer, 
and  hereupon  fome  cried  out,  that  the  Court  went  about 
to  enfnare  him,  and  to  make  him  to  accufe  himfelfe,  and 
that  this  queftion  was  not  about  the  matter  of  his  Sermon, 
&c.  Upon  this  he  refufed  to  anfwer  any  further,  fo  he  was 
difmilTed  till  the  afternoone ;  The  reafon  why  the  Court 
demanded  that  queftion  of  him,  was  not  to  draw  matter  from 
himfelfe  whereupon  to  proceed  againft  him,  neither  was 
there  any  need,  for  upon  a  conference  of  the  Minifters  not 
long  before  there  had  beene  large  difpute  betweene  fome  of 
them  and  himfelfe  about  that  point  of  evidencing  Juftifica- 
tion  by  Sanctification,1  fo  as  the  court  might  foone  have 
convinced  him  by  witneffes,  if  they  had  intended  to  proceed 
againft  him  upon  that  ground. 

In  the  afternoone  he  was  fent  for  againe  in  the  fame 
manner  as  before,  and  the  Minifters  alfo  being  in  the 
Towne,  and  come  thither  to  conferre  together  for  further 
difcovery  of  the  ground  of  the  differences  which  were  in  the 
Countrey  about  the  Covenant  of  Grace,  & c.  they  were 
defired  to  be  prefent  alfo  in  the  Court,  to  beare  witneffe  of 
the  proceedings  in  the  cafe,  and  to  give  their  advice  as  the 
Court  (upon  occafion)  fhould  require :  fo  the  doores  being 
fet  open  for  all  that  would  to  come  in  (and  there  was  a  great 

Afiembly) 

1  The  queftion  whether  “evident  p.  *209).  It  was  finally  pafled  upon 
fanCtification  ”  could  be  accepted  as  as  a  tenet  by  the  Synod  of  the  follow- 
“  evidence  of  jultification  ”  was  raifed  ing  Auguft.  Throughout,  Wheelwright 
by  the  Rev.  John  Wilfon  in  his  difcourfe,  was  an  adtive  participant  in  the  difcuf- 
or“very  fad  fpeech,”  addreffed  to  the  fion,  as  a  refult  of  which  Mr.  Cotton 
General  Court  in  its  December  feffion  and  the  reft  of  the  elders  “agreed,  but 
of  1636  (Savage’s  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  Mr.  Wheelwright  did  not  ”  (Jb.  *239). 


196  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Affembly)  and  Mr.  Wheelwright  being  willed  to  fit  downe  by 
the  Minifters,  his  Sermon  was  produced,  and  many  paffages 
thereof  was  read  to  him,  which  for  the  better  underftanding 
we  have  digefted  into  this  order  following.1 

He  therein  defcribeth  two  Covenants,  the  Covenant  of 
Grace  and  the  Covenant  of  Works  ;  the  Covenant  of  Grace 
he  defcribeth  to  be,  when  in  the  point  of  Juftification  and 
the  knowledge  of  this  our  J unification  by  Faith,  there  is 
nothing  revealed  but  Chrift  Jefus ;  but  if  men  thinke  to  be 
faved,  becaufe  they  fee  fome  worke  of  Sanctification  in 
themfelves,  as  hungring  and  thirfling,  &c.  this  is  a  Cove¬ 
nant  of  Works;  if  men  have  revealed  to  them  fome  work  of 
righteoufneffe,  as  love  to  the  brethren,  &c.  and  hereupon 
come  to  be  affured  that  they  are  in  a  good  eftate,  this  is  not 
the  affurance  of  Faith,  for  Faith  hath  Crift  revealed  for  the 
objeCt,  therefore  if  the  affurance  of  a  mans  Juftification  be 
by  Faith,  as  a  Work,  it  is  not  Gofpel. 

Having  thus  defcribed  thofe  who  goe  under  a  Covenant 
of  Works,  he  pronounceth  them  to  be  enemies  to  Chrift,  to 
be  Antichrifts,  to  be  flefh  oppofed  to  fpirit;  fuch  as  will 
certainly  perfecute  thofe  who  hold  forth  the  truth,  and  the 
wayes  of  Grace ;  he  refembleth  them  to  the  Philiftims,  who 
flop  up  with  the  earth  of  their  owne  inventions,  the  Weis  of 
true  beleevers ;  he  refembleth  them  alfo  to  Herod ,  who 
would  have  killed  Chrift  fo  foone  as  he  was  borne,  and  to 
Herod  and  Pilate  who  did  kill  Chrift  when  he  came 
[49]  once  to  fhew  forth  himfelfe,  and  would  have  kept  him 
eternally  in  the  grave ;  he  further  defcribeth  them  out 

of 

1  In  regard  to  the  bibliography  of  p.  150.  It  is  there  alfo  printed  in  full 
this  fermon,  vide  Bell’s  Wheelwright ,  (pp.  1 53-179). 


A  Short  Story.  197 

of  the  fecond  Pfalme,  to  be  the  people  of  God  as  the  Jewes 
were,  and  fuch  as  would  take  away  the  true  Chrift  and  put 
in  falfe  Chrifts,  to  deceive  if  it  were  poffible  the  very  eleffc; 
he  alfo  defcribeth  them  by  that  in  Cant .  io.  6.  they  make 
the  children  of  Grace  keepers  of  the  Vineyard,  they  make 
them  travell  under  the  burden  of  the  Covenant  of  Works, 
which  doth  caufe  Chrift  many  times  from  them.  He  com- 
meth  after  to  a  ufe  of  exhortation,  wherein  he  ftirreth  up  all 
thole  of  his  fide  to  a  fpirituall  combate,  to  prepare  for  battel, 
and  come  out  and  fight  againft  the  enemies  of  the  Lord ; 
(thofe  under  a  Covenant  of  Works)  he  fhewes  whom  he 
meaneth  thus  to  excite,  alluding  to  Davids  valiant  men,  to 
Baruch ,  Deborah ,  Jael. ,  and  all  the  men  of  Jfrael ,  and  bind 
them  hereunto  under  the  curie  of  Meroz\  He  further  exhort- 
eth  them  to  Hand  upon  their  guard,  &c.  by  alluding  to  the 
600  valiant  men,  who  kept  watch  about  the  bed  of  Solomon , 
a  type  of  Chrift ;  then  he  encourageth  thofe  of  his  fide 
againft  fuch  difficulties  as  might  be  objedled,  as  1.  If  the 
enemies  fhall  oppofe  the  way  of  God,  they  muft  lay  the  more 
load  on  them,  and  kill  them  with  the  Word  of  the  Lord  ;  and 
there  he  alludeth  to  thofe  places  which  fpeak  of  giving  the 
Saints  power  over  nations,  binding  Kings  in  chaines,  and  of 
threfhing  inftruments  with  teeth,  and  foretels  their  flight  by 
that  in  Efay  21.  15.  They  fhall  flee  from  the  fword,  &c. 

2.  Though  the  enemies  under  a  Covenant  of  Works  be 
many  and  firong  (as  he  confeffeth  they  are)  yet  they  ought 
not  to  fear,  for  the  battel  is  the  Lords,  this  he  enforceth  by 
that  in  JoJh.  23.  10.  One  of  you  fhall  chafe  a  thoufand,  and 
that  of  Jonathan  and  his  armour-bearer. 

3.  Againft  tenderneffe  of  heart,  which  they  might  have 

towards 


198  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

towards  fuch  under  a  Covenant  of  Works,  as  are  exceeding 
holy  and  ftridl  in  their  way,  he  animateth  his  party  by  per- 
fwading  them,  that  fuch  are  the  greateft  enemies  to  Chrift ; 
this  he  feekes  to  illuftrate  by  refembling  fuch  in  their  zeale 
to  Paul  when  he  was  a  perfecutor,  and  in  their  devotion 
to  thofe  who  expelled  Paul  and  Barnabas  out  of  Antioch. 
He  taketh  it  for  granted  that  thefe  holy  men  truft  in  their 
righteoufneffe,  and  that  it  thrufteth  out  the  righteoufnefle  of 
Chrift,  and  fo  concludes  and  foretels  from  Ezech.  33.  They 
fhall  die,  and  that  their  righteoufnelfe  is  accurfed,  yet  they 
transforme  themfelves  (faith  he)  into  Angels  of  light. 

4.  That  his  party  might  not  feare  left  he  fhould  breake 
the  rule  of  meekeneffe,  &c.  he  bringeth  in  the  example  of 
Stephen ,  API.  7.  58.  and  the  example  of  Chrift,  Joh.  8  44. 
and  Matth.  23.  23. 

5.  To  thofe  who  might  feare,  left  this  ftrife  fhould  caufe 
a  combuftion  in  Church  and  Common-wealth,  he  anfwers 
and  tells  them  plainely  it  will  doe  fo,  but  yet  to  uphold 
their  hearts,  he  armes  them  with  the  prediction  of  Chrift, 
Liik.  12.  49.  and  tells  them  that  it  is  the  defire  of  the  Saints, 
that  that  fire  were  kindled,  and  with  that  in  Efa.  9.  5.  which 
he  interprets  of  Michael  and  the  Angells,  and  with  that  in 
Mai.  4.  2.  and  by  that  in  the  Revelation,  the  whore  muft  be 

burnt. 

[50]  6.  Hee  armes  them  againft  perfecution  by  exhort¬ 

ing  them  not  to  love  their  lives  unto  the  death,  but  be 
willing  to  be  killed  like  fheepe,  feeing  it  is  impoffible  to  hold 
forth  the  truth  of  God  with  externall  peace  and  quietneffe : 
This  he  enforceth  by  the  example  of  Sampfon ,  who  flew 
more  at  his  death  then  in  his  life. 


Thefe 


199 


A  Short  Story. 

Thefe  paffages  of  his  Sermon  being  openly  read,  Mafter 
Wheelwright  did  acknowledge  and  juftifie  the  fame,  and 
being  demanded  (either  then  or  before)  whether  by  thofe 
under  a  Covenant  of  workes  hee  did  meane  any  of  the  Min- 
ifters  and  other  Chriftians  in  thofe  Churches,  he  anfwered, 
that  if  he  were  fhewed  any  that  walked  in  fuch  a  way,  as  he 
had  defcribed  to  be  a  Covenant  of  Workes,  them  he  did 
meane.  Here  divers  fpeeches  paffed  up  and  downe,  whereof 
there  was  no  fpeciall  notice  taken,  as  not  materiall  to  the 
purpofe  in  hand. 

The  Court  proceeded  alfo  to  examine  fome  witneffes 
about  another  Sermon  of  his,  whereat  much  offence  had  alfo 
beene  taken,  and  not  without  caufe,  (as  appeared  to  the 
Court)  for  in  that  he  feemed  to  fcare  men  not  onely  from 
legall  righteoufneffe,  but  even  from  faith  and  repentance,  as 
if  that  alfo  were  a  way  of  the  Covenant  of  workes ;  but  this 
being  matter  of  Dodtrine,  the  Court  paffed  it  by  for  the 
prefent,  onely  they  (and  the  Minifters  prefen t,  divers  of 
them)  declared  their  griefe  to  fee  fuch  opinions  rifen  in  the 
Country  of  fo  dangerous  confequence,  and  fo  diredtly  croft¬ 
ing  the  fcope  of  the  Gofpell,  (as  was  conceived)  and  it  was 
retorted  upon  him  which  he  in  his  Sermon  chargeth  his 
adverfe  party  with,  (though  uncharitably  and  untruly)  when 
he  faith  they  would  take  away  the  true  Chrift,  that  to  make 
good  fuch  a  dodtrine  as  he  held  forth  (to  common  intend¬ 
ment)  muft  needes  call  for  a  new  Chrift  and  a  new  Gofpell, 
for  fure  the  old  would  not  owne  or  juftifie  it. 

Then  the  Court  propounded  a  queftion  to  the  Minifters, 
which  (becaufe  they  defired  time  of  confideration  to  make 
anfwer  unto)  was  given  them  in  writing  upon  the  outfide  of 

Mafter 


200  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Mafler  Wheelwrights  Sermon,  in  thefe  words ;  Whether  by 
that  which  you  have  heard  concernmg  Majler  Wheelwrights 
Sermon ,  and  that  which  was  witneffed  concerning  him ,  yee 
doe  conceive  that  the  Minijlers  in  this  Country  doe  walke  in 
and  teach  fuch  a  way  of  Salvation  and  evidencing  thereof  \  as 
he  defcribeth ,  and  accounteth  to  be  a  Covenant  of  workes  ? 
To  this  queftion  (being  againe  called  for  into  the  Court  the 
next  morning)  they  returned  an  affirmative  anfwer,  in  the 
very  words  of  the  queftion,  adding  withall,  that  they  would 
not  be  underftood,  that  their  dodtrine  and  Matter  Wheel¬ 
wrights  about  J unification,  and  Salvation,  and  evidencing 
thereof,  did  differ  in  all  things,  but  onely  in  the  point  pre- 
fented,  and  debated  now  in  Court,  and  that  of  this  their 
anfwer  they  were  ready  to  give  reafons  when  the  Court 
fhould  demand  them,  and  that  to  this  they  all  confented, 
except  their  brother  the  teacher  of  Bofton :  After  this  (by 
leave  of  the  Court)  the  Minifters  all  fpake  one  by  one  in 
order,  fome  more  largely,  laying  open  by  folid  arguments 
and  notorious  examples,  the  great  dangers  that  the  Churches 
and  Civill  State  were  falne  into,  by  the  differences  which 
were  growne  amongft  us  in  matters  of  Religion,  offer- 
[51]  ing  themfelves  withall  to  employ  all  their  ftudies  to 
effedf  a  reconciliation,  fhewing  alfo  their  defires  that 
Mr.  Wheelwright  would  be  with  them,  when  they  fhould 
meete  for  this  purpofe,  and  blaming  his  former  ftrangeneffe 
as  a  poffible  occafion  of  thefe  differences  of  judgement. 
Others  fpake  more  briefely,  but  confented  with  the  former; 
and  all  of  them  (as  they  had  occafion  to  fpeake  to  Mr. 
Wheelwright ,  or  to  make  mention  of  him)  ufed  him  with  all 
humanity  and  refpedt ;  what  his  carriage  was  towards  them 

againe 


A  Short  Story.  201 

againe,  thofe  who  were  prefent  may  judge,  as  they  faw 
caufe. 

The  matters  objedled  againft  Mr.  Wheel .  being  recolledled, 
and  put  to  the  vote,  the  opinion  of  the  Court  was,  that  he 
had  run  into  {edition  and  contempt  of  the  Civill  authority, 
which  accordingly  was  recorded  to  the  fame  effedt,  and  he 
was  enjoyned  to  appeare  at  the  next  generall  Court  to  abide 
their  further  fentence  herein.1  And  whereas  motion  was 
made  of  enjoyning  him  filence  in  the  meane  time,  the  Min- 
i tiers  were  defired  to  deliver  their  advice  what  the  Court 
might  doe  in  fuch  a  cafe :  Their  anfwer  was,  that  they  could 
not  give  a  cleare  refolution  of  the  queftion  at  the  prefent, 
but  for  Mr.  Wheel,  they  defired  that  the  Court  would  rather 
referre  him  to  the  Church  of  B.  to  deale  with  him  for  that 
matter;  which  accordingly  was  done,  and  fo  he  was  dif- 
miffed :  fuch  of  the  Magiflrates  and  Deputies,  as  had  not 
concurred  with  the  major  part  in  the  vote,  (fome  of  them) 
moved  that  the  diffent  might  be  recorded,  (but  it  was 
denyed)  as  a  courfe  never  ufed  in  this  or  any  fuch  Court. 
Afterward  they  tendered  a  Proteftation,  which  was  alfo 
ref  ufed,  becaufe  therein  they  had  juftified  Mr.  Wheel,  as  a 
faithfull  Minifler  of  the  Lord  Jefus,  and  condemned  the 
Court  for  undue  proceeding ;  but  this  was  offered  them, 
that  if  they  would  write  downe  the  words  of  the  record,  and 
fubfcribe  their  diffent  without  laying  fuch  afperfion  upon 
the  Court,  it  fhould  be  received. 

Although 

1  The  faft-day  fermon  in  queftion  following  March;  and  the  “next  gen- 
was  preached  on  January  19,  1637;  the  erall  Court”  was  to  meet  immediately 
proceedings  referred  to  in  the  text  oc-  after  the  charter  election  on  the  17th 
curred  at  the  feffion  of  the  General  of  the  next  May. 

Court  which  began  on  the  9th  of  the 

26 


202 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Although  the  fimple  narration  of  thefe  proceedings  might 
be  fufficient  to  juftifie  the  Court  in  what  they  have  done, 
efpecially  with  thefe  of  this  jurifdidtion,  who  have  taken 
notice  of  the  paffages  in  the  generall  Court  in  Decern .  laffc, 
yet  for  fatisfadtion  of  others  to  whom  this  cafe  may  be  other- 
wife  prefented  by  fame  or  mifreport,  we  will  fet  downe  fome 
grounds  and  reafons  thereof,  fome  whereof  were  expreffed 
in  the  Court,  and  others  (though  not  publickly  infifted 
upon,  yet)  well  conceived  by  fome,  as  further  motives  to 
leade  their  judgments  to  doe  as  they  did. 

And,  i.  It  is  to  be  obferved,  that  the  noted  differences  in 
point  of  Religion  in  the  Churches  here,  are  about  the  Cove¬ 
nant  of  workes,  in  oppofition  to  the  Covenant  of  grace ;  in 
clearing  whereof  much  difpute  hath  beene,  whether  fandtifi- 
cation  be  any  evidence  of  j  unification. 

2.  That  before  Mr.  Wheel,  came  into  this  country  (which 
is  not  yet  two  yeares  fince)  there  was  no  ftrife  (at  leaft  in 
publick  obfervation)  about  that  point. 

3.  That  he  did  know  (as  himfelfe  confeffed)  that  divers 
of  the  Minifters  here  were  not  of  his  Judgement  in 

[52]  thofe  points,  and  that  the  publifhing  of  them,  would 
caufe  difturbance  in  the  Country,  and  yet  he  would 
never  conferre  with  the  Minifters  about  them,  that  thereby  he 
might  have  gained  them  to  his  opinion,  (if  it  had  beene  the 
truth)  or  at  leaft  have  manifefted  fome  care  of  the  publick 
peace,  which  he  rather  feemed  to  flight,  when  being  de¬ 
manded  in  the  Court  a  reafon  of  fuch  his  failing,  hee 
anfwered  that  he  ought  not  to  confult  with  flefh  and  bloud, 
about  the  publifhing  of  that  truth  whcih  he  had  received 
from  God. 

4.  It 


203 


A  Short  Story. 

4.  It  was  well  knowne  to  him  that  the  Magiftrates  and 
Deputies  were  very  fenfible  of  thofe  differences,  and  ftudious 
of  pacifying  fuch  mindes  as  began  to  be  warme  and  apt  to 
contention  about  them,  and  for  this  end  at  the  faid  Court  in 
December ,  (where  thefe  differences  and  alienations  of  minde 
through  rafh  cenfures,  &c.  were  fadly  complained  of)  they 
had  called  in  the  Minifters,  and  (Mr.  Wheel,  being  prefent) 
had  defired  their  advice  for  difcovery  of  fuch  dangers,  as  did 
threaten  us  hereby,  and  their  helpe  for  preventing  thereof ; 1 
and  it  was  then  thought  needefull,  to  appoint  a  folemne  day 
of  humiliation  (as  for  other  occafions  more  remote,  fo  efpe- 
cially)  for  this  which  more  neerely  concerned  us,  and  at 
this  time  this  very  point  of  evidencing  j unification  by  fanc- 
tification  fet  into  fome  debate,  and  Mr.  Wheel,  being  prefent 
fpake  nothing,  though  he  well  difcerned  that  the  judgement 
of  mo  ft  of  the  Magiftrates  and  neere  all  the  Minifters  clofed 
with  the  affirmative. 

5.  That  upon  the  faid  faft  (Mr.  Wheel,  being  defired  by 
the  Church  to  exercife  as  a  private  brother,  by  way  of 
Prophecy)  when  Mr.  Cotton  teaching  in  the  afternoon  out 
of  Efa.  58.  4.  had  fhewed  that  it  was  not  a  fit  worke  for  a 
day  of  Faft,  to  move  ftrife  &  debate,  to  provoke  to  conten¬ 
tion,  &c.  but  by  all  means  to  labour  pacification  and  recon¬ 
ciliation,  and  therein  had  beftowed  much  time,  and  many 

forcible 


1  “  Mr.  Wilfon  made  a  very  fad 
fpeech  of  the  condition  of  our  churches  ” 
(Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  p.  *209). 
“The  fpeech  of  Mr.  Wilfon  was  taken 
very  ill  by  Mr.  Cotton  and  others  of 
the  fame  church,  fo  as  he  and  divers  of 
them  went  to  admonifh  him  ”  (/ b .  p. 
*210).  March  9,  1637,  “the  general 


court  began  ...  by  the  vote  of  the 
greater  party  [Mr.  Wilfon’s]  fpeech  was 
approved,  and  declared  to  have  been  a 
feafonable  advice,  and  no  charge  or 
accufation.  The  minifters,  being  called 
to  give  advice  about  the  authority  of 
the  court  in  things  concerning  the 
churches,  etc.”  ( lb .  *214). 


204  The  Antinomicm  Controverfy. 

forcible  arguments,  yet  Mr.  Wheel .  fpeaking  after  him, 
taught  as  is  here  before  mentioned,  wholly  omitting  thofe 
particular  occafions  which  the  Court  intended,  nay  rather 
reproving  them,  in  teaching  that  the  onely  caufe  of  Fading, 
was  the  abfence  of  Chrift,  &c.  and  fo  notwithflanding  the 
occafion  of  the  day,  Mr.  Cottons  example,  the  intent  of  the 
Court  for  procuring  peace,  he  flirred  up  the  people  to 
contention,  and  that  with  more  then  ordinary  vehemency. 
Now  if  any  man  will  equally  weigh  the  proceedings  of  the 
Court  and  thefe  obfervations  together,  we  hope  it  will 
appeare  that  Mr.  Wheelwright  was  juftly  convidt  of  fedition 
and  contempt  of  authority,  and  fuch  as  have  not  leifure  or 
will  to  compare  them  together,  may  onely  reade  that  which 
here  followeth,  and  receive  fatisfadfion  thereby,  carrying  this 
along  with  them,  that  the  adfs  of  authority  holding  forth 
the  face,  and  ftampe  of  a  divine  fentence  fhould  not  be  leffe 
regarded  then  the  adlions  of  any  private  brother,  which  a 
good  man  will  view  on  all  foure  Tides  before  he  judge  them 
to  be  evill. 

Sedition  and  contempt  are  laid  to  his  charge . 

Sedition  doth  properly  fignifie  a  going  abide  to  make  a 
party,  and  is  rightly  defcribed  by  the  Poet,  (for  it  is 
[53]  lawfull  to  fetch  the  meaning  of  words  from  humane 
authority)  In  magno  populo  ctim  fczpe  coorta  ejl  feditio 
fcevitque  animis /  &c.  whence  it  doth  appeare  that  when  the 
minds  of  the  people  being  affembled  are  kindled  or  made 
fierce  upon  Tome  fuddaine  occafion,  fo  as  they  fall  to  take 
part  one  againft  another,  this  is  fedition  ;  for  when  that 


1  AZneid,  i.  148. 


205 


A  Short  Story. 

furor ,  which  doth  armct  minijirare ,  is  once  kindled,  the 
fedition  is  begun,  though  it  come  not  to  its  perfection,  till 
faces  et  faxa  volant:  Tully  faith,  Seditionem ,  ejfe  diffenfio - 
nem  omnium  inter  fe,  cum  eunt  alii  in  aliud}  when  the  people 
diffent  in  opinion  and  goe  feverall  wayes. 

Ifidore  faith,  Seditiofus  eft ,  qui  dijfentionem  animorum 
facit  &  difeordias  gignit ,2  He  that  fets  mens  minds  at  dif¬ 
ference,  and  begets  ftrife  :  And  if  we  look  into  the  Scripture 
we  fhall  find  examples  of  fedition  agreeing  to  thefe  deferip- 
tions.  The  uproare  moved  by  Demetrius ,  Alts  19.  was 
fedition,  yet  he  neither  took  up  armes,  nor  perfwaded  others 
fo  to  doe,  but  onely  induced  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
made  them  fierce  againft  the  Apoftles,  by  telling  them  they 
were  enemies  to  Diana  of  the  Ephefians.  Korah  and  his 
company  moved  a  moft  dangerous  fedition,3  yet  they  did  not 
ftirre  up  the  people  to  fight,  onely  they  went  apart  and  drew 
others  to  them  againft  Mofes  and  Aaron\  here  was  nothing 
but  words,  and  that  by  a  Levite,  who  might  fpeake  by  his 
place,  but  it  coll:  more  then  words  before  it  was  pacified. 
Now  in  our  prefent  cafe,  did  not  Mr.  Wheel,  make  fides 
when  he  proclaimed  all  to  be  under  a  Covenant  of  works, 
who  did  not  follow  him  (ftep  by  ftep)  in  his  defeription  of 
the  Covenant  of  Grace  ?  did  he  not  make  himfelfe  a  party 
on  the  other  fide,  by  often  ufing  thefe  and  the  like  words, 
We,  us?  Did  he  not  labour  to  heat  the  minds  of  the  peo¬ 
ple,  and  to  make  them  fierce  againft  thofe  of  that  fide,  which 

he 

1  Apparently  from  De  Refublica,  vi.  demann,  III.  p.345,  no.  250.  The 

1,  1.  The  correct  reading  is,  Eaque  correct  rz3.<d\ng\s,feditiofis,  qui  diffen- 
dijfenfo  civium  quod  feorfum  eunt  alii  fionem  animorum  facit  et  difeordias 
ad  alios,  feditio  dicitur.  gignit  quam  Grceci  biderraatv  dicutit. 

2  Corpus  Gramm aticor tan,  ed.  Lin-  3  Numbers  xvi. 


206  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

he  oppofed  (and  whereof  he  knew  that  moft  of  the  Magif- 
trates  and  Minifters  had  declared  themfelves)  when  with  the 
greateft  fervency  of  fpirit  and  voyce,  he  proclaimes  them 
Antichrifts,  enemies,  Philiftims,  Herod ,  Pilate ,  perfecuting 
Jewes,  and  ftirred  up  them  on  his  part  to  fight  with  them, 
to  lay  load  on  them,  to  burne  them,  to  threfh  them,  to  bind 
them  in  chaines  and  fetters,  to  kill  them  and  vexe  their 
hearts,  and  that  under  the  paine  of  the  curfe  of  Merozt1 
Tantczne  animis  ccelejlibus  irce  ? 2  would  one  thinke  that  any 
heavenly  fpirit  could  have  breathed  fo  much  anger,  when 
an  Angel  would  have  given  milder  language  to  the  Devill 
himfelfe  ?  and  all  this  without  vouchsafing  one  argument  to 
convince  thefe  enemies  of  their  evil  way,  or  one  word  of 
admonition  or  advice  to  themfelves,  to  draw  them  out  of 
danger.  But  it  is  objected,  that  he  expreffed  his  meaning 
to  be  of  a  fpirituall  fighting  and  killing,  &c.  with  the  fword 
of  the  fpirit  onely.  It  is  granted  he  did  fo,  yet  his  inftances 
of  illuftration,  or  rather  enforcement,  were  of  another  nature, 
as  of  Mofes  killing  the  Egyptian  in  defence  of  his  brother, 
Sampfon  lofing  his  life  with  the  Philiftims,  the  fight  of  Jona¬ 
than  and  his  armour-bearer,  and  of  Davids  worthies,  Baruc 
and  Jael \  & c.  thefe  obtained  their  victories  with  fwords  and 
hammers,  &c.  And  fuch  are  no  fpirituall  weapons,  fo  that 
if  his  intent  were  not  to  ftirre  up  to  open  force  and  armes 
(neither  doe  we  fufpeCt  him  of  any  fuch  purpofe,  other- 
[54]  wife  then  by  confequent)  yet  his  reading  and  experience 
might  have  told  him,  how  dangerous  it  is  to  heat  peo¬ 
ples  affections  againft  their  oppofites,  a  mind  inflamed  with 
indignation  (among  fome  people)  would  have  beene  more 

apt 


1  Judges  v,  23. 


2  JEneid \  i.  1 1. 


207 


A  Short  Story. 

apt  to  have  drawne  their  fwords  by  the  authority  of  the 
examples  he  held  forth  for  the  encouragement,  then  to  have 
beene  kept  to  fpirituall  weapons,  by  the  retraining  without 
cautions,  fuch  as  cannot  difpute  for  Chrift  with  Steven ,  will 
be  ready  to  draw  their  fwords  for  him,  like  Peter ;  for  furor 
arma  minifirat }  like  him  who  when  he  could  not  by  any 
fentence  in  the  Bible  confute  an  Heretick,  could  make  ufe 
of  the  whole  booke  to  break  his  head ;  we  might  hold  forth 
inftances  more  then  enough.  The  warres  in  Germany  for 
thefe  hundred  yeeres  arofe  from  diffentions  in  Religion,  and 
though  in  the  beginning  of  the  contention,  they  drew  out 
onely  the  fword  of  the  Spirit,  yet  it  was  foone  changed  into 
a  fword  of  fteele ;  fo  was  it  among  the  confederate  Cantons 
of  Helvetia ,  which  were  fo  many  Townes  as  neerely  com¬ 
bined  together,  as  ours  here ;  fo  was  it  alfo  in  the  Nether¬ 
lands  betweene  the  Orthodox  and  the  Arminians\  fo  hath 
it  beene  betweene  the  Calvinifts  and  Hitherans :  In  every 
place  we  find  that  the  contentions  began  firfl  by  deputations 
and  Sermons,  and  when  the  minds  of  the  people  were  once 
fet  on  fire  by  reproachfull  termes  of  incendiary  fpirits,  they 
foone  fet  to  blowes,  and  had  alwayes  a  tragicall  and  boudy  2 
iffue ;  And  to  cleare  this  objection,  Mr.  Wheel,  profeffed 
before  hand,  what  he  looked  for,  viz.  that  his  doctrine  would 
caufe  combuffions  even  in  the  Common-wealth,  as  well  as 
in  the  Churches,  which  he  could  not  have  feared  if  he  had 
fuppofed  (as  in  charity  he  well  might)  that  thofe  who  were 
fet  over  the  people  here  in  both  States  were  indeed  true 
Chriftians ;  yea  he  not  onely  confeffeth  his  expectation,  but 
his  earned:  defire  alfo  of  fuch  combuffions  and  difturbances, 

when 

1  ASneid,  i.  150.  2  A  mifprint  for  “  bloudy.” 


208  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

when  he  faith  that  it  is  the  Saints  defire  to  have  the  fire 
kindled,  as  if  hee  were  come  among  Turks  or  Papifts,  and 
not  among  the  Churches  of  Chrift,  amongft  whom  Paul 
laboured  to  quench  all  fire  of  contention,  but  with  the 
Corinthians ,  Romans ,  and  Galatians ,  and  wifhed  that  thofe 
were  cut  off  who  troubled  them,  fetting  a  mark  upon  fuch 
as  made  divifion,  and  a  note  of  a  carnall  mind :  therefore 
this  objection  will  not  fave  him,  his  offence  is  yet  without 
excufe,  hee  did  intend  to  trouble  our  peace,  and  hee  hath 
effeCted  it ;  therefore  it  was  a  contempt  of  that  authority 
which  required  every  man  to  ftudy  Peace  and  Truth,  and 
therefore  it  was  a  feditious  contempt,  in  that  hee  ftirred  up 
others,  to  joyn  in  the  difturbance  of  that  peace,  which  hee 
was  bound  by  folemn  Oath  to  preferve. 

But  here  hee  puts  in  a  plea,  that  hee  did  take  the  only 
right  way  for  Peace,  by  holding  out  the  .Lord  Jefus  Chrift 
in  the  Covenant  of  free  Grace,  for  without  Chrift  there  is 
no  peace,  but  get  Chrift  and  wee  have  all. 

To  this  wee  reply,  firft,  Wee  would  demand  of  him  what 
hee  accounts  a  holding  forth  a  Covenant  of  Grace  ?  for 
having  that  hee  faith,  this  is  a  Covenant  of  Grace,  that  is  a 
Covenant  of  Works,  no  man  can  difcerne  any  fuch  thing 
by  his  proofes,  for  there  is  not  any  one  argument  in  his 
Sermon  to  convince  the  judgement  that  fo  it  is,  and 
[55]  it  wee  fearch  the  Scripture,  wee  find  in  the  Old 
Teftament,  Jer .  31.  the  Covenant  of  Grace  to  bee 
this,  I  will  write  my  Law  in  their  hearts,  or,  I  will  bee 
their  God,  &c.  and  in  the  New  Teftament,  wee  find,  Hee 
that  beleeves  in  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  fhall  bee  faved,  and 
that  it  is  of  Faith,  that  it  might  bee  of  grace;  but  other 

Covenant 


A  Short  Story. 


209 


Covenant  of  Grace  then  thefe,  or  to  the  fame  effeft,  are 
not  in  our  Bibles. 

Again,  Though  it  bee  true,  that  get  Chrift  and  wee  have 
all  in  fome  refpedl,1  yet  wee  muft  remember  him  of  what  hee 
faid  with  the  fame  breath,  that  Truth  and  externall  Peace 
cannot  poffibly  ftand  together,  how  then  would  hee  have  us 
beleeve,  that  fuch  a  holding  forth  Chrift  fhould  bring  the 
defired  peace?  This  is  fome  what  like  the  Jewifh  Corban ,2 
I  will  give  to  God,  and  hee  fhall  help  my  Parents,  or  as 
when  a  poore  man  ftands  in  need  of  fuch  reliefe,  as  I  might 
give  him,  inftead  there  of  I  pray  to  God  to  bleffe  him,  and 
tell  him  that  the  bleffing  of  God  maketh  rich ;  or,  as  I  give 
a  Lawyer  a  Fee  to  plead  my  caufe  and  to  procure  mee 
Juftice,  and  when  the  day  of  hearing  comes,  hee  makes  a 
long  fpeech  in  commending  the  juftice  of  the  King,  and 
perfwading  mee  to  get  his  favour,  becaufe  hee  is  the  foun¬ 
tain  of  Juftice;  This  is  to  reprove  the  wifdome  of  God,  by 
looking  that  the  fupreme  and  firft  caufe  fhould  produce  all 
effects,  without  the  ufe  of  fubordinate  aed3  neerer  caufes 
and  means  ;  fo  a  man  fhould  live  out  his  full  time  by  Gods 
decree  only,  without  meat  or  medicine  ;  this  plea  therefore 
will  not  hold,  let  us  heare  another.  T 


1  Apparently  there  was  here  a  mif- 
print,  or  wrong  reading  of  copy.  Some 
words  feern  to  have  been  omitted.  Pof¬ 
fibly  the  manufcript  may  have  read, 
“  Though  it  bee  true  that  [many  do 
for]get  Chrift,  and  we  have  all  in  fome 
refpect,”  etc.  There  is  nothing  in  that 
portion  of  Wheelwright’s  difcourfe  next 
referred  to  which  throws  light  on  the 
correct  reading  of  the  text.  Wheel¬ 
wright’s  words  are  :  “  it  is  impoffible  to 
hold  out  the  truth  of  God  with  externall 


peace  and  quietnes,  if  we  will  prvaile, 
if  we  be  called,  we  muft  be  willing  to  lay 
downe  our  lives,”  etc. 

2  “  But  ye  fay,  If  a  man  fhall  fay  to 
his  father  or  his  mother,  That  where¬ 
with  thou  mighteft  have  been  profited 
by  me  is  Corban,  that  is  to  fay,  Given 
to  God;  ye  no  longer  fuffer  him  to  do 
aught  for  his  father  or  his  mother.”  — 
Mark  vii.  11,  12  (Revifed  Verfion). 

8  and. 


27 


2  10 


The  Antinomian  Controversy. 

It  is  objected,  that  the  Magiffrates  may  not  appoint  a 
meffenger  of  God,  what  hee  fhould  teach :  admit  fo  much, 
yet  hee  may  limit  him  what  hee  may  not  teach,  if  hee  forbid 
him  to  teach  herefy  or  fedition,  &c.  hee  incurres  as  well  a 
contempt  in  teaching  that  which  hee  was  forbidden,  as  fins 
in  teaching  that  which  is  evill.  Befides,  every  truth  is  not 
feafonable  at  all  times.  Chrift  tels  his  Difciples  that  hee 
had  many  things  to  teach  them,  but  they  could  not  beare 
them  then,  Joh .  16.  12.  and  God  giveth  his  Prophets  the 
tongue  of  the  learned,  that  they  may  know  how  to  fpeak  a 
word  in  feafon,  Ifa .  50,  40.  and  if  for  every  thing  there  bee 
a  feafon,  then  for  every  Doftrine,  EccleJ \  3.  1.  The  abolifh- 
ing  of  the  ceremoniall  Law  was  a  Truth  which  the  Apoftles 
were  to  teach,  yet  there  was  a  feafon  when  Paul  did  refrain 
it,  Alls  21.  24.  and  the  fame  Paul  would  not  circumcife 
Titus ,  though  hee  did  Timothy ,  fo  the  difference  of  perfons 
and  places,  made  a  difference  in  the  feafon  of  the  dodlrine : 
and  if  Mr.  Wheelwright  had  looked  upon  the  words  which 
followed  in  his  Text,  Matth .  9.  16,  17.  hee  might  have  learned 
that  fuch  a  Sermon  would  as  ill  fuite  the  feafon,  as  old 
bottles  doe  new  Wine,  and  by  that  in  Efay  before  men¬ 
tioned,  hee  might  have  known  that  the  Spirit  of  God  doth 
teach  his  fervants  to  difcern  of  feafons,  as  well  as  of  truths ; 
for  if  there  be  fuch  a  point  in  wifdom,  as  men  call  difcretion, 
fure,  Religion  (which  maketh  truely  wife)  doth  not  deprive 
the  fervants  of  God  of  the  right  ufe  thereof.  When  Paul 
was  to  deale  with  the  forcerer,  who  did  oppofe  his  doftrine, 
Aft.  13.  hee  cals  him  the  childe  of  the  devill,  &c.  but  when 
hee  anfwered  Feftus ,  (who  told  him  hee  was  madde,  and 
rejedled  his  dodtrine  alfo)  hee  ufeth  him  gently,  and  with 

termes 


2  I  I 


A  Short  Story . 

termes  of  honourable  refpedf.  Though  Steven  cals  [56] 
the  Jews  diffenecked,  and  of  uncircumcifed  hearts, 

&c.  as  knowing  them  to  bee  malitious  and  obftinate  enemies 
to  Chrid,  yet  Paul  diredts  Timothy  (being  to  deale  with 
fuch  as  were  not  pad  hope,  though  they  did  oppofe  his 
Dodtrine  for  the  prefent)  not  to  drive,  but  to  ufe  all  gentle- 
neffe,  indrudting  them  with  meekneffe,  &c.  2  Tim .  2.  The 
Prophet  Elijha  when  hee  fpeaks  to  Jehoram  very  roughly, 
as  one  not  worthy  to  bee  looked  at,  yet  hee  fhews  a  different 
refpedf  of  Jehofaphat ,  though  hee  were  then  out  of  his  way, 
and  under  a  fin,  for  which  hee  had  been  formerly  reproved, 
2  King .  3.  Chrid  himfelfe  (though  hee  fharply  reproveth 
the  Pharifees,  &c.  yet  hee  indrudteth  Nicodemus  gently, 
when  hee  objected  againd  his  dodtrine,  and  that  fomewhat 
rudely,  Joh.  3.  The  Apodles  would  not  forbeare  to  Preach 
Chrid,  though  Rulers  forbad  them,  Aft.  3.  yet  another 
Prophet  forbare  at  another  feafon  at  the  command  of  King 
Amajia ,  2  Chron.  25.  fo  wee  fee  that  this  plea  of  Mr.  Wheel¬ 
wright  is  as  weak  as  the  former,  and  will  not  excufe  him 
from  contempt. 

If  it  bee  yet  objedted,  that  his  Sermon  was  not  all  for 
contention,  feeing  hee  raifed  and  preffed  an  ufe  of  brotherly 
love,  wee  grant  hee  did  fo,  but  it  was  ejufdem  farina ,  a 
loafe  of  the  fame  leaven  with  the  other,  for  hee  applyeth  it 
to  thofe  of  his  own  party,  to  perfwade  them  to  hold  together, 
and  help  one  another  againd  thofe  of  the  other  party,  whom 
hee  fetteth  forth  as  their  oppofites  and  encourageth  them 
thereto  by  the  example  of  Mofes ,  who  in  love  to  his  brother, 
killed  the  ^Egyptian. 

A  further  objedfion  hath  been  made  againd  the  proceed¬ 
ings 


2  I  2 


The  Antinomian  Controverjy. 

ings  of  the  Court,  as  if  Mr.  Wheelwright  had  not  a  lawfull 
tryall,  as  not  being  put  upon  a  Jury  of  freemen.  But  the 
anfwer  to  this  is  eafie,  it  being  vvel  known  to  all  fuch  as 
have  underftanding  of  matters  of  this  nature,  that  fuch 
Courts  as  have  power  to  make  and  abrogate  Laws,  are  tyed 
to  no  other  Orders,  but  their  own,  and  to  no  other  rule 
but  Truth  and  Juftice,  and  why  thrice  twelve  men  fitting  as 
Judges  in  a  Court,  fhould  bee  more  fubjeCt  to  partiality  then 
twelve  fuch  called  as  a  Jury  to  the  barre,  let  others  judge. 

Now  if  fome  fhall  gather  from  that  which  is  here  before 
mentioned,  viz.  that  every  truth  is  not  feafonable  at  all 
times,  if  wee  fhall  grant  that  what  Matter  Wheelwright 
delivered  was  the  truth,  wee  muft  defire  him  to  take  onely  fo 
much  as  wee  granted,  viz.  by  way  of  fuppofition  onely;  for 
letting  paffe  (as  wee  faid)  fuch  points  as  were  meerly  doc- 
trinall,  and  not  ripe  for  the  Court  (depending  as  yet  in 
examination  among  the  Elders)  wee  may  fafely  deny  that 
thofe  fpeeches  were  truths,  which  the  Court  cenfured  for 
contempt  and  fedition,  for  a  brother  may  fall  fo  farre  into 
difobedience  to  the  Gofpel,  as  there  may  bee  caufe  to  fepa- 
rate  from  him,  and  to  put  him  to  fhame,  and  yet  hee  is  not 
to  bee  accounted  an  enemy,  2  Theff.  3.  Therefore  when  Mr. 
Wheelwright  pronounced  fuch  (taking  them  at  the  word  hee 
could  make  them)  to  bee  enemies,  &c.  it  was  not  according 
to  the  truth  of  the  Gofpell.  Againe,  to  incenfe  and  heate 
mens  minds  againft  their  Brethren,  before  hee  had 
[57]  convinced  or  admonifhed  them,  as  being  in  an  eftate 
of  enmity,  &c.  is  not  to  bee  termed  in  any  truth  of  the 
Gofpel ;  fo  likewife  to  bring  extraordinary  examples  for 
ordinary  rules,  as  of  Joh.  8.  44.  to  incite  his  party  to  the 

like 


213 


A  Short  Story . 

like  praftife  againft  fuch  whofe  hearts  they  cannot  judge  of, 
as  Chrift  could  of  theirs  to  whom  hee  fpake,  is  as  farre  from 
the  rule  prefcribed  to  ordinary  Minifters,  2  Tim .  2.  25.1  and 
to  all  Chriftians,  Gal.  6.  i.2  and  Jam.  3.  i7-3as  that  example 
of  Elijah  (by  which  the  Apoftles  would  have  called  for  fire 
from  heaven  upon  the  Samaritans)  was  different  from  the 
Spirit  whereof  they  were :  fo  to  refemble  fuch  among  us, 
as  profeffe  their  faith  in  Chrift  only,  &c.  and  are  in  Church 
fellowfhip,  and  walk  inoffenfively,  fubmitting  to  all  the 
Lords  Ordinances  in  Church  and  Common  wealth,  to  refem¬ 
ble  fuch  to  branded  Reprobates,  and  arch-enemies  of  Chrift, 
fuch  as  Herod ,  &c.  wee  fuppofe  hath  no  warrant  of  Truth. 
Wee  might  inftance  in  other  like  paffages,  as  his  ordinary 
inciting  to  fpirituall  combates,  by  examples  of  bodily  fight 
and  bloody  victories,  (being  very  unfutable)  but  thefe  may 
fuffice  to  prove  that  all  hee  fpake  was  not  true,  and  by  this  is 
the  offence  more  aggravated,  for  if  it  were  feditious  only  in 
the  manner,  it  muft  needs  bee  much  worfe,  when  the  matter 
it  felfe  alfo  was  untrue. 

But  if  any  {hall  yet  pretend  want  of  fatisfadlion,  by  all 
that  hath  been  produced,  (for  indeed  it  is  beyond  reafon, 
how  farre  prejudice  hath  prevailed  to  captivate  fome  judge¬ 
ments,  otherwife  godly  and  wife)  and  fhal  objedl  further, 
that  his  dodlrines,  &c.  were  generall,  and  fo  could  not  bee 

intended 


1  “  24  And  the  fervant  of  the  Lord 
muft  not  ftrive ;  but  be  gentle  unto  all 
men,  apt  to  teach,  patient, 

“25  In  meeknefs  inftrudting  thofe 
that  oppofe  themfelves.” 

2  “  Brethren,  if  a  man  be  overtaken 

in  a  fault,  ye  which  are  fpiritual,  reftore 
fuch  an  one  in  the  fpirit  of  meeknefs; 


confidering  thyfelf,  left  thou  alfo  be 
tempted.” 

3  “  But  the  wifdom  that  is  from 
above  is  firft  pure,  then  peaceable,  gen¬ 
tle,  and  eafy  to  be  intreated,  full  of 
mercy  and  good  fruits,  without  partial¬ 
ity,  and  without  hypocrify.” 


214  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

intended  of  any  particular  perfons,  wee  defire  fuch,  firft  to 
remember  what  application  Mr.  Wh.  made  of  the  fame  in 
the  open  Court,  viz.  that  hee  did  intend  all  fuch  as  walked 
in  fuch  a  way.  Then  again,  let  the  cafe  bee  put  in  a 
reverfed  frame,  fome  other  had  then  taught,  that  all  fuch  as 
deny  that  fandlification  (as  it  is  held  by  the  other  party)  is  a 
good  evidence  of  juftification,  and  that  fay  or  have1  their 
affurance  by  faith,  as  a  work  of  God  in  them,  have  it  in  the 
way  of  the  Gofpel,  that  thefe  were  enemies  to  Chrift,  &c. 
Perfecutors  of  the  way  of  grace,  &c.  and  fhould  have  ftirred 
up  others  againft  them,  with  like  arguments,  and  vehemency 
as  Mr.  Wheelwright  did,  there  is  no  doubt  but  Mr.  Wheel. 
and  others  of  his  opinion,  would  foone  have  pointed  out 
thofe  who  muft  neceffarily  have  been  intended  by  it :  for  it 
is  well  known  that  fome  proper  adjundt,  or  fome  noted  cir- 
cumftance  may  defign  a  particular  perfon  or  company,  as 
well  as  names,  fo  Chrift  points  out  Judas  by  the  fop,2  Paul 
the  Jews,  by  thofe  of  the  circumcifion,3  and  the  Antichrift, 
by  That  man  of  fin,4  &c. 

But  wee  meet  yet  with  another  objection,  viz .  that  difturb- 
ance  of  unity  is  not  fedition,  except  it  alfo  lead  to  the  hurt 
of  utility. 

To  this  wee  anfwer,  firft,  that  if  it  tend  immediately  to 
fuch  hurt,  wee  deny  the  truth  of  the  proportion  ;  for  if  in  the 
time  of  famine,  a  man  fhould  ftir  up  the  people  to  fetch  corn 
out  of  the  houfes  of  fuch  as  had  it  to  fpare,  this  were  to  an 
immediate  publick  good,  yet  it  were  fedition.  If  Jeremy 
(when  hee  taught  the  Jews,  that  they  ought  to  fet  free 

their 

1  This  is  obfcure  ;  but  apparently  it  2  John  xiii.  26-30. 

fhould  read  in  the  fenfe  of  “claim  to  3  Titus  i.  10. 

have,  or  have  their  affurance,'’  etc.  4  2  TheJJalonians  ii.  3. 


A  Short  Story.  215 

their  Hebrew  fervants1)  had  alfo  incited  the  fervants  [58] 
to  free  themfelves,  this  had  not  been  free  from  {edi¬ 
tion,  yet  it  had  not  been  againft  publick  utility ;  But  they 
alledge  the  examples  of  Jehojadah ,  who  caufed  a  difturbance, 
yet  without  fedition  ; 2  wee  anfwer,  that  cafe  was  very  unlike 
to  ours,  for  Jehojadah  being  High  Prieft,  was  alfo  protedfor 
of  the  true  King,  and  fo  chiefe  Governour  of  the  Civill 
State,  and  Athaliah  being  a  meere  ufurper,  hee  did  no 
other,  then  if  a  lawfull  King  fhould  affemble  his  Subjects  to 
apprehend  a  Rebell;  and  though  a  Prince  or  Governour 
may  raife  a  party  to  fuppreffe  or  withftand  publick  enemies 
or  other  evils,  yet  it  doth  not  follow  that  a  private  man,  or  a 
Minifter  of  the  Gofpel  may  do  the  like  :  we  read  Nehem . 
5.  7.  that  hee  raifed  a  great  affembly  againft  thofe  who  did 
oppreffe  their  brethren,  but  wee  read  not  that  Ezra  did  fo, 
upon  the  diforders  which  hee  complained  of,  and  yet  that 
which  hee  did  in  affembling  of  the  people,  for  redreffe,  &c. 
was  by  authority  and  counfell  of  the  Nobles,  Ezra  10.  8. 

2.  That  this  courfe  of  Mr.  Wheel,  did  tend  direcftly  to  the 
great  hinderance  of  publike  utility,  for  when  brethren  fhall 
looke  one  at  another  as  enemies  and  perfecutors,  &c.  and 
when  people  fhall  looke  at  their  Rulers  and  Minifters  as 
fuch,  and  as  thofe  who  goe  about  to  take  Chrift  and  falva- 
tion  from  them,  how  fhall  they  joyne  together  in  any  publike 
fervice  ?  how  fhall  they  cohabite  and  trade  together?  how 
hardly  will  they  fubmit  to  fuch  Over-feers?  how  will  it  hin¬ 
der  all  affaires  in  Courts,  in  Townes,  in  Families,  in  Veffels 
at  Sea,  &c.  and  what  can  more  threaten  the  diffolution  and 
ruine  of  Church  and  Commonwealth  ?  Laftly,  if  it  be 

alleadged 

2  2  Kings  xi. ;  2  Chronicles  xxiii. 


1  Jerejniah  xxxiv.  12-22. 


2i6  The  Anlinomian  Controverfy. 


alleadged  that  fuch  warlike  termes  are  ufed  by  Chrift  and 
his  Apoftles  in  a  fpirituall  fenfe,  we  deny  it  not,  but  we 
defire  that  the  ufuall  manner  of  their  applying  them  may  be 
alfo  confidered,  for  Paul  faith,  i  Cor.  9.  So  fight  I,  &c.  I 
beate  downe  my  body,  &c.  1  Tim.  6.  12.  Fight  the  good 
fight  of  faith,  lay  hold  on  eternall  life,  and  1  Pet.  2.  11.  and 
Jam.  4.  1.  there  is  fpeech  of  the  fight  of  our  luffs,  and 
Ephef.  6.  11.  he  bids  them  put  on  armour,  but  it  is  to  refift 
the  Devill,  not  flefh  and  bloud,  not  to  fight  againft  their 
brethren,  towards  whom  he  forbids  all  bitterneffe  and  cla¬ 
mour,  &c.  Eph.  4.  And  when  he  fpeaks  of  fpirituall 
weapons,  2  Cor.  10.  he  doth  not  draw  them  out  againft  the 
perfons  of  brethren,  but  againft  high  thoughts  and  imagi¬ 
nations,  &c.  And  if  Mr.  Wheel,  had  found  out  any  fuch 
among  us,  and  planted  his  battery  againft  them  by  found 
arguments,  he  had  followed  our  Apoftolike  rule ;  Chrift 
indeed  threatneth  to  fight  againft  the  Nicholaitans  with  the 


fword  of  his  mouth,1  and  if  Mr.  Wheel,  had  knowne  any  fuch 
here,  as  certainly  as  Chrift  knew  thofe,  he  might  have  beene 
juftified  by  the  example,  otherwife  not. 

Therefore  to  conclude,  feeing  there  be  of  thofe  who  diffent 
from  Mr.  Wheel,  his  doctrines,  who  have  denied  themfelves 
for  the  love  of  Chrift  as  farre  as  he  hath  done,  and  will  be 
ready  (by  Gods  grace)  to  doe  and  fuffer  for  the  fake  of 
Chrift,  and  the  honour  of  Free-grace  as  much  as  himfelfe, 
for  fuch  to  be  publikely  defamed,  and  held  forth  as 
[59]  enemies  to  the  Lord  Jefus,  and  perfecutors  like  Herod 
and  Pilate ,  and  the  uncircumcifed  heathen,  &c.  cannot 
proceed  from  a  charitable  mind,  nor  doth  it  favour  of  an 
Apoftolike,  Gofpel-like,  brotherly  fpirit.  Miflris 


1  Revelations  ii.  16. 


A  Short  Story.  2 1 7 

Miftris  Hutchifon  being  banifhed  and  confined,  till  the 
feafon  of  the  yeere  might  be  fit,  and  fafe  for  her  departure ; 
file  thought  it  now  needleffe  to  conceale  herfelfe  any  longer, 
neither  would  Satan  lofe  the  opportunity  of  making  choyce 
of  fo  fit  an  inftrument,  fo  long  as  any  hope  remained  to 
attaine  his  mifchievous  end  in  darkning  the  faving  truth  of 
the  Lord  Jefus,  and  difiurbing  the  peace  of  his  Churches. 
Therefore  fhe  began  now  to  difcover  all  her  mind  to  fuch  as 
came  to  her,  fo  that  her  opinions  came  abroad  and  began  to 
take  place  among  her  old  difciples,  and  now  fome  of  them 
raifed  up  queftions  about  the  immortality  of  the  foule,  about 
the  refurreftion,  about  the  morality  of  the  Sabbath,  and 
divers  others,  which  the  Elders  finding  to  begin  to  appeare 
in  fome  of  their  Churches,  they  took  much  paines  (both  in 
publike  and  private)  to  fuppreffe  ;  and  following  the  fent 
from  one  to  another,  the  root  of  all  was  found  to  be  in 
Miftris  Hutchifon ;  whereupon  they  reforted  to  her  many 
times,  labouring  to  convince  her,  but  in  vaine ;  yet  they 
reforted  to  her  ftill,  to  the  end  they  might  either  reclaime 
her  from  her  errours,  or  that  they  might  beare  witneffe 
againft  them  if  occafion  were :  For  in  a  meeting  of  the 
Magiftrates  and  Elders,  about  fuppreffing  thefe  new  fprung 
errours,  the  Elders  of  Boftoii  had  declared  their  readineffe 
to  deale  with  Miftris  Hutchifon  in  a  Church  way,  if  they  had 
fufficient  teftimony :  for  though  fhe  had  maintained  fome  of 
them  fometimes  before  them,  yet  they  thought  it  not  fo 
orderly  to  come  in  as  witneffes ;  whereupon  other  of  the 
Elders,  and  others  collecting  which  they  had  heard  from 
her  owne  mouth  at  feverall  times,  drew  them  into  feverall 
heads,  and  fent  them  to  the  Church  of  Bofton ,  whereupon 

the 


28 


218  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

the  Church  (with  leave  of  the  Magiftrates,  becaufe  fhe  was  a 
prifoner)  fent  for  her  to  appeare  upon  a  Lefture  day,  being 
the  fifteenth  of  the  firft  moneth,  and  though  fine  were  at  her 
owne  houfe  in  the  Towne,  yet  fhe  came  not  into  the  Aflem- 
bly  till  the  Sermon  and  Prayer  were  ended,  (pretending 
bodily  infirmity)  when  fhe  was  come,  one  of  the  ruling  Elders 
called  her  forth  before  the  Affembly,  (which  was  very  great 
from  all  the  parts  of  the  Countrey)  and  telling  her  the  caufe 
why  the  Church  had  called  her,  read  the  feverall  heads, 
which  were  as  followeth. 

1.  That  the  foules  of  all  men  (in  regard  of  generation) 
are  mortall  like  the  beads,  Eccl.  3.  8. 

2.  That  in  regard  of  Chrifts  purchafe  they  are  immortall, 
fo  that  Chrift  hath  purchafed  the  foules  of  the  wicked  to 
eternall  paine,  and  the  foules  of  the  eledt  to  eternall  peace. 

3.  Thofe  who  are  united  to  Chrift  have  in  this  life  new 
bodies,  and  2  bodies,  1  Cor.  6.  19.  fhe  knowes  not  how  Jefus 
Chrift  fhould  be  united  to  this  our  flefhly  bodies. 

4.  Thofe  who  have  union  with  Chrift,  fhall  not  rife  with 
the  fame  flefhly  bodies,  1  Cor.  15.  44. 

[60]  5.  And  that  the  refurredtion  mentioned  there,  and 

in  John  5.  28.  is  not  meant  of  the  refurredtion  of  the 
body,  but  of  our  union  here  and  after  this  life. 

6.  That  there  are  no  created  graces  in  the  Saints  after 
their  union  with  Chrift,  but  before  there  are,  for  Chrift  takes 
them  out  of  their  hands  into  his  owne. 

7.  There  are  no  created  graces  in  the  humane  nature 
of  Chrift,  but  he  was  onely  affced  by  the  power  of  the  God¬ 
head. 

8.  The  Image  of  God  wherein  Adam  was  made,  fhe  could 

fee 


A  Short  Story.  2 1 9 

fee  no  Scripture  to  warrant  that  it  confifted  in  holineffe,  but 
conceived  it  to  be  in  that  he  was  made  like  to  Chrifts 
manhood. 

9.  She  had  no  Scripture  to  warrant  that  Chrifts  manhood 
is  now  in  Heaven,  but  the  body  of  Chrift  is  his  Church. 

10.  We  are  united  to  Chrift  with  the  fame  union,  that  his 
humanity  on  earth  was  with  the  Deity,  Jo.  17.  21. 

11.  She  conceived  the  Difciples  before  Chrift  his  death 
were  not  converted,  Matth .  18.  3. 

12.  There  is  no  evidence  to  be  had  of  our  good  eftate, 
either  from  abfolute  or  conditionall  promifes. 

13.  The  Law  is  no  rule  of  life  to  a  Chriftian. 

14.  There  is  no  Kingdome  of  Heaven  in  Scripture  but 
onely  Chrift. 

15.  There  is  firft  engraffing  into  Chrift  before  union,  from 
which  a  man  might  fall  away. 

16.  The  firft  thing  God  reveales  to  aflure  us  is  our 
election. 

17  That  Abraham  was  not  in  a  faving  eftate  till  the  22. 
chap,  of  Gen.  when  hee  offered  Ifaac ,  and  faving  the  firme- 
neffe  of  Gods  election,  he  might  have  perifhed  notwithftand- 
ing  any  work  of  grace  that  was  wrought  in  him  till  then. 

18.  That  union  to  Chrift  is  not  by  faith. 

19.  That  all  commands  in  the  word  are  Law,  and  are  not 
a  way  of  life,  and  the  command  of  faith  is  a  Law,  and  there¬ 
fore  killeth;  fhe  fuppofed  it  to  be  a  Law  from  Rom.  3.  27. 

20.  That  there  is  no  faith  of  Gods  eleCt  but  affurance, 
there  is  no  faith  of  dependance  but  fuch  as  an  hypocrite  may 
have  and  fall  away  from,  proved  John  15.  for  by  that  fhe  faid 
they  are  in  Chrift,  but  Chrift  is  not  in  them. 


21.  That 


220  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

21.  That  an  hypocrite  may  have  Adams  righteoufneffe 
and  perifh,  and  by  that  righteoufnes  he  is  bound  to  the 
Law,  but  in  union  with  Chrift,  Chrift  comes  into  the  man, 
and  he  retaines  the  feed,  and  dieth,  and  then  all  manner  of 
grace  in  himlelfe,  but  all  in  Chrift. 

22.  There  is  no  fuch  thing  as  inherent  righteoufneffe. 

23.  We  are  not  bound  to  the  Law,  no  not  as  a  rule  of 
life. 

24.  We  are  dead  to  all  a6ts  in  fpirituall  things,  and  are 
onely  adted  by  Chrift. 

25.  Not  being  bound  to  the  Law,  it  is  not  tranf- 
[61]  greffion  againft  the  Law  to  finne,  or  breake  it,  becaufe 
our  ftnnes  they  are  inward  and  fpirituall,  and  fo  are 
exceeding  finfull,  and  onely  are  againft  Chrift. 

26.  Sandtification  can  be  no  evidence  at  all  of  our  good 
eftate. 

27.  That  her  particular  revelations  about  future  events 
are  as  infallible  as  any  part  of  Scripture,  and  that  fhe  is 
bound  as  much  to  beleeve  them,  as  the  Scripture,  for  the 
fame  holy  Ghoft  is  the  author  of  them  both. 

28.  That  fo  farre  as  a  man  is  in  union  with  Chrift,  he  can 
doe  no  duties  perfedlly,  and  without  the  communion  of  the 
unregenerate  part  with  the  regenerate. 

29.  That  fuch  exhortations  as  thefe,  to  worke  out  our 
falvation  with  feare,  to  make  our  calling  and  eledfion  fure, 
&c.  are  fpoken  onely  to  fuch,  as  are  under  a  Covenant  of 
workes. 

All  which  flie  did  acknowledge  fhe  had  fpoken,  (for  a  coppy 
of  them  had  been  fent  to  her  divers  dayes  before,  and  the 
witneffes  hands  fubfcribed,  fo  as  fhe  faw  it  was  in  vaine  to 

deny 


22  I 


A  Short  Story. 

deny  them)  then  the  asked  by  what  rule  fuch  an  Elder  could 
come  to  her  pretending  to  defire  light,  and  indeede  to  en- 
trappe  her,  to  which  the  fame  Elder  anfvvered  that  he  had 
beene  twice  with  her,  and  that  he  told  her  indeed  at  St.  Ives, 
that  he  had  beene  troubled  at  fome  of  her  fpeeches  in  the 
Court,  wherein  he  did  defire  to  fee  light  for  the  ground  and 
meaning  of  them,  but  he  profeffed  in  the  prefence  of  the 
Lord,  that  he  came  not  to  entrap  her,  but  in  compaffion  to 
her  Soule,  to  helpe  her  out  of  thofe  fnares  of  the  Devill, 
wherein  he  faw  flie  was  entangled,  and  that  before  his  depar- 
ure  from  her  he  did  beare  witneffe  againft  her  opinions,  and 
againft  her  fpirit,  and  did  leave  it  fadly  upon  her  from  the 
word  of  God ;  then  prefently  flie  grew  into  paffion  againft 
her  Paftor  for  his  fpeech  againft  her  at  the  Court  after  the 
fentence  was  paffed,  which  he  gave  a  full  anfwer  unto,  fhew- 
ing  his  zeale  againft  her  errors,  whereupon  flie  asked  for 
what  errors  fhe  had  beene  banifhed,  profeffmg  withall  that 
flie  held  none  of  thefe  things  fhe  was  now  charged  with, 
before  her  imprifonment ;  (fuppofing  that  whatfoever  fhould 
be  found  amide,  would  be  imputed  to  that,  but  it  was  an¬ 
fvvered  as  the  truth  was,  that  flie  was  not  put  to  durance, 
but  onely  a  favourable  confinement,  fo  as  all  of  her  Family 
and  divers  others,  reforted  to  her  at  their  pleafure.)  But 
this  allegation  was  then  proved  falfe,  (and  at  her  next  con¬ 
vention  more  fully)  for  there  were  divers  prefent,  who  did 
know  fhe  fpake  untruth.  Her  anfwer  being  demanded  to 
the  firft  Articles,  flie  maintained  her  affertion  that  the 
Soules  were  mortall,  &c.  alledging  the  place  in  the  Ecclef. 
cited  in  the  Article,  and  fome  other  Scriptures  nothing  to 
the  purpofe,  fhe  infifted  much  upon  that  in  Gen.  i.  In  the 

day 


222 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 


day  thou  eateft,  &c.  thou  fhalt  dye,  flie  could  not  fee  how  a 
Soule  could  be  immortally  miferable,  though  it  might  be 
eternally  miferable,  neither  could  thee  diftinguifh  betweene 
the  Soule  and  the  Life;  and  though  die  were  preffed  by 
many  Scriptures  and  reafons  alleadged  by  the  Elders  of  the 
fame,  and  other  Churches,  fo  as  die  could  not  give  any 
anfwer  to  them,  yet  die  dood  to  her  opinion,  till  at  length 
a  dranger 1  being  dedred  to  fpeake  to  the  point,  and  hee 
[62]  opening  to  her  the  difference  betweene  the  Soule  and 
the  Life,  the  drd  being  a  fpirituall  fubftance,  and  the 
other  the  union  of  that  with  the  body;  die  then  confeffed 
die  faw  more  light  then  before,  and  fo  with  fome  difficulty 
was  brought  to  confede  her  error  in  that  point.  Wherein 
was  to  be  obferved  that  though  he  fpake  to  very  good 
purpofe,  and  fo  clearely  convinced  her  as  die  could  not  gain- 
fay,  yet  it  was  evident  diee  was  convinced  before,  but  die 
could  not  give  the  honour  of  it  to  her  owne  Pador  or  teacher, 

nor 


1  The  “ftranger”  was  probably  the 
Rev.  John  Davenport,  at  the  time  a 
gueft  of  John  Cotton.  John  Davenport 
was  born  in  England  in  1597,  and  died 
in  Bofton  March  15,  1670.  Having 
been  for  two  years  (1633-35)  fettled  in 
Holland  as  colleague  of  the  Rev.  John 
Paget,  paftor  of  the  Englifh  Church  at 
Amfterdam,  he  came  to  New  England 
in  1637,  reaching  Bofton  on  the  26th  of 
June,  in  the  midft  of  the  Antinomian 
excitement.  He  took  an  adtive  part  in 
the  Cambridge  Synod  of  the  following 
September;  but  in  March,  1638,  at  the 
time  of  the  occurrence  of  the  events  re¬ 
ferred  to  in  the  text,  having  perfected 
all  his  arrangements,  was  about  to  mi¬ 
grate  to  Connecticut  in  company  with 
many  of  thofe  who  had  come  with  him 


from  England,  being,  in  the  language 
of  Cotton  Mather,  “  more  fit  for  Zebu- 
Ion’s  ports  than  for  Iffachar’s  tents” 
( Genefis  xlix.  13;  Numbers  ii.  3).  In 
1667  the  Rev.  John  Wilfon  died;  and 
the  church  of  Bofton  then  extended  a 
call  to  Davenport,  who  accepted  it,  and 
continued  paftor  of  that  church  until  his 
death  fome  two  years  later.  No  biogra¬ 
phy  of  Davenport  has  been  prepared ; 
but  full  notices  of  him  will  be  found  in 
the  biographical  cyclopedias,  and  more 
extended  accounts  in  the  Magnalia 
(B.  III. chap,  iv.),  in  Savage’s  Genealogi¬ 
cal  Diftiofiary  (Vol.  II.  p.  12),  and  in 
Ellis’s  Fir  ft  Chu  rch  of  Bofton  (pp.  102- 
1 18).  Vide  alfo  the  feveral  hiftories  of 
Connecticut  and  New  Plaven,  and  Hill’s 
Hift.  of  Old  South  Church  (Bofton). 


A  Short  Story. 


223 


nor  to  any  of  the  other  Elders,  whom  file  had  fo  much 
flighted. 

Then  they  proceeded  to  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  Arti¬ 
cles,  about  the  body  and  the  refurredtion  of  the  old,  which 
fliee  maintained  according  to  the  Articles,  and  though  fliee 
were  not  able  to  give  any  reafonable  anfwer  to  the  many 
places  of  the  Scripture,  and  other  arguments  which  were 
brought  to  convince  her,  yet  fliee  fiill  perfifted  in  her  errour, 
giving  froward  fpeeches  to  fome  that  fpake  to  her,  as  when 
one  of  the  Elders  ufed  this  argument,  that  if  the  refurredlion 
were  only  our  union  with  Chrift,  then  all  that  are  united, 
are  the  children  of  the  refurredlion,  and  therefore  are  neither 


to  marry,  nor  to  give  in  marriage,  and  fo  by  confequence, 
there  ought  to  bee  community  of  women  ;l  fliee  told  him  that 
hee  fpake  like  the  Pharifees,  who  faid  that  Chrift  had  a  devill, 
becaufe  that  Abraham  were  dead  and  the  Prophets,  and  yet 
hee  had  faid,  that  thofe  which  eate  his  flefli,  fhould  never 
dye,  not  taking  the  fpeech  in  the  true  meaning,  fo  did  hee 
(faid  fhee)  who  brought  that  argument,  for  it  is  faid  there, 
they  fhould  bee  like  the  Angels,  &c.  The  Elders  of  Bofton 
finding  her  thus  obftinate,  propounded  to  the  Church  for  an 
admonition  to  bee  given  her,  to  which  all  the  Church  con- 
fented,  except  two  of  her  fons,  who  becaufe  they  perfifted  to 
defend  her,  were  under  admonition  alfo.2  Mr.  Cotton  gave 

the 


1  Infra ,  pp.  301,  314. 

2  “  Now  I  am  upon  this  head,  I  fhall 
defire  to  make  a  little  digreffion,  before 
I  proceed  to  any  more  heads.  Mr. 
Edwards  in  a  Sermon  at  Colchefler 
laid  down  this  Theps. 

“  That  there  was  no  fuch  tyranni- 
call  government  in  any  Church  ( 'unlejfe 


it  were  in  the  Church  of  Rome')  as 
is  in  the  Independent  Churches ;  he 
proved  it  thus,  They  carry  all  things 
by  the  fuff  rage  of  the  people,  and  if  all 
doe  not  confent ,  they  will  cenfure  the7n  ; 
how  he  will  prove  this  ?  a  fpeciall  ex- 
a?nple ,  in  the  Church  of  Bofton  in  New 
England,  when  they  excommunicated 

Mrs. 


224  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


the  admonition,  and  firft  to  her  Tons,  laying  it  fadly  upon 
them,  that  they  would  give  fuch  way  to  their  naturall  affec¬ 
tion,  as  for  preferving  her  honour,  they  fhould  make  a  breach 
upon  the  honour  of  Chrifb,  and  upon  their  Covenant  with 
the  Church,  and  withall  teare  the  very  bowels  of  their  foule, 
by  hardning  her  in  her  fin :  In  this  admonition  to  her,  firft, 
hee  remembred  her  of  the  good  way  fliee  was  in  at  her  firft 
comming,  in  helping  to  difcover  to  divers,  the  falfe  bottom 
they  flood  upon,  in  trufting  to  legall  works  without  Chrifl ; 
then  hee  fhewed  her,  how  by  falling  into  thefe  grofle  and 
fundamentall  errors,  fliee  had  loft  the  honour  of  her  former 

fervice 


Mrs.  Hutch infon ;  becan/e  her  owne 
fonne  did  not  joyne  in  the  cajimg  out 
of  his  owne  mother ,  he  was  likewife 
cenfured j  an  unnaturall  thing,  faid  he, 
and  fo  carried  it,  that  both  his  owne 
friends,  and  other  Minifters,  who  were 
Grangers,  thought  he  was  alfo  excom¬ 
municated,  as  they  told  me  when  I 
fpake  with  them. 

“  The  ftory  doth  fomething  concerne 
the  head  I  am  upon,  and  therefore  I 
make  bold  to  infert  it  here.  I  was  a 
little  troubled  at  the  paffage,  knowing 
well  how  things  were  carried,  being 
prefent  at  that  time,  and  fo  tooke  occa- 
fion  fome  few  weeks  after,  to  give  a  bare 
narrative  how  the  thing  was  carried 
with  fo  much  meekneffe,  I  am  fure  as 
none  could  accufe  me.  The  fumme  is 
this,  When  all  wayes  according  to  the 
word  had  beene  tryed  with  Mrs.  Hiitch- 
infon  to  recall  her,  but  none  would 
prevaile,  the  queftion  was  put  to  the 
Church  to  manifeft  confent  for  her  ex- 
communication ;  her  fonne  and  fonne- 
in-law  (one  more  then  Mr.  Edwards 
mentioned)  ftood  up  to  put  fome  flop 


in  the  way  (had  they  fate  ftill,  as  any 
body  would  have  expected,  though  they 
had  fufpended  their  votes,  I  know  not 
who  would  have  fpoken  one  word  to 
them)  Mr.  Cotton  rofe  up,  and  gave 
them  a  grave  admonition,  that  though 
their  naturall  affedtion  might  now  worke, 
for  which  hee  did  not  blame  them,  yet 
he  would  not  have  them  preferre  their 
mother  before  Chrifl,  nor  hinder  their 
mother  from  that  Ordinance,  which 
might  bee  a  meanes  to  fave  her  foule  ; 
with  thefe  words  they  both  fate  downe : 
they  never  had  any  other  cenfure  (if 
this  be  a  cenfure)  and  the  Church  pro¬ 
ceeded  in  her  excommunication.  Now 
I  appeale  unto  all,  to  judge  where  was 
the  tyranny  in  this  adt  ?  yet  though  I 
carried  this  with  all  mildneffe,  this  was 
the  onely  caufe  why  Mr.  Edwards  raked 
up  all  he  could  againft  me,  and  put  it 
into  print,  even  fuch  things  as  never 
were  in  my  thoughts.  But  here  you 
may  fee,  they  ftand  not  upon  the 
fuffrage  of  all  the  people.”  —  Giles 
Firmin,  Separation  Examined ,  pp. 
IOI,  102. 


225 


A  Short  Story. 

fervice,  and  done  more  wrong  to  Chrift  and  his  Church,  then 
formerly  fhee  had  done  good,  and  fo  laid  her  fin  to  her  con- 
fcience  with  much  zeale  and  folemnity,  hee  admonifhed  her 
alfo  of  the  height  of  fpirit,  then  hee  fpake  to  the  fitters  of  the 
Church,  and  advifed  them  to  take  heed  of  her  opinions,  and 
to  with-hold  all  countenance  and  refpe6ts  from  her,  left  they 
fhould  harden  her  in  her  fin :  fo  fhee  was  difmiffed  and 
appointed  to  appeare  againe  that  day  fevennight. 

The  Court  had  ordered  that  fhee  fhould  return  to  Rox- 
bitry  again,  but  upon  intimation  that  her  fpirit  began  to  fall, 
fhee  was  permitted  to  remain  at  Mr.  Cottons  houfe  (where 
Davenport  was  alfo  kept)  who  before  her  next  appear¬ 
ing,  did  both  take  much  pains  with  her,  and  prevailed  [63] 
fo  far,  that  fhee  did  acknowledge  her  errour  in  all  the 
Articles  (except  the  laft)  and  accordingly  fhee  wrote  down 
her  anfwers  to  them  all,  when  the  day  came,  and  fhee  was 
called  forth  and  the  Articles  read  again  to  her,  fhee  deliv¬ 
ered  in  her  anfwers  in  writing,  which  were  alfo  read,  and 
being  then  willing  to  fpeak  to  the  Congregation  for  their 
further  fatisfaclion,  fhee  did  acknowledge  that  fhee  had 
greatly  erred,  and  that  God  had  left  her  to  her  felf  herein, 
becaufe  fhee  had  fo  much  under-natured  his  Ordinances, 
both  in  flighting  the  Magiffrates  at  the  Court,  and  alfo  the 
Elders  of  the  Church,  and  confeffed  that  when  fhee  was  at 
the  Court,  fhee  looked  only  at  fuch  failings  as  fhee  appre¬ 
hended  in  the  Magiftrates  proceedings,  without  having 
regard  to  the  place  they  were  in,  and  that  the  fpeeches  fhee 
then  ufed  about  her  revelations  were  rafh,  and  without 
ground,  and  fhee  defired  the  prayers  of  the  Church  for  her. 

Thus  farre  fhee  went  on  well,  and  the  Affembly  conceived 

hope 


29 


226  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

hope  of  her  repentance,  but  in  her  anfwers  to  the  feverall 
articles,  fhee  gave  no  fatisfadtion,  becaufe  in  diverfe  of  them 
fhee  anfwered  by  circumlocutions,  and  feemed  to  lay  all  the 
faults  in  her  expreffions,  which  occafioned  fome  of  the  Elders 
to  defire  fhee  might  expreffe  her  felf  more  cleerly,  and  for 
that  ever  fhee  was  demanded  about  the  Article,  whether 
fhee  were  not,  or  had  not  been  of  that  judgement,  that  there 
is  no  inherent  righteoufneffe  in  the  Saints,  but  thofe  gifts 
and  graces  which  are  afcribed  to  them  that  are  only  in  Chrift 
as  the  fubjedt  ?  to  which  fhee  anfwered,  that  fhee  was  never 
of  that  judgement,  howfoever  by  her  expreffions  fhee  might 
feem  to  bee  fo ;  and  this  fhee  affirmed  with  fuch  confidence 
as  bred  great  aftonifhment  in  many,  who  had  known  the 
contrary,  and  diverfe  alledged  her  own  fayings  and  reafon- 
ings,  both  before  her  confinement  and  fince,  which  did 
manifeft  to  all  that  were  prefen t,  that  fhee  knew  that  fhee 
fpake  untruth,  for  it  was  proved  that  fhee  had  alledged  that 
in  EJay  53.  By  his  knowledge  fhall  my  righteous  fervant 
juftifie  many;  which  fhee  had  maintained  to  bee  meant  of  a 
knowledge  in  Chrift,  and  not  in  us ;  fo  likewife  that  in 
Galatians'  I  live  by  the  faith  of  the  Son  of  God,  which 
fhee  faid  was  the  faith  of  Chrift,  and  not  any  faith  inherent 
in  us;  alfo,  that  fhee  had  maintained,  that  Chrift  is  our 
fandtification  in  the  fame  fort  that  hee  is  our  juftification, 
and  that  fhee  had  faid,  that  fhee  would  not  pray  for  grace, 
but  for  Chrift,  and  that  (when  fhe  had  been  preffed  with 
diverfe  Scriptures,  which  fpake  of  wafhing  and  creating  a 
new  heart,  and  writing  the  Law  in  the  heart,  &c.)  fhee  had 
denyed,  that  they  did  mean  any  fandtification  in  us :  There 

were 


1  •  • 

1  11.  20. 


227 


A  Short  Story . 

were  diverfe  women  alfo  with  whom  fhee  had  dealt  about 
the  fame  point,  who  (if  their  modefty  had  not  retrained 
them)  would  have  born  witneffe  againft  her  herein,  (as 
themfelves  after  confeffed)  wherefore  the  Elders  preffed  her 
very  earneftly  to  remember  her  felf,  and  not  to  hand  fo  obfti- 
nately  to  maintain  fo  manifeft  an  untruth,  but  fhee  was  deafe 
of  that  eare,  and  would  not  acknowledge  that  fhee  had  been 
at  any  time  of  that  judgement,  howfoever  her  expreffions 
were  ;  Then  Mr.  Cotton  told  the  Alfembly,  that  whereas 
fhee  had  been  formerly  dealt  with  for  matter  of  doc-  [64] 
trine,  he  had  (according  to  the  duty  of  his  place  being 
the  teacher  of  that  Church)  proceeded  againft  unto  admo¬ 
nition,  but  now  the  cafe  being  altered,  and  fhe  being  in 
queftion  for  maintaining  of  untruth,  which  is  matter  of 
manners,  he  muft  leave  the  bufineffe  to  the  Paftor,  Mr. 
Wilfon  to  goe  on  with  her,  but  withall  declared  his  judge¬ 
ment  in  the  cafe  from  that  in  Revel.  22.  that  fuch  as  make 
and  maintaine  a  lye,  ought  to  be  caft  out  of  the  Church  ; 
and  whereas  two  or  three  pleaded  that  fhe  might  firft  have 
a  fecond  admonition,  according  to  that  in  Titus  3.  io.1  he 
anfwered  that  that  was  onely  for  fuch  as  erred  in  point  of 
dodlrine,  but  fuch  as  fhall  notorioufly  offend  in  matter  of 
converfation,  ought  to  be  prefently  caff  out,  as  he  proved 
by  Ananias  and  Saphira ,2  and  the  inceffuous  Corinthian  ;3 
(and  as  appeares  by  that  of  Sim\n  Magus 4)  and  for  her  owne 
part  though  f he  heard  this  moved  in  her  behalfe,  that  fhe 
might  have  a  further  refpite,  yet  fhe  her  felfe  never  defired 
it :  fo  the  Paftor  went  on,  and  propounding  it  to  the 

Church 

1  “A  man  that  is  an  heretick  after  3  j  Corinthians  v.  5. 
the  firft  and  fecond  admonition  rejedt.”  4  Ads  viii.  18-24. 

2  Ads  v.  1  - 1 1 . 


228  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 


Church,  to  know  whether  they  were  all  agreed,  that  fhe 
fhould  be  caft  out,  and  a  full  confent  appearing  (after  the 
ufuall  manner)  by  their  filence,  after  a  convenient  paufe  he 
proceeded,  and  denounced  the  fentence  of  excommunication 
againfl  her,  and  fhe  was  commanded  to  depart  out  of  the 
Affembly.1  In  her  going  forth,  one  ftanding  at  the  dore, 
faid,  The  Lord  fandtifie  this  unto  you,  to  whom  fhe  made 
anfwer,  The  Lord  judgeth  not  as  man  judgeth,  better  to  be 
caft  out  of  the  Church  then  to  deny  Chrift.2 


Thus  it  hath  pleafed  the  Lord  to  have  compaffion  of  his 
poore  Churches  here,  and  to  difcover  this  great  importer, 
an  inrtrument  of  Satan  fo  fitted  and  trained  to  his  fervice 
for  interrupting  the  paffage,  Kingdome  in  this  part  of  the 
world,  and  poyfoning  the  Churches  here  planted,  as  no  ftory 
records  the  like  of  a  woman,  fince  that  mentioned  in  the 
Revelation ;  it  would  make  a  large  volume  to  lay  downe  all 
paffages,  I  will  onely  obferve  fome  few,  which  were  obvious 
to  all  that  knew  her  courfe. 

{i.  Her  entrance. 

2.  Her  progreffe. 

3.  Her  downfall. 

1.  The  foundation  fhe  laid  was  (or  rather  feemed  to  be) 

Chrirt  and  Free-Grace. 

2.  Rule  fhe  pretended  to  walke  by,  was  onely  the  Scrip¬ 
ture. 


3.  The  light  to  difcerne  this  rule,  was  onely  the  holy 
Ghort. 


4.  The 


1  Vide  supra,  p.  189.  an  abftradt  of  the  foregoing,  contain- 

2  The  account  of  thefe  proceedings  ing  many  of  its  phrafes  and  forms  of 
given  by  Winthrop  in  his  Hi/lory  (Sav-  expreffion.  The  two  accounts  mani- 
age’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  pp.  *257-8)  is  feftly  emanated  from  the  fame  fource. 


A  Short  Story.  229 

4.  The  perfons  fhe  converfed  with  were  (for  the  moft; 
part)  Chriftians  in  Church  Covenant. 

5.  Her  ordinary  talke  was  about  the  things  of  the  King- 
dome  of  God. 

6.  Her  ufuall  converfation  was  in  the  way  of  righteouf- 
neffe  and  kindneffe. 

Thus  file  entred  and  made  up  the  firft  adt  of  her  courfe. 

In  her  progreffe  I  obferve, 

Firft,  her  fucceffe,  fhe  had  in  a  fliort  time  infmuated  her 
felfe  into  the  hearts  of  much  of  the  people  (yea  of 
many  of  the  moft  wife  and  godly)  who  grew  into  fo  [65] 
reverent  an  efteeme  of  her  godlineffe,  and  fpirituall 
gifts,  as  they  looked  at  her  as  a  Propheteffe,  raifed  up  of 
God  for  fome  great  worke  now  at  hand,  as  the  calling  of  the 
Jewes,  &c.  fo  as  fhe  had  more  refort  to  her  for  counfell  about 
matter  of  confcience,  and  clearing  up  mens  fpirituall  eftates, 
then  any  Minifter  (I  might  fay  all  the  Elders)  in  the 
Country. 

Secondly,  Pride  and  arraigning  of  her  fpirit. 

1.  In  framing  a  new  way  of  converfation  and  evidencing 
thereof,  carried  along  in  the  diftindtion  betweene  the  Cove¬ 
nant  of  workes,  which  fhe  would  have  no  otherwife  differ¬ 
enced,  but  by  an  immediate  Revelation  of  the  Spirit. 

2.  In  defpifing  all  (both  Elders  and  Chriftians)  who 
went  not  her  way,  and  laying  them  under  a  Covenant  of 
workes. 

3.  In  taking  upon  her  infallibly  to  know  the  election  of 
others,  fo  as  fhe  would  fay,  that  if  fhe  had  but  one  halfe 
houres  talke  with  a  man,  fhe  would  tell  whether  he  were 
eledt  or  not. 


4.  Her 


230  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

4.  Her  impatience  of  oppofition,  which  appeares  in  divers 
paffages  before. 

Thirdly,  Her  fkill  and  cunning  to  devife. 

1.  In  that  fhe  ftill  pretended  fhe  was  of  Mr.  Cottons 
judgement  in  all  things.1 

2.  In  covering  her  errors  by  doubtfull  expreffions. 

3.  In  fhadowing  the  true  end,  and  abufe  of  her  weekely 
meetings  under  the  name  of  repeating  Mr.  Cottons  Sermons.2 

4.  In  her  method  of  pradlife  to  bring  the  confcience 
under  a  falfe  terror,  by  working  that  an  argument  of  a 
Covenant  of  workes,  which  no  Chriftian  can  have  comfort 
without,  viz.  of  fandtification,  or  qualifications,  (as  fhe 
termed  it.) 

5.  In  her  confident  profeffion  of  her  owne  good  eftate,  and 

* 

the  clearnefle  and  comfort  of  it,  obtained  in  the  fame  way  of 
waiting  for  immediate  Revelation  which  fhe  held  out  to 
others. 

In  her  downefall  there  may  be  obferved  the  Lords  faith- 
fulneffe  in  honouring  and  j unifying  his  owne  Ordinances. 

1.  In  that  hee  made  her  to  cleare  the  juftice  of  the  Court, 
by  confeffmg  the  vanity  of  her  revelations,  &c.  and  her 
finne  in  defpifing  his  Minifters. 

2.  In  that  the  judgement  and  fentence  of  the  Church 
hath  concurred  with  that  of  the  Court  in  her  rejection,  fo 
that  file  is  caft  out  of  both  as  an  unworthy  member  of 
either. 

3.  The  Juftice  of  God  in  giving  her  up  to  thofe  delufions, 
and  to  that  impudency  in  venting  and  maintaining  them,  as 
fhould  bring  her  under  that  cenfure,  which  (not  long  before) 

fhe 


1  Infra ,  p.  35  r. 


2  Supra ,  p.  79. 


A  Short  Story. 


231 


fhe  had  endeavoured  and  expefted  to  have  brought  upon 
fome  other,  who  oppofed  her  proceedings.1 

4.  That  the  who  was  in  fuch  efteeme  in  the  Church  for 
foundneffe  of  Judgement  and  fincerity  of  heart  (but  a  few 
moneths  before)  fhould  now  come  under  admonition  for 
many  foule  and  fundamental!  errors,  and  after  be  cafl  out 
for  notorious  lying. 

5.  That  fhee  who  was  wont  to  bee  fo  confident  of  [66] 
her  fpirituall  good  eftate,  and  ready  (undefired)  to  hold 

it  forth  to  others  (being  prefTed  now  at  her  laft  appearance 
before  the  Church  to  give  lome  proofe  of  it)  fhould  bee 
wholly  filent  in  that  matter. 

6.  Whereas 


1  Referring  to  the  admonition  of 
Wilfon  by  the  Bofton  church,  fupra, 
p.  203. 

The  expreffions  here  ufed  fix  within 
narrow  limits  the  time  when,  and  the 
place  where,  this  portion  of  the  Short 
Story  was  prepared.  The  excommuni¬ 
cation  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  took  place 
on  the  22d  of  March,  and  on  the  28th 
fhe  left  Bofton,  going  by  water  to  Mt. 
Wollafton,  the  preliminary  ftage  to  her 
further  journey  by  land  to  Rhode  Ifland. 
Winthrop  in  his  Hijtory  fays:  “After 
fhe  was  excommunicated,  her  fpirits, 
which  feemed  before  to  be  fomewhat 
dejedled,  revived  again,  and  fhe  gloried 
in  her  fufferings,  faying,  that  it  was  the 
greateft  happinefs,  next  to  Chrift,  that 
ever  befel  her.  Indeed,  it  was  a  happy 
day  to  the  churches  of  Chrift  here,  and 
to  many  poor  fouls,  who  had  been  fe- 
duced  by  her,  who,  by  what  they  heard 
and  faw  that  day,  were  (through  the 
grace  of  God)  brought  off  quite  from 
her  errors,  and  fettled  again  in  the 
truth”  (Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  p. 


*258).  The  one  account  is  almoft  a 
paraphrafe  of  the  other;  but  the  expref¬ 
fions  in  the  text  that  “  fhee  is  not  affedled 
by  remorfe,  but  glories  in  it,  and  feares 
not  the  vengeance  of  God,  which  fhe 
lyes  under,”  indicate  that  the  Short 
Story  was  written  firft,  and  immediately 
after  the  excommunication.  No  men¬ 
tion  is  made  in  it  of  the  departure  from 
Bofton  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  nor  of  any 
occurrences  fubfequent  to  the  excom¬ 
munication.  In  the  Hijtory ,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  paft  tenfe  is  ufed 
throughout,  and  in  the  fame  entry  the 
fubfequent  events  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s 
banifhment  are  narrated.  The  inference 
is  ftrong  that  both  accounts  were  pre¬ 
pared  by  the  fame  hand ;  but  while 
that  in  the  Short  Story  was  written  at 
once  and  hurried  off  to  England  in 
fome  veffel  then  about  to  fail,  that  in 
the  Hijtory  was  fet  down  fubfequently 
and  more  at  leifure.  This  alfo  would 
account  for  the  greater  warmth  of  ex- 
preffion  in  the  Short  Story ,  —  a  thing 
not  charafteriftic  of  Winthrop. 


232  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

6.  Whereas  upon  the  fentence  of  the  Court  againft  her, 
fliee  boafted  highly  of  her  fufferings  for  Chrift,  &c.  it  was 
noted  by  one  of  the  Elders  (who  bare  witneffe  againft  her 
errors)  that  the  fpirit  of  glory  promifed  in  Pet }  to  thofe  who 
fuffer  for  well-doing,  did  not  come  upon  her,  but  a  fpirit  of 
delufion,  and  damnable  error,  which  as  it  had  poffeffed  her 
before,  fo  it  became  more  effedtuall  and  evident  by  her 
fufferings. 

7.  Here  is  to  bee  feen  the  prefence  of  God  in  his  Ordi¬ 
nances,  when  they  are  faithfully  attended  according  to  his 
holy  will,  although  not  free  from  human  infirmities:  This 
American  Jefabel  kept  her  flrength  and  reputation,  even 
among  the  people  of  God,  till  the  hand  of  Civill  Juftice  laid 
hold  on  her,  and  then  fliee  began  evidently  to  decline,  and 
the  faithfull  to  bee  freed  from  her  forgeries ;  and  now  in  this 
lafl  a6t,  when  fliee  might  have  expeCted  (as  mofl  likely  fliee 
did)  by  her  feeming  repentance  of  her  errors,  and  confeffing 
her  undervaluing  of  the  Ordinances  of  Magiffracy  and  Min- 
iftracy,  to  have  redeemed  her  reputation  in  point  of  fincerity, 
and  yet  have  made  good  all  her  former  work,  and  kept  open 
a  back  doore  to  have  returned  to  her  vomit  again,  by  her 
paraphrafticall  retractions,  and  denying  any  change  in  her 
judgement,  yet  fuch  was  the  prefence  and  bl effing  of  God  in 
his  own  Ordinance,  that  this  fubtilty  of  Satan  was  difcovered 
to  her  utter  fliame  and  confufion,  and  to  the  fetting  at  liberty 
of  many  godly  hearts,  that  had  been  captivated  by  her  to 
that  day;  and  that  Church  which  by  her  means  was  brought 
under  much  infamy,  and  neere  to  diffolution,  was  hereby 
fweetly  repaired,  and  a  hopefull  way  of  eftablifliment,  and 

her 


1  1  Peter  iii.  17 ;  iv.  14. 


233 


A  Short  Story. 

her  diffembled  repentance  cleerly  detected,  God  giving  her 
up  fince  the  fentence  of  excommunication,  to  that  hardneffe 
of  heart,  as  fhee  is  not  affected  with  any  remorfe,  but  glories 
in  it,  and  feares  not  the  vengeance  of  God,  which  the  lyes 
under,  as  if  God  did  work  contrary  to  his  own  word,  and 
loofed  from  heaven,  while  his  Church  had  bound  upon 
earth. 


FINIS. 


30 


Appendix  to  the  Hiftory  of  the  Province  of 

Maffachufets-Bay,  by  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Governor  of  the  Province. 

f 

Number  II.1 


November  1637. 

rT^HE  Examination  of  Mrs .  Ann  Hutchinfon  at  the  court 
at  Newtown. 

Mr.  Wint hr op,  governor.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  you  are  called 
here  as  one  of  thofe  that  have  troubled  the  peace  of  the 
commonwealth  and  the  churches  here  ;  you  are  known  to 


be  a  woman  that  hath  had  a 

1  The  following  report  of  the  exam¬ 
ination  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  at  her  trial 
in  Cambridge  before  the  General  Court 
in  November,  1637,  differs  in  many  ef- 
fential  refpedts  from  the  report  included 
in  the  Short  Story.  Referring  to  it  in 
the  body  of  his  Hiftory  (Vol.  I.  p.  70), 
Governor  Hutchinfon  fays:  “An  an¬ 
cient  manufcript  of  the  trial  at  large, 
having  been  preferved,  difcovers  noth¬ 
ing  in  her  [Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s]  conduct 
but  what  might  naturally  be  expedted 
from  a  high  degree  of  enthufiafm.”  By 
whom  this  report  was  made,  or  how  it 
came  into  the  poffeffion  of  Governor 
Hutchinfon,  nowhere  appears.  It  was 
evidently  one  of  many  manufcripts  ufed 


great  fhare  in  the  promoting 

and 

by  him  in  the  preparation  of  his  Hiftory, 
memoranda  in  regard  to  which  are  to  be 
found  in  the  preface  to  the  Prince  Soci¬ 
ety  edition  of  the  Hutchinfon  Papers 
(Vol.  I.  pp.  iii-x),  and  in  Dr.  Charles 
Deane’s  Hutchinfon  Bibliography ,  in 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Maffachufetts 
Hiflorical  Society  for  February,  1857. 
This  paper,  flightly  altered  and  amended, 
was  fubfequently  publifhed  in  the  Hif 
torical  Magazine  for  April,  1857,  and 
then  reprinted  by  the  author  for  private 
diftribution.  “  The  examination  ”  fills 
thirty-nine  printed  pages  (pp.  481-520) 
in  the  fecond  volume  of  Hutchinfon’s 
Hiftory. 


236  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

and  divulging  of  thofe  opinions  that  are  caufes  of  this 
trouble,  and  to  be  nearly  joined  not  only  in  affinity  and 
affedlion  with  fome  of  thofe  the  court  had  taken  notice  of 
and  paffed  cenfure  upon,  but  you  have  fpoken  divers  things 
as  we  have  been  informed  very  prejudicial  to  the  honour  of 
the  churches  and  minifters  thereof,  and  you  have  maintained 
a  meeting  and  an  affembly  in  your  houfe  that  hath  been 
condemned  by  the  general  affembly  as  a  thing  not  tolerable 
nor  comely  in  the  fight  of  God  nor  fitting  for  your  fex,  and 
notwithflanding  that  was  cried  down  you  have  continued 
the  fame,  therefore  we  have  thought  good  to  fend  for  you 
to  underftand  how  things  are,  that  if  you  be  in  an  erroneous 
way  we  may  reduce  you  that  fo  you  may  become  a  profitable 
member  here  among  us,  otherwife  if  you  be  obftinate  in 
your  courfe  that  then  the  court  may  take  such  courfe  that 
you  may  trouble  us  no  further,  therefore  I  would  intreat 
you  to  exprefs  whether  you  do  not  affent  and  hold  in  prac¬ 
tice  to  thofe  opinions  and  factions  that  have  been  handled 
in  court  already,  that  is  to  fay,  whether  you  do  not  juftify 
Mr.  Wheelwright’s  fermon  and  the  petition. 

Mrs .  Hutchinfon .  I  am  called  here  to  anfwer  before  yo.u 
but  I  hear  no  things  laid  to  my  charge. 

Gov .  I  have  told  you  fome  already  and  more  I  can  tell 
you.  {Mrs.  H.)  Name  one  Sir. 

Gov.  Have  I  not  named  fome  already  ? 

Mrs.  H.  What  have  I  faid  or  done  ? 

Gov .  Why  for  your  doings,  this  you  did  harbour  and 
countenance  thofe  that  are  parties  in  this  faction  that  you 
have  heard  of.  {Mrs.  H.)  That’s  matter  of  confcience,  Sir. 

Gov.  Your  confcience  you  mufl  keep  or  it  muff  be  kept 
for  you. 


Mrs. 


The  Examination.  237 

Mrs .  H ’.  Muft  not  I  then  entertain  the  faints  becaufe  I 
muft  keep  my  confcience. 

Gov .  Say  that  one  brother  fhould  commit  felony  or  trea- 
fon  and  come  to  his  brother’s  houfe,  if  he  knows  him  guilty 
and  conceals  him  he  is  guilty  of  the  fame.  It  is  his  con¬ 
fcience  to  entertain  him,  but  if  his  confcience  comes  into 
adt  in  giving  countenance  and  entertainment  to  him  that 
hath  broken  the  law  he  is  guilty  too.  So  if  you  do  counte¬ 
nance  thofe  that  are  tranfgreffors  of  the  law  you  are  in  th° 
fame  fadt. 

Mrs.  H.  What  law  do  they  tranfgrefs  ? 

Gov.  The  law  of  God  and  of  the  date. 

Mrs.  H.  In  what  particular  ? 

Gov .  Why  in  this  among  the  reft,  whereas  the  Lord  doth 
fay  honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

Mrs.  H.  Ey  Sir  in  the  Lord.  {Gov.)  This  honour  you 
have  broke  in  giving  countenance  to  them. 

Mrs.  H.  In  entertaining  thofe  did  I  entertain  them 
againft  any  adt  (for  there  is  the  thing),  or  what  God  hath 
appointed  ? 

Gov.  You  knew  that  Mr.  Wheelwright  did  preach  this 
fermon  and  thofe  that  countenance  him  in  this  do  break 
a  law. 

Mrs .  H  What  law  have  I  broken  ? 

Gov.  Why  the  fifth  commandment. 

Mrs.  H .  I  deny  that  for  he  faith  in  the  Lord. 

Gov.  You  have  joined  with  them  in  the  fadtion. 

Mrs.  H.  In  what  fadtion  have  I  joined  with  them? 

Gov.  In  prefenting  the  petition. 

Mrs.  H.  Suppose  I  had  fet  my  hand  to  the  petition  what 
then  ?  {Gov.)  You  faw  that  cafe  tried  before. 


Mrs. 


238  The  Antinomian  Controverjy. 

Mrs .  H.  But  I  had  not  my  hand  to  the  petition. 

Gov.  You  have  councelled  them.  (Mrs.  H.)  Wherein? 

Gov.  Why  in  entertaining  them. 

Mrs.  H.  What  breach  of  law  is  that  Sir  ? 

Gov.  Why  difhonouring  of  parents. 

Mrs.  H.  But  put  the  cafe  Sir  that  I  do  fear  the  Lord 
and  my  parents,  may  not  I  entertain  them  that  fear  the 
Lord  becaufe  my  parents  will  not  give  me  leave  ? 

Gov .  If  they  be  the  fathers  of  the  commonwealth,  and 
they  of  another  religion,  if  you  entertain  them  then  you 
difhonour  your  parents  and  are  juftly  punifhable. 

Mrs.  H.  If  I  entertain  them,  as  they  have  difhonoured 
their  parents  I  do. 

Gov.  No  but  you  by  countenancing  them  above  others 
put  honor  upon  them. 

Mrs.  H.  I  may  put  honor  upon  them  as  the  children  of 
God  and  as  they  do  honor  the  Lord. 

Gov.  We  do  not  mean  to  difcourfe  with  thofe  of  your 
fex  but  only  this ;  you  do  adhere  unto  them  and  do  en¬ 
deavor  to  fet  forward  this  faction  and  fo  you  do  difhonour 
us. 

Mrs .  H.  I  do  acknowledge  no  fuch  thing  neither  do  I 
think  that  I  ever  put  any  difhonour  upon  you. 

Gov.  Why  do  you  keep  fuch  a  meeting  at  your  houfe  as 
you  do  every  week  upon  a  fet  day? 

Mrs.  H.  It  is  lawful  for  me  fo  to  do,  as  it  is  all  your 
practices  and  can  you  find  a  warrant  for  yourfelf  and  con¬ 
demn  me  for  the  fame  thing  ?  The  ground  of  my  taking  it 
up  was,  when  I  firft  came  to  this  land  becaufe  I  did  not  go 
to  fuch  meetings  as  thofe  were,  it  was  prefently  reported 

that 


The  Examination.  239 

that  I  did  not  allow  of  fuch  meetings  but  held  them  unlaw¬ 
ful  and  therefore  in  that  regard  they  faid  I  was  proud  and 
did  defpife  all  ordinances,  upon  that  a  friend  came  unto  me 
and  told  me  of  it  and  I  to  prevent  fuch  afperfions  took  it 

up,  but  it  was  in  pradtice  before  I  came  therefore  I  was  not 
the  firft. 

Gov.  For  this,  that  you  appeal  to  our  practice  you  need 
no  confutation.  If  your  meeting  had  anfwered  to  the 
former  it  had  not  been  offenfive,  but  I  will  fay  that  there 
was  no  meeting  of  women  alone,  but  your  meeting  is  of 
another  fort  for  there  are  fometimes  men  among  you. 

Mrs.  H.  There  was  never  any  man  with  us. 

Gov.  Well,  admit  there  was  no  man  at  your  meeting  and 
that  you  was  forry  for  it,  there  is  no  warrant  for  your  do¬ 
ings,  and  by  what  warrant  do  you  continue  fuch  a  courfe? 

Mrs.  H.  I  conceive  there  lyes  a  clear  rule  in  Titus,  that 
the  elder  women  fhould  intlrucl  the  younger1  and  then  I 
muft  have  a  time  wherein  I  muft  do  it. 

Gov.  All  this  I  grant  you,  I  grant  you  a  time  for  it,  but 
what  is  this  to  the  purpofe  that  you  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  muft 

call  a  company  together  from  their  callings  to  come  to  be 
taught  of  you  ? 

#  Mts.  H.  Will  it  pleafe  you  to  anfwer  me  this  and  to 
give  me  a  rule  for  then  I  will  willingly  fubmit  to  any  truth. 
If  any  come  to  my  houfe  to  be  intruded  in  the  ways  of 
God  what  rule  have  I  to  put  them  away  ? 

G°v.  But  fuppofe  that  a  hundred  men  come  unto  you  to 
be  inftrudled  will  you  forbear  to  inftrudl  them  ? 

Mrs.  H.  As  far  as  I  conceive  I  crofs  a  rule  in  it. 

Gov. 


1  Titus  ii.  3-  5. 


240  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Gov .  Very  well  and  do  you  not  fo  here  ? 

Mrs .  H.  No  Sir  for  my  ground  is  they  are  men. 

Gov.  Men  and  women  all  is  one  for  that,  but  fuppofe 
that  a  man  fhould  come  and  fay  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  I  hear 
that  you  are  a  woman  that  God  hath  given  his  grace  unto 
and  you  have  knowledge  in  the  word  of  God  I  pray  inftruCt 
me  a  little,  ought  you  not  to  inftruft  this  man  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  think  I  may.  —  Do  you  think  it  not  lawful  for 
me  to  teach  women  and  why  do  you  call  me  to  teach  the 
court  ? 

Gov.  We  do  not  call  you  to  teach  the  court  but  to  lay 
open  yourfelf. 

Mrs.  H.  I  defire  you  that  you  would  then  fet  me  down  a 
rule  by  which  I  may  put  them  away  that  come  unto  me  and 
fo  have  peace  in  fo  doing. 

Gov.  You  muft  fhew  your  rule  to  receive  them. 

Mrs.  H.  I  have  done  it. 

Gov.  I  deny  it  becaufe  I  have  brought  more  arguments 
than  you  have. 

Mrs.  H.  I  fay,  to  me  it  is  a  rule. 

Mr.  Endicot.  You  fay  there  are  fome  rules  unto  you.  I 
think  there  is  a  contradiction  in  your  own  words.  What 
rule  for  your  practice  do  you  bring,  only  a  cuftom  in 
Bofton. 

Mrs.  H.  No  Sir  that  was  no  rule  to  me  but  if  you  look 
upon  the  rule  in  Titus  it  is  a  rule  to  me.  If  you  convince 
me  that  it  is  no  rule  I  fhall  yield. 

Gov.  You  know  that  there  is  no  rule  that  croffes  another, 
but  this  rule  croffes  that  in  the  Corinthians.1  But  you  muft 

take 


1  I  Corinthians  xiv.  34,  35. 


The  Examination. 


241 


take  it  in  this  fenfe  that  elder  women  muft  inftruCt  the 
younger  about  their  bufinefs,  and  to  love  their  hufbands  and 
not  to  make  them  to  clafh. 

Mrs.  H.  I  do  not  conceive  but  that  it  is  meant  for  fome 
publick  times. 

Gov .  Well,  have  you  no  more  to  fay  but  this  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  have  faid  fufficient  for  my  practice. 

Gov.  Your  courfe  is  not  to  be  fuffered  for,  befides  that 
we  find  fuch  a  courfe  as  this  to  be  greatly  prejudicial  to  the 
ftate,  befides  the  occafion  that  it  is  to  feduce  many  honeft 
perfons  that  are  called  to  thofe  meetings  and  your  opinions 
being  known  to  be  different  from  the  word  of  God  may 
feduce  many  fimple  fouls  that  refort  unto  you,  befides  that 
the  occafion  which  hath  come  of  late  hath  come  from  none 
but  fuch  as  have  frequented  your  meetings,  fo  that  now  they 
are  flown  off  from  magiftrates  and  minifters  and  this  fince 
they  have  come  to  you,  and  befides  that  it  will  not  well 
ftand  with  the  commonwealth  that  families  fhould  be  neg¬ 
lected  for  fo  many  neighbours  and  dames  and  fo  much  time 
fpent,  we  fee  no  rule  of  God  for  this,  we  fee  not  that  any 
fhould  have  authority  to  fet  up  any  other  exercifes  befides 
what  authority  hath  already  fet  up  and  fo  what  hurt  comes 
of  this  you  will  be  guilty  of  and  we  for  fuffering  you. 

‘  Mrs.  H.  Sir  I  do  not  believe  that  to  be  fo. 

Gov.  Well,  we  fee  how  it  is  we  muft  therefore  put  it 
away  from  you,  or  reftrain  you  from  maintaining  this  courfe. 

Mrs.  H.  If  you  have  a  rule  for  it  from  God’s  word  you 
may. 

Gov.  We  are  your  judges,  and  not  you  ours  and  we  muft 
compel  you  to  it. 


31 


Mrs. 


242  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mrs.  H.  If  it  pleafe  you  by  authority  to  put  it  down  I 
will  freely  let  you  for  I  am  fubjedt  to  your  authority. 

Mr.  Bradjlreet?  I  would  afk  this  queftion  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  whether  you  do  think  this  is  lawful  ?  for  then 
this  will  follow  that  all  other  women  that  do  not  are  in 
a  fin. 

Mrs.  H.  I  conceive  this  is  a  free  will  offering. 

Bradji .  If  it  be  a  free  will  offering  you  ought  to  forbear 
it  becaufe  it  gives  offence. 

Mrs.  H.  Sir,  in  regard  of  myfelf  I  could,  but  for  others  I 
do  not  yet  fee  light  but  fliall  further  confider  of  it. 

Bradji.  I  am  not  againft  all  women’s  meetings  but  do 
think  them  to  be  lawful. 

Mr.  Dudley ,  dep.  gov?  Here  hath  been  much  fpoken  con¬ 
cerning  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s  meetings  and  among  other  an- 
fwers  file  faith  that  men  come  not  there,  I  would  afk  you 
this  one  queftion  then,  whether  never  any  man  was  at  your 
meeting  ? 

Gov.  There  are  two  meetings  kept  at  their  houfe. 

Dep.  Gov.  How ;  is  there  two  meetings  ? 

Mrs.  H.  Ey  Sir,  I  fliall  not  equivocate,  there  is  a  meet¬ 
ing  of  men  and  women  and  there  is  a  meeting  only  for 
women. 

Dep.  gov.  Are  they  both  conftant  ? 

Mrs.  H.  No,  but  upon  occafions  they  are  deferred. 

Mr. 

1  One  of  the  afiiftants.  —  H.  Gov-  2  Governor  Thomas  Dudley  was 
ernor  Simon  Bradftreet  was  born  in  born  in  England  in  1576,  came  to 
England  in  1603,  came  to  America  in  America  in  1630,  and  died  in  Roxbury, 
1630,  and  died  at  Salem,  March  27,  July  31,  1653.  Full  notices  of  him  alfo 
1697.  Full  notices  of  him  will  be  found  will  be  found  in  the  encyclopedias  and 
in  the  encyclopedias  and  the  hifiories  the  hiftories  of  Mafiachufetts. 
of  Mafiachufetts. 


The  Examination. 


243 

Mr.  Endicot }  Who  teaches  in  the  men’s  meetings  none 
but  men,  do  not  women  fometimes  ? 

Mrs.  H.  Never  as  I  heard,  not  one. 

Dep.  gov.  I  would  go  a  little  higher  with  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
fon.  About  three  years  ago  we  were  all  in  peace.  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  from  that  time  the  came  hath  made  a  difturb- 
ance,  and  fome  that  came  over  with  her  in  the  fhip  did 
inform  me  what  the  was  as  foon  as  the  was  landed.  I  being 
then  in  place  dealt  with  the  paftor  and  teacher  of  Bofton 
and  defired  them  to  enquire  of  her,  and  then  I  was  fatisfied 
that  flie  held  nothing  different  from  us,  but  within  half  a 
year  after,  the  had  vented  divers  of  her  ftrange  opinions 
and  had  made  parties  in  the  country,  and  at  length  it  comes 
that  Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr.  Vane  were  of  her  judgment,  but 
Mr.  Cotton  hath  cleared  himfelf  that  he  was  not  of  that 
mind,  but  now  it  appears  by  this  woman’s  meeting  that 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  hath  fo  foreftalled  the  minds  of  many  by 
their  refort  to  her  meeting  that  now  fhe  hath  a  potent  party 
in  the  country.  Now  if  all  thefe  things  have  endangered 
us  as  from  that  foundation  and  if  (he  in  particular  hath 
difparaged  all  our  minifters  in  the  land  that  they  have 
preached  a  covenant  of  works,  and  only  Mr.  Cotton  a  cove¬ 
nant  of  grace,  why  this  is  not  to  be  buffered,  and  therefore 
being  driven  to  the  foundation  and  it  being  found  that  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  is  fhe  that  hath  depraved  all  the  minifters  and 
hath  been  the  caufe  of  what  is  fallen  out,  why  we  muffc  take 
away  the  foundation  and  the  building  will  fall. 

Mrs. 

1  One  of  the  afliftants. —  H.  Gov-  Full  notices  of  Governor  Endicott,  as 
ernor  John  Endicott  was  born  in  Eng-  of  Governors  Bradftreet  and  Dudley, 
land  in  1588,  arrived  in  Salem  in  1628,  will  be  found  in  the  encyclopedias, 
and  died  in  Bofton  March  15,  1665. 


244  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Mrs .  H.  I  pray  Sir  prove  it  that  I  faid  they  preached 
nothing  but  a  covenant  of  works. 

O 

Dep .  Gov.  Nothing  but  a  covenant  of  works,  why  a  Jefuit 
may  preach  truth  fometimes. 

Mrs.  H.  Did  I  ever  fay  they  preached  a  covenant  of 
works  then  ? 

Dep .  Gov.  If  they  do  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace 
clearly,  then  they  preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H.  No  Sir,  one  may  preach  a  covenant  of  grace 
more  clearly  than  another,  fo  I  faid. 

D.  Gov.  We  are  not  upon  that  now  but  upon  pofition. 

Mrs.  H.  Prove  this  then  Sir  that  you  fay  I  faid. 

D.  Gov.  When  they  do  preach  a  covenant  of  works  do 
they  preach  truth  ? 

Mrs.  H.  Yes  Sir,  but  when  they  preach  a  covenant  of 
works  for  falvation,  that  is  not  truth. 

D.  Gov.  I  do  but  aik  you  this,  when  the  minifters  do 
preach  a  covenant  of  works  do  they  preach  a  way  of 
falvation  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  did  not  come  hither  to  anfwer  to  queftions  of 
that  fort. 

D.  Gov.  Becaufe  you  will  deny  the  thing. 

Mrs.  H.  Ey,  but  that  is  to  be  proved  firft. 

D.  Gov.  I  will  make  it  plain  that  you  did  fay  that  the 
minifters  did  preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H.  1  deny  that. 

D.  Gov .  And  that  you  faid  they  were  not  able  minifters 
of  the  new  teftament,  but  Mr.  Cotton  only. 

Mrs.  H.  If  ever  I  fpake  that  I  proved  it  by  God’s  word. 

Court.  Very  well,  very  well. 


Mrs. 


The  Exa  in  in  a  tio  n . 


245 


Mrs .  H.  If  one  fhall  come  unto  me  in  private,  and  defire 
me  serioufly  to  tell  them  what  I  thought  of  fuch  an  one.  I 
muff  either  fpeak  falfe  or  true  in  my  anfwer. 

D .  Gov.  Likewife  I  will  prove  this  that  you  faid  the  gofpel 
in  the  letter  and  words  holds  forth  nothing  but  a  covenant 
of  works  and  that  all  that  do  not  hold  as  you  do  are  in  a 
covenant  of  works. 

Mrs.  H.  I  deny  this  for  if  I  fhould  fo  fay  I  fhould  fpeak 
againft  my  own  judgment. 

Mr.  Endicot .  I  defire  to  fpeak  feeing  Mrs.  Hutch infon 
feems  to  lay  fomething  againft  them  that  are  to  witnefs 
againft  her. 

Gover.  Only  I  would  add  this.  It  is  well  difcerned  to 
the  court  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  can  tell  when  to  fpeak 
and  when  to  hold  her  tongue.  Upon  the  anfwering  of  a 
queftion  which  we  defire  her  to  tell  her  thoughts  of  fhe 
defires  to  be  pardoned. 

Mrs.  H.  It  is  one  thing  for  me  to  come  before  a  public 
magiftracy  and  there  to  speak  what  they  would  have  me  to 
fpeak  and  another  when  a  man  comes  to  me  in  a  way  of 
friendfhip  privately  there  is  difference  in  that. 

Gov.  What  if  the  matter  be  all  one. 

Mr.  Hugh  Peters }  That  which  concerns  us  to  fpeak  unto 
as  yet  we  are  fparing  in  unlefs  the  court  command  us  to 
fpeak,  then  we  fhall  anfwer  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  notwith- 
ftanding  our  brethren  are  very  unwilling  to  anfwer. 

Govern.  This  fpeech  was  not  fpoken  in  a  corner  but  in  a 

public 

1  Minifter  of  Salem,  afterwards  fa-  returning  to  England  in  1641,  was  exe- 
mous  in  England.  —  H.  The  Rev.  cuted  in  London  October  16,  1660.  See 
Hugh  Peter  was  born  in  England  in  the  encyclopedias  and  various  biogra- 
1599,  came  to  America  in  1635,  and,  phies. 


246  The  Antinoiman  Controver/y. 

public  affembly,  and  though  things  were  fpoken  in  private 
yet  now  coming  to  us,  we  are  to  deal  with  them  as  public. 

Mr .  Peters.  We  fhall  give  you  a  fair  account  of  what  was 
faid  and  defire  that  we  may  not  be  thought  to  come  as 
informers  againft  the  gentlewoman,  but  as  it  may  be  fervice- 
able  for  the  country  and  our  pofterity  to  give  you  a  brief 
account.  This  gentlewoman  went  under  fufpicion  not  only 
from  her  landing,  that  fhe  was  a  woman  not  only  difficult  in 
her  opinions,  but  alfo  of  an  intemperate  fpirit.  What  was 
done  at  her  landing  I  do  not  well  remember,  but  affoon 
as  Mr.  Vane  and  ourfelves  came  this  controverfy  began 
yet  it  did  reflect  upon  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  and  fome  of  our 
brethren  had  dealt  with  her  and  it  fo  fell  out  that  fome  of 
our  miniftry  doth  fuffer  as  if  it  were  not  according  to  the 
gofpel  and  as  if  we  taught  a  covenant  of  works  inftead  of  a 
covenant  of  grace.  Upon  thefe  and  the  like  we  did  addrefs 
ourfelves  to  the  teacher  of  that  church,  and  the  court  then 
affembled  being  fenfible  of  thefe  things,  and  this  gentle¬ 
woman  being  as  we  underftood  a  chief  agent,  our  defire  to 
the  teacher  was  to  tell  us  wherein  the  difference  lay  between 
him  and  us,  for  the  fpring  did  then  arife  as  we  did  con¬ 
ceive  from  this  gentlewoman,  and  fo  we  told  him.  He  faid 
that  he  thought  it  not  according  to  God  to  commend  this 
to  the  maffiftrates  but  to  take  fome  other  courfe,  and  fo 
going  on  in  the  difcourfe  we  thought  it  good  to  fend  for 
this  gentlewoman,  and  fhe  willingly  came,  and  at  the  very 
firft  we  gave  her  notice  that  fuch  reports  there  were  that 
fhe  did  conceive  our  miniftry  to  be  different  from  the  min¬ 
iftry  of  the  gofpel,  and  that  we  taught  a  covenant  of  works, 
&c.  and  this  was  her  table  talk,  and  therefore  we  defired 

her 


The  Examination. 


247 


her  to  clear  herfelf  and  deal  plainly.  She  was  very  tender 
at  the  firft.  Some  of  our  brethren  did  defire  to  put  this 
upon  proof,  and  then  her  words  upon  that  were  The  fear 
of  man  is  a  fnare  why  fhould  I  be  afraid.  Thefe  were 
her  words.  I  did  then  take  upon  me  to  afk  her  this  quef- 
tion.  What  difference  do  you  conceive  to  be  between  your 
teacher  and  us?  She  did  not  requeft  us  that  we  fhould 
preferve  her  from  danger  or  that  we  fhould  be  filent.  Briefly, 
fhe  told  me  there  was  a  wide  and  a  broad  difference  between 
our  brother  Mr.  Cotton  and  our  felves.  I  defired  to  know 
the  difference.  She  anfwered  that  he  preaches  the  cove¬ 
nant  of  grace  and  you  the  covenant  of  works  and  that  you 
are  not  able  minifters  of  the  new  teftament  and  know  no 
more  than  the  apoflles  did  before  the  refurredtion  of  Chriffc. 
I  did  then  put  it  to  her,  What  do  you  conceive  of  fuch  a 
brother  ?  She  anfwered  he  had  not  the  feal  of  the  fpirit. 
And  other  things  we  afked  her  but  generally  the  frame  of 
her  courfe  was  this,  that  fhe  did  conceive  that  we  were  not 
able  minifters  of  the  gofpel.  And  that  day  being  paft  our 
brother  Cotton  was  forry  that  fhe  fhould  lay  us  under  a 
covenant  of  works,  and  could  have  wiflied  fhe  had  not  done 
fo.  The  elders  being  there  prefent  we  did  charge  them 
with  her,  and  the  teacher  of  the  place  faid  they  would  fpeak 
further  with  her,  and  after  fome  time  fhe  anfwered  that  we 
were  gone  as  far  as  the  apoflles  were  before  Ch rift’s  afcen- 
fion.  And  fince  that  we  have  gone  with  tears  fome  of  us 
to  her. 

Mrs.  H.  If  our  paftor  would  fhew  his  writings  you  fhould 
fee  what  I  faid,  and  that  many  things  are  not  fo  as  is 
reported. 


Mr. 


248  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mr.  Wilfon}  Sifter  Hutchinfon,  for  the  writings  you 
fpeak  of  I  have  them  not,  and  this  I  muft  fay  I  did  not 
write  down  all  that  was  faid  and  did  pass  betwixt  one  and 
another,  yet  I  fay  what  is  written  I  will  avouch. 

Dep.  Gov.  I  defire  that  the  other  elders  will  fay  what  Mr. 
Peters  hath  faid. 

Mr.  Weld?  Being  defired  by  the  honored  court,  that 
which  our  brother  Peters  had  fpoken  was  the  truth  and 
things  were  fpoken  as  he  hath  related  and  the  occafion  of 
calling  this  fitter  and  the  paffages  that  were  there  among 
us.  And  myfelf  afking  why  fhe  did  caft  fuch  afperfions 
upon  the  minifters  of  the  country  though  we  were  poor 
finful  men  and  for  ourfelves  we  cared  not  but  for  the 
precious  dodtrine  we  held  forth  we  could  not  but  grieve  to 
hear  that  fo  blafphemed.  She  at  that  time  was  fparing  in 
her  fpeech.  I  need  not  repeat  the  things  they  have  been 
truly  related.  She  faid  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  and 
therefore  I  will  fpeak  freely  and  fhe  fpake  her  judgment 
and  mind  freely  as  was  before  related,  that  Mr.  Cotton  did 
preach  a  covenant  of  grace  and  we  a  covenant  of  works. 
And  this  I  remember  fhe  faid  we  could  not  preach  a  cove¬ 
nant  of  grace  because  we  were  not  fealed,  and  we  were  not 
able  minifters  of  the  new  teftament  no  more  than  were  the 
difciples  before  the  refurredtion  of  Chrift. 

Mr.  Phillips?  For  my  own  part  I  have  had  little  to  do 

in 

1  Paftor  or  one  of  the  minifters  of  1630,  and  died  in  Watertown  July  1, 

Bofton.  —  H.  1644.  There  is  a  biography  of  him  in 

2  Minifter  of  Roxbury.  He  wrote  the  Magnalia  (B.  III.  P.  II.  chap,  iv.), 

the  hiftory  of  antinomianifm.  —  H.  and  full  genealogical  details  in  Savage 

3  Minifter  of  Watertown.  —  H.  The  ( Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New  Eng - 
Rev.  George  Phillips  was  born  in  Eng-  land ,  Vol.  III.  p.  409),  and  alfo  in 
land  in  1593,  came  to  Maftachufetts  in  Bond’s  Hijlory  of  Watertown. 


The  Examination. 


249 


in  thefe  things  only  at  that  time  I  was  there  and  yet  not 
being  privy  to  the  ground  of  that  which  our  brother  Peters 
had  mentioned  but  they  procuring  me  to  go  along  with 
them  telling  me  that  they  were  to  deal  with  her ;  at  firfb 
the  was  unwilling  to  anfwer  but  at  length  fhe  faid  there 
was  a  great  deal  of  difference  between  Mr.  Cotton  and  we. 
Upon  this  Mr.  Cotton  did  fay  that  he  could  have  wifhed 
that  die  had  not  put  that  in.  Being  afked  of  particulars 
fhe  did  indance  in  Mr.  Shepherd  that  he  did  not  preach  a 
covenant  of  grace  clearly,  and  fhe  indanced  our  brother 
Weld.  Then  I  afked  her  of  myfelf  (being  die  fpake  rafhly 
of  them  all)  becaufe  die  never  heard  me  at  all.  She  likewife 
faid  that  we  were  not  able  miniders  of  the  new  tedament 
and  her  reafon  was  becaufe  we  were  not  fealed. 

Mr .  Simmes }  For  my  own  part  being  called  to  fpeak  in 
this  cafe  to  difcharge  the  relation  wherein  I  dand  to  the 
commonwealth  and  that  which  I  dand  in  unto  God,  I  fhall 
fpeak  briedy.  For  my  acquaintance  with  this  perfon  I  had 
none  in  our  native  country,  only  I  had  occadon  to  be  in  her 
company  once  or  twice  before  I  came,  where  I  did  per¬ 
ceive  that  die  did  dight  the  miniders  of  the  wwd  of  God. 
But  I  came  along  with  her  in  the  diip,  and  it  fo  fell  out  that 
we  were  in  the  great  cabin  together  and  therein  did  agree 
with  the  labours  of  Mr.  Lothrop  and  myfelf,  only  there  was 
a  fecret  oppodtion  to  things  delivered.  The  main  thing 

that 

1  Minifter  of  Charleftown. —  H.  The  Further  information  in  regard  to  him 
Rev.  Zachariah  Symmes  was  born  in  and  his  miniftry  in  Charleftown  is  to  be 
England  in  1599,  came  to  America  in  found  in  Frothingham’s  Charleftown 
1634,  and  died  in  Charleftown  February  (chap,  x.)  and  in  Vinton’s  Symmes  Me- 
4,  1671.  There  is  a  notice  of  him  in  morial  (pp.  2-17). 
the  Magnalia  (B.  III.  P.  II.  chap,  xxi.) 

32 


250  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

that  was  then  in  hand  was  about  the  evidencing  of  a  good 
eftate,  and  among  the  reft  about  that  place  in  John  concern¬ 
ing  the  love  of  the  brethren.  That  which  I  took  notice  of 
was  the  corruptnefs  and  narrownefs  of  her  opinions,  which 
I  doubt  not  but  I  may  call  them  fo,  but  the  faid,  when  fhe 
came  to  Bofton  there  would  be  fomething  more  feen  than 
I  faid,  for  fuch  fpeeches  were  caft  about  and  abufed  as  that 
of  our  faviour,  I  have  many  things  to  fay  but  you  cannot 
bear  them  now.  And  being  come  and  fhe  defiring  to  be 
admitted  as  a  member,  I  was  defired  to  be  there,  and  then 
Mr.  Cotton  did  give  me  full  fatisfadfion  in  the  things  then 
in  queftion.  And  for  things  which  have  been  here  fpoken, 
as  far  as  I  can  remember  they  are  the  truth,  and  when  I 
afked  her  what  fhe  thought  of  me,  fhe  faid  alas  you  know 
my  mind  long  ago  ;  yet  I  do  not  think  myfelf  difparaged 
by  her  teftimony  and  I  would  not  trouble  the  court,  only 
this  one  thing  I  fhall  put  in,  that  Mr.  Dudley  and  Mr. 
Haines  were  not  wanting  in  the  caufe  after  I  had  given 
notice  of  her. 

Mr.  Wilfon .  I  defire  you  would  give  me  leave  to  fpeak 
this  word  becaufe  of  what  has  been  faid  concerning  her 
entrance  into  the  church.  There  was  fome  difficulty  made, 
but  in  her  anfwers  fhe  gave  full  fatisfaftion  to  our  teacher 
and  myfelf,  and  for  point  of  evidencing  j unification  by  fanc- 
tification  fhe  did  not  deny,  but  only  j unification  mun  be  firn. 
Our  teacher  told  her  then  that  if  Hie  was  of  that  mind  fhe 
would  take  away  the  fcruple ;  for  we  thought  that  matter, 
for  point  of  order  we  did  not  greatly  dand  upon,  becaufe 
we  hoped  fhe  would  hold  with  us  in  that  truth  as  well  as 
the  other. 


Mr. 


The  Examination. 


251 


Mr.  Shephard }  I  am  loth  to  fpeak  in  this  affembly  con¬ 
cerning  this  gentlewoman  in  queftion,  but  I  can  do  no  lefs 
than  fpeak  what  my  confcience  fpeaks  unto  me.  For  per- 
fonal  reproaches  I  take  it  a  man’s  wifdom  to  conceal.  Con¬ 
cerning  the  reproaches  of  the  miniftry  of  our’s  there  hath 
been  many  in  the  country,  and  this  hath  been  my  thoughts 
of  that.  Let  men  lpeak  what  they  will  not  only  againft 
perfons  but  againfl  miniftry,  let  that  pafs ;  but  let  us  ftrive 
to  fpeak  to  the  confciences  of  men,  knowing  that  if  we  had 
the  truth  with  us  we  fhall  not  need  to  approve  our  words  by 
our  practice  and  our  miniftry  to  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
and  they  fhould  fpeak  for  us  and  therefore  I  have  fatisfied 
myfelf  and  the  brethren  with  that.  Now  for  that  which 
concerns  this  gentlewoman  at  this  time  I  do  not  well 
remember  every  particular,  only  this  I  do  remember  that 
the  end  of  our  meeting  was  to  fatisfy  ourfelves  in  fome 
points.  Among  the  reft  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  was  defired  to 
fpeak  her  thoughts  concerning  the  miniffcers  of  the  Bay. 
Now  I  remember  that  fhe  faid  that  we  were  not  able  minif- 
ters  of  the  new  teftament.  I  followed  her  with  particulars, 
file  inftanced  myfelf  as  being  at  the  ledture  and  hearing 
me  preach  when  as  I  gave  fome  means  whereby  a  chriftian 
might  come  to  the  affurance  of  God’s  love.  She  inftanced 
that  I  was  not  fealed.  I  faid  why  did  fhe  fay  fo.  She 
faid  becaufe  you  put  love  for  an  evidence.  Now  I  am  fure 

fhe 

1  Mi nifter  of  Cambridge. —  H.  The  publifhed  in  three  volumes  in  1853. 
Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  was  born  in  There  is  a  literary  eftimate  of  him  in 
England  in  1605,  came  to  America  in  Tyler’s  Hijlory  of  American  Literature 
1635,  and  died  in  Cambridge  in  1649.  (Vol.  I.  pp.  204-210);  and  fee  alfo 
His  autobiography  was  printed  in  1832,  McKenzie’s  Fi?‘Jt  Church  in  Cam- 
and  his  colle6ted  works,  together  with  bi'idge. 
a  memoir  by  Rev.  Horatio  Alger,  were 


252  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

flie  was  in  an  error  in  this  fpeech  for  if  affurance  be  an 
holy  eftate  then  I  am  fure  there  are  not  graces  wanting  to 
evidence  it. 

Mr.  Eliot }  I  am  loth  to  fpend  time  therefore  I  fliall 
confent  to  what  hath  been  faid.  Our  brethren  did  intreat 
us  to  write  and  a  few  things  I  did  write  the  fubftance  of 
which  hath  been  here  fpoken  and  I  have  it  in  writing, 
therefore  I  do  avouch  it. 

Mr.  Shephard.  I  defire  to  fpeak  this  word,  it  may  be  but 
a  flip  of  her  tongue,  and  I  hope  fhe  will  be  forry  for  it,  and 
then  we  fhall  be  glad  of  it. 

Dep.  Gov.  I  called  thefe  witneffes  and  you  deny  them. 
You  fee  they  have  proved  this  and  you  deny  this,  but  it  is 
clear.  You  faid  they  preached  a  covenant  of  works  and 
that  they  were  not  able  minifters  of  the  new  teftament ;  now 
there  are  two  other  things  that  you  did  affirm  which  were 
that  the  fcriptures  in  the  letter  of  them  held  forth  nothing 
but  a  covenant  of  works  and  likewife  that  thofe  that  were 
under  a  covenant  of  works  cannot  be  faved. 

Mrs.  H.  Prove  that  I  faid  fo.  (Gov.)  Did  you  fay  fo  ? 

Mrs.  H.  No  Sir  it  is  your  conclufion. 

D.  Gov.  What  do  I  do  charging  of  you  if  you  deny  what 
is  fo  fully  proved. 

Gov.  Here  are  fix  undeniable  minifters  who  fay  it  is  true 
and  yet  you  deny  that  you  did  fay  that  they  did  preach  a 
covenant  of  works  and  that  they  were  not  able  minifters  of 

the 

1  Minifter  of  Roxbury.  —  H.  The  to  be  found  in  the  encyclopedias,  and 
Rev.  John  Eliot  was  born  in  England  in  Rev.  Convers  Francis’s  Life  in 
in  1604,  came  to  America  in  1631,  and  Sparks’s  American  Biography,  Firft 
died  in  Roxbury  May  21,  1690.  Full  Series,  Vol.  V. 
accounts  of  “the  Indian  Apoltle  ”  are 


The  Examination. 


253 


the  gofpel,  and  it  appears  plainly  that  you  have  fpoken  it, 
and  whereas  you  fay  that  it  was  drawn  from  you  in  a  way 
of  friendfhip,  you  did  profefs  then  that  it  was  out  of  con- 
fcience  that  you  fpake  and  faid  The  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare 
wherefore  fhall  I  be  afraid,  I  will  fpeak  plainly  and  freely. 

Mrs .  H.  That  I  abfolutely  deny,  for  the  firft  queftion 
was  thus  anfwered  by  me  to  them.  They  thought  that  I 
did  conceive  there  was  a  difference  between  them  and  Mr. 
Cotton.  At  the  firft  I  was  fomewhat  referved,  then  faid 
Mr.  Peters  I  pray  anfwer  the  queftion  diredtly  as  fully  and 
as  plainly  as  you  defire  we  fhould  tell  you  our  minds.  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  we  come  for  plain  dealing  and  telling  you  our 
hearts.  Then  I  faid  I  would  deal  as  plainly  as  I  could, 
and  whereas  they  fay  I  faid  they  were  under  a  covenant 
of  works  and  in  the  ftate  of  the  apoftles  why  thefe  two 
fpeeches  crofs  one  another.  I  might  fay  they  might  preach 
a  covenant  of  works  as  did  the  apoftles,  but  to  preach  a 
covenant  of  works  and  to  be  under  a  covenant  of  works  is 
another  buftnefs. 

Dep.  Gov .  There  have  been  fix  witneffes  to  prove  this 
and  yet  you  deny  it. 

Mrs .  H.  I  deny  that  thefe  were  the  firft  words  that  were 
fpoken. 

Gov.  You  make  the  cafe  worfe,  for  you  clearly  fhew  that 
the  ground  of  your  opening  your  mind  was  not  to  fatisfy 
them  but  to  fatisfy  your  own  confcience. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  do  not  defire  to  be  fo  narrow  to  the  court 
and  the  gentlewoman  about  times  and  feafons,  whether  firft 
or  after,  but  faid  it  was. 

Dep.  Gov.  For  that  other  thing  I  mentioned  for  the  letter 

of 


254  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

of  the  fcripture  that  it  held  forth  nothing  but  a  covenant  of 
works,  and  for  the  latter  that  we  are  in  a  ftate  of  damnation, 
being  under  a  covenant  of  works,  or  to  that  effedt,  thefe  two 
things  you  alfo  deny.  Now  the  cafe  Hands  thus.  About 
three  quarters  of  a  year  ago  I  heard  of  it,  and  fpeaking  of  it 
there  came  one  to  me  who  is  not  here,  but  will  affirm  it  if 
need  be,  as  he  did  to  me  that  he  did  hear  you  fay  in  fo 
many  words.  He  fet  it  down  under  his  hand  and  I  can 
bring  it  forth  when  the  court  pleafes.  His  name  is  fub- 
fcribed  to  both  thefe  things,  and  upon  my  peril  be  it  if  I 
bring  you  not  in  the  paper  and  bring  the  minifter  (meaning 
Mr.  Ward1)  to  be  depofed. 

Gov .  What  fay  you  to  this,  though  nothing  be  diredlly 
proved,  yet  you  hear  it  may  be. 

Mrs.  H.  I  acknowledge  ufing  the  words  of  the  apoftle  to 
the  Corinthians  unto  him,  that  they  that  were  minifters  of 
the  letter  and  not  the  fpirit  did  preach  a  covenant  of  works. 
Upon  his  faying  there  was  no  fuch  fcripture,  then  I  fetched 
the  Bible  and  fhewed  him  this  place  2  Cor.  iii.  6.  He  faid 
that  was  the  letter  of  the  law.  No  faid  I  it  is  the  letter  of 
the  gofpel. 

Gov.  You  have  fpoken  this  more  than  once  then. 

Mrs.  H.  Then  upon  further  difcourfe  about  proving  a 
good  eflate  and  holding  it  out  by  the  manifeftation  of  the 
fpirit  he  did  acknowledge  that  to  be  the  neareft  way,  but 
yet  faid  he,  will  you  not  acknowledge  that  which  we  hold 

forth 

1  The  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward,  born  General  Court  in  1641,  and  was  the 
in  England  between  the  years  1 578  and  author  of  the  famous  treatife  called  The 
1580,  came  to  America  in  1634,  and,  Simple  Cobler  of  'Agawam  in  America, 
returning  to  England  in  1646,  died  there  printed  in  England  in  1647.  Full 
in  1652.  He  compiled  the  MalTachu-  accounts  of  him  are  contained  in  the 
fetts  Body  of  Liberties,  adopted  by  the  biographical  cyclopedias. 


The  Examination. 


255 

forth  to  be  a  way  too  wherein  we  may  have  hope ;  no  truly 
if  that  be  a  way  it  is  a  way  to  hell. 

Gov .  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  the  court  you  fee  hath  laboured 
to  bring  you  to  acknowledge  the  error  of  your  way  that  fo 
you  might  be  reduced,  the  time  now  grows  late,  we  fhall 
therefore  give  you  a  little  more  time  to  confider  of  it  and 
therefore  defire  that  you  attend  the  court  again  in  the 
morning. 


The  next  morning . 

Gov .  We  proceeded  the  laft  night  as  far  as  we  could  in 
hearing  of  this  caufe  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon.  There  were 
divers  things  laid  to  her  charge,  her  ordinary  meetings 
about  religious  exercifes,  her  fpeeches  in  derogation  of  the 
minifters  among  us,  and  the  weakning  of  the  hands  and 
hearts  of  the  people  towards  them.  Here  was  fufficient 
proof  made  of  that  which  fhe  was  accufed  of  in  that  point 
concerning  the  minifters  and  their  miniftry,  as  that  they  did 
preach  a  covenant  of  works  when  others  did  preach  a  cove¬ 
nant  of  grace,  and  that  they  were  not  able  minifters  of  the 
new  teftament,  and  that  they  had  not  the  feal  of  the  fpirit, 
and  this  was  fpoken  not  as  was  pretended  out  of  private 
conference,  but  out  of  confcience  and  warrant  from  fcripture 
alledged  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare  and  feeing  God  had  given 
her  a  calling  to  it  fhe  would  freely  fpeak.  Some  other 
fpeeches  fhe  ufed,  as  that  the  letter  of  the  fcripture  held 
forth  a  covenant  of  works,  and  this  is  offered  to  be  proved 
by  probable  grounds.  If  there  be  anything  elfe  that  the 
court  hath  to  fay  they  may  fpeak. 

Mrs .  H.  The  minifters  come  in  their  own  caufe.  Now 

the 


256  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

the  Lord  hath  faid  that  an  oath  is  the  end  of  all  controverfy ; 
though  there  be  a  fufficient  number  of  witneffes  yet  they 
are  not  according  to  the  word,  therefore  I  defire  they  may 
fpeak  upon  oath. 

Gov.  Well,  it  is  in  the  liberty  of  the  court  whether  they 
will  have  an  oath  or  no  and  it  is  not  in  this  cafe  as  in  cafe 
of  a  jury.  If  they  be  fatisfied  they  have  fufficient  matter 
to  proceed. 

Mrs.  H.  I  have  fmce  I  went  home  perufed  fome  notes 
out  of  what  Mr.  Wilfon  did  then  write  and  I  find  things 
not  to  be  as  hath  been  alledged. 

Gov.  Where  are  the  writings? 

Mrs.  H.  I  have  them  not,  it  may  be  Mr.  Wilfon  hath. 

Gov.  What  are  the  inftrudlions  that  you  can  give,  Mr. 
Wilfon  ? 

Mr.  Wilfon.  I  do  fay  that  Mr.  Vane  defired  me  to  write 
the  difcourfe  out  and  whether  it  be  in  his  own  hands  or  in 
fome  body’s  elfe  I  know  not.  For  my  own  copy  it  is  fome- 
what  imperfect,  but  I  could  make  it  perfect  with  a  little 
pains. 

Gov.  For  that  which  you  alledge  as  an  exception  againft 
the  elders  it  is  vain  and  untrue,  for  they  are  no  profecutors 
in  this  caufe  but  are  called  to  witnefs  in  the  caufe. 

Mrs.  H.  But  they  are  witneffes  of  their  own  caufe. 

Gov.  It  is  not  their  caufe  but  the  caufe  of  the  whole 
country  and  they  were  unwilling  that  it  fhould  come  forth, 
but  that  it  was  the  glory  and  honour  of  God. 

Mrs.  H.  But  it  being  the  Lord’s  ordinance  that  an  oath 
fhould  be  the  end  of  all  ftrife,  therefore  they  are  to  deliver 
what  they  do  upon  oath. 


Mr. 


The  Examination. 


25  7 


Mr.  Bradfireet.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  thefe  are  but  circum- 
ftances  and  adjuncts  to  the  caufe,  admit  they  fhould  miftake 
you  in  your  fpeeches  you  would  make  them  to  fin  if  you 
urge  them  to  fwear. 

O 

Mrs.  H.  That  is  not  the  thing.  If  they  accufe  me  I 
defire  it  may  be  upon  oath. 

Gov.  If  the  court  be  not  fatisfied  they  may  have  an 
oath. 

Mr.  Nowel}  I  fhould  think  it  convenient  that  the  country 
alfo  fhould  be  fatisfied  becaufe  that  I  do  hear  it  affirmed, 
that  things  which  were  fpoken  in  private  are  carried  abroad 
to  the  publick  and  thereupon  they  do  undervalue  the  minif- 
ters  of  congregations. 

Mr.  Brown?  I  defire  to  fpeak.  If  I  miftake  not  an  oath 
is  of  a  high  nature,  and  it  is  not  to  be  taken  but  in  a  contro- 
verfy,  and  for  my  part  I  am  afraid  of  an  oath  and  fear 
that  we  fhall  take  God’s  name  in  vain,  for  we  may  take  the 
witnefs  of  thefe  men  without  an  oath. 

Mr.  Endicot.  I  think  the  minifters  are  fo  well  known 
unto  us,  that  we  need  not  take  an  oath  of  them,  but  indeed 
an  oath  is  the  end  of  all  ftrife. 

Mrs.  H.  There  are  fome  that  will  take  their  oaths  to  the 
contrary. 

Mr.  Endicot.  Then  it  fhall  go  under  the  name  of  a  con- 

troverfy,  therefore  we  defire  to  fee  the  notes  and  thofe  alfo 

that  will  fwear.  ^ 

Gov. 

1  An  affiftant  —  H.  Increafe  Now-  deputy,  and  fecretary  of  the  colony, 
ell,  of  Charleftown.  Elected  an  affiftant  There  is  a  detailed  notice  of  him  in 
of  the  Company  in  England,  in  1629,  he  Frothingham’s  Charlejlown  (pp.  134, 
came  to  America  with  Winthrop  in  1 630,  1 35). 

was  one  of  the  founders  of  Charleftown,  2  A  deputy  for  Watertown,  and  a 
and  fubfequently  ferved  as  magiftrate,  ruling  elder  there.  —  H. 

33 


258  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Gov.  Let  thofe  that  are  not  fatisfied  in  the  court  fpeak. 

Many  fay.  —  We  are  not  fatisfied. 

Gov .  I  would  fpeak  this  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon.  If  the 
minifiers  fhall  take  an  oath  will  you  fit  down  fatisfied  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  can’t  be  notwithftanding  oaths  fatisfied  againft 
my  own  confcience. 

Mr.  Stoughton }  I  am  fully  fatisfied  with  this  that  the 
minifiers  do  fpeak  the  truth  but  now  in  regard  of  cenfure. 
I  dare  not  hold  up  my  hand  to  that,  becaufe  it  is  a  courfe  of 
juftice,  and  I  cannot  fatisfy  myfelf  to  proceed  fo  far  in  a  way 
of  juftice,  and  therefore  I  fhould  defire  an  oath  in  this  as  in 
all  other  things.  I  do  but  fpeak  to  prevent  offence  if  I 
fhould  not  hold  up  my  hand  at  the  cenfure  unlefs  there  be 
an  oath  given. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  are  ready  to  fwear  if  we  fee  a  way  of 
God  in  it. 

Here  was  a  parley  between  the  deputy  governor  and  Mr. 
Stoughton  about  the  oath. 

Mr.  Endicot.  If  they  will  not  be  fatisfied  with  a  tefti- 
mony  an  oath  will  be  in  vain. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  I  am  perfuaded  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  and 
many  other  godly-minded  people  will  be  fatisfied  without  an 
oath. 

Mrs.  H.  An  oath  Sir  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife  and  it  is 
God’s  ordinance. 

Mr.  Endicot.  A  fign  it  is  what  refpedt  fhe  hath  to  their 
words,  and  further,  pray  fee  your  argument,  you  will  have 
the  words  that  were  written  and  yet  Mr.  Wilfon  faith  he 
writ  not  all,  and  now  you  will  not  believe  all  thofe  godly 
minifiers  without  an  oath. 


1  An  affiftant.  —  H. 


The  Examination. 


259 


Mrs .  H '.  Mr.  Wilfon  did  affirm  that  which  he  gave  in  to 
the  governor  that  then  was  to  be  true.  ( fome  reply )  But 
not  all  the  truth. 

Mr.  Wilfon .  I  did  fay  fo  far  as  I  did  take  them  they  were 
true. 

Mr.  Harlakenden}  I  would  have  the  fpedlators  take  no¬ 
tice  that  the  court  doth  not  fufpedl  the  evidence  that  is 
given  in,  though  we  fee  that  whatever  evidence  is  brought 
in  will  not  fatisfy,  for  they  are  refolved  upon  the  thing  and 
therefore  I  think  you  will  not  be  unwilling  to  give  your 
oaths. 

Gov.  I  fee  no  neceffity  of  an  oath  in  this  thing  feeing  it 
is  true  and  the  fubftance  of  the  matter  confirmed  by  divers, 
yet  that  all  may  be  fatisfied,  if  the  elders  will  take  an  oath 
they  fhall  have  it  given  them. 

Dep .  Gov .  Let  us  join  the  things  together  that  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  may  fee  what  they  have  their  oaths  for. 

Mrs.  H.  I  will  prove  by  what  Mr.  Wilfon  hath  written 
that  they  never  heard  me  fay  fuch  a  thing. 

Mr.  Sims.  We  defire  to  have  the  paper  and  have  it  read. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.  I  am  perfuaded  that  is  the  truth  that 
the  elders  do  fay  and  therefore  I  do  not  fee  it  neceffary 
how  to  call  them  to  oath. 

Gov.  We  cannot  charge  any  thing  of  untruth  upon  them. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.  Befides,  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  doth  fay  that 
they  are  not  able  miniffers  of  the  new  teflament. 

Mrs.  H.  They  need  not  fwear  to  that. 

Dep.  Gov.  Will  you  confefs  it  then. 


Mrs.  H.  I  will  not  deny  it  or  fay  it. 


Dep. 


1  An  affiftant.  —  H.  Roger  Harla-  count  is  given  in  Paige’s  Cambridge 
kenden,  of  Cambridge,  of  whom  an  ac-  (p.  574). 


260  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Dep .  Gov.  You  muft  do  one. 

Mrs.  H.  After  that  they  have  taken  an  oath,  I  will  make 
good  what  I  fay. 

Gov .  Let  us  date  the  cafe  and  then  we  may  know  what 
to  do.  That  which  is  laid  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s  charge  is 
this,  that  flie  hath  traduced  the  magiftrates  and  minifters  of 
this  jurifdiction,  that  fhe  hath  faid  the  minifters  preached  a 
covenant  of  works  and  Mr.  Cotton  a  covenant  of  grace,  and 
that  they  were  not  able  minifters  of  the  gofpel,  and  fhe 
excufes  it  that  fhe  made  it  a  private  conference  and  with  a 
promife  of  fecrecy,  &c.  now  this  is  charged  upon  her,  and 
they  therefore  fent  for  her  feeing  fhe  made  it  her  table  talk, 
and  then  fhe  faid  the  fear  of  man  was  a  fnare  and  therefore 
fhe  would  not  be  affeared  of  them. 

Mrs.  H.  This  that  yourfelf  hath  fpoken,  I  defire  that 
they  may  take  their  oaths  upon. 

Gov.  That  that  we  fhould  put  the  reverend  elders  unto  is 
this  that  they  would  deliver  upon  oath  that  which  they  can 
remember  themfelves. 

Mr.  Shepard.  I  know  no  reafon  of  the  oath  but  the  im¬ 
portunity  of  this  gentlewoman. 

Mr.  Endicot .  You  lifted  up  your  eyes  as  if  you  took  God 
to  witnefs  that  you  came  to  entrap  none  and  yet  you  will 
have  them  fwear. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.  Put  any  paffage  unto  them  and  fee 
what  they  fay. 

Mrs.  H.  They  fay  I  faid  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  why 
fhould  I  be  afraid.  When  I  came  unto  them,  they  urging 
many  things  unto  me  and  I  being  backward  to  anfwer  at 
firft,  at  length  this  fcripture  came  into  my  mind  29th  Prov. 

15- 


The  Examination.  261 

15.  The  fear  of  man  bringeth  a  fnare,  but  whofo  putteth  his 
truft  in  the  Lord  fhall  be  fafe. 

Mr.  Harlakenden .  This  is  not  an  effential  thing. 

Gov.  I  remember  his  teftimony  was  this. 

Mrs.  H.  Ey,  that  was  the  thing  that  I  do  deny  for  they 
were  my  words  and  they  were  not  fpoken  at  the  firft  as  they 
do  alledge. 

Mr.  Peters.  We  cannot  tell  what  was  firft  or  laft,  we 
fuppofe  that  an  oath  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife  and  we  are  ten¬ 
der  of  it,  yet  this  is  the  main  thing  againft  her  that  fhe 
charged  us  to  be  unable  minifters  of  the  gofpel  and  to 
preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Gover.  You  do  underftand  the  thing,  that  the  court  is 
clear  for  we  are  all  fatisfied  that  it  is  truth  but  becaufe  we 
would  take  away  all  fcruples,  we  defire  that  you  would  fat- 
isfy  the  fpedlators  by  your  oath. 

Mr .  Bijhop}  I  defire  to  know  before  they  be  put  to  oath 
whether  their  teftimony  be  of  validity. 

Dep.  Gov.  What  do  you  mean  to  trouble  the  court  with 
fuch  queftions.  Mark  what  a  flourifh  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  puts 
upon  the  bufinefs,  that  fhe  had  witneffes  to  difprove  what 
was  faid  and  here  is  no  man  to  bear  witnefs. 

Mrs.  H.  If  you  will  not  call  them  in  that  is  nothing 
to  me. 

Mr.  Eliot.  We  defire  to  know  of  her  and  her  witneffes 
what  they  deny  and  then  we  fhall  fpeak  upon  oath.  I  know 
nothing  we  have  fpoken  of  but  we  may  fwear  to. 

Mr.  Sims.  Ey,  and  more  than  we  have  fpoken  to. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  I  would  gladly  that  an  oath  fhould  be 

given 


1  One  of  the  deputies  or  reprefentatives.  —  H. 


262  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

given  that  fo  the  perfon  to  be  condemned  fhould  be  fatisfied 
in  her  confcience,  and  I  would  fay  the  fame  for  my  own 
confcience  if  I  fhould  join  in  the  cenfure  \Two  or  three  lines 
in  the  MS.  are  defaced  and  not  legible\. 

Mr.  Coggefhall}  I  defire  to  fpeak  a  word — It  is  defired 
that  the  elders  would  confer  with  Mr.  Cotton  before  they 
fwear. 

Govern .  Shall  we  not  believe  fo  many  godly  elders  in  a 
caufe  wherein  we  know  the  mind  of  the  party  without  their 
teftimony  ? 

Mr.  Endicot  to  Mr.  Coggefhall.  I  will  tell  you  what  I  fay. 
I  think  that  this  carriage  of  yours  tends  to  further  calling 
dirt  upon  the  face  of  the  judges. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.  Her  carriage  doth  the  fame  for  fhe 
doth  not  objedl  any  effential  thing,  but  fhe  goes  upon  cir- 
cumftances  and  yet  would  have  them  fworn. 

Mrs.  H.  This  I  would  fay  unto  them.  Forafmuch  as  it 
was  affirmed  by  the  deputy  that  he  would  bring  proof  of 
thefe  things,  and  the  elders  they  bring  proof  in  their  own 
caufe,  therefore  I  defire  that  particular  witneffes  be  for  thefe 
things  that  they  do  fpeak. 

Gov.  The  elders  do  know  what  an  oath  is  and  as  it  is 
an  ordinance  of  God  fo  it  fhould  be  ufed. 

Mrs.  H.  That  is  the  thing  I  defire  and  becaufe  the 
deputy  fpake  of  witneffes  I  have  them  here  prefent. 

Mr.  Colborn?  We  defire  that  our  teacher  mav  be  called 

to 


1  One  of  the  deputies  for  Bofton.  —  H.  church-member  and  deacon,  and  ferved 

2  A  deputy  for  Bofton  and  a  ruling  as  deputy  and  feledtman.  Though  he 
elder  in  the  church.  —  H.  William  fympathized  with  Wheelwright,  he  was 
Colburn,  of  Bofton,  came  to  America  not  disfranchifed,  and  died  in  Bofton  in 
with  Winthrop,  was  prominent  as  a  1662.  Vide  p.  140. 


The  Examination.  263 

to  hear  what  is  faid.  —  Upon  this  Mr.  Cotton  came  and  fat 
down  by  Mrs.  Hutchinfon. 

Mr.  Endicot.  This  would  caft  fome  blame  upon  the  min- 
ifters.  —  Well,  but  whatfoever  he  will  or  can  fay  we  will 
believe  the  minifters. 

Mr.  Eliot.  )  We  defire  to  fee  light  why  we  fhould 

Mr.  Shepard. )  take  an  oath. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  Why  it  is  an  end  of  all  ftrife  and  I  think 
you  ought  to  fwear  and  put  an  end  to  the  matter. 

Mr.  Peters.  Our  oath  is  not  to  fatisfy  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
but  the  court. 

Mr.  Endicot.  The  affembly  will  be  fatisfied  by  it. 

Dep.  Gov .  If  the  country  will  not  be  fatisfied  you  muff 
fwear. 

Mr.  Shepard.  I  conceive  the  country  doth  not  require  it. 

Dep.  Gov.  Let  her  witneffes  be  called. 

Gov.  Who  be  they  ? 

Mfs.  Eh.  Mr.  Leveret  and  our  teacher  and  Mr.  Coggefhall. 

Gov.  Mr.  Coggefhall  was  not  prefent. 

Mr.  Coggejhall.  Yes  but  I  was,  only  I  defired  to  be  filent 
till  I  fhould  be  called. 

Gov.  Will  you  Mr.  Coggefhall  fay  that  fhe  did  not  fay  fo  ? 

Mr.  Coggejhall.  Yes  I  dare  fay  that  fhe  did  not  fay  all 
that  which  they  lay  againft  her. 

Mr.  Peters.  How  dare  you  look  into  the  court  to  fay  fuch 
a  word  ? 

Mr.  Coggejhall.  Mr.  Peters  takes  upon  him  to  forbid  me. 
I  fhall  be  filent. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  Ey,  but  fhe  intended  this  that  they  fay. 

Gov.  Well,  Mr.  Leveret,  what  were  the  words  ?  I  pray 
fpeak. 


Mr. 


264  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mr.  Leveret }  To  my  beft  remembrance  when  the  elders 
did  fend  for  her,  Mr.  Peters  did  with  much  vehemency  and 
intreaty  urge  her  to  tell  what  difference  there  was  between 
Mr.  Cotton  and  them,  and  upon  his  urging  of  her  flie  faid. 
The  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  but  they  that  truft  upon  the 
Lord  fhall  be  fafe.  And  being  afked  wherein  the  differ¬ 
ence  was,  fhe  anfwered  that  they  did  not  preach  a  covenant 
of  grace  fo  clearly  as  Mr.  Cotton  did,  and  fhe  gave  this 
reafon  of  it  becaufe  that  as  the  apoffles  were  for  a  time 
without  the  fpirit  fo  until  they  had  received  the  witnefs  of 
the  fpirit  they  could  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  fo 

Gov.  Don’t  you  remember  that  fhe  faid  they  were  not 
able  minifters  of  the  new  teffament? 

Mrs.  H.  Mr.  Weld  and  I  had  an  hour’s  difcourfe  at  the 
window  and  then  I  fpake  that,  if  I  fpake  it. 

Mr.  Weld.  Will  you  affirm  that  in  the  court?  Did  not  I 
fay  unto  you,  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  before  the  elders.  When 
I  produced  the  thing,  you  then  called  for  proof.  Was  not 
my  anfwer  to  you,  leave  it  there,  and  if  I  cannot  prove  it 
you  fhall  be  blamelefs? 

Mrs.  H.  This  I  remember  I  fpake  but  do  not  you  re¬ 
member  that  I  came  afterwards  to  the  window  when  you 
was  writing,  and  there  fpake  unto  you? 

Mr.  Weld.  No  truly.  {Mrs.  HI)  But  I  do  very  well. 

Gov .  Mr.  Cotton,  the  court  defires  that  you  declare  what 

you 

1  A  ruling  elder  in  Bofton  church.  —  Genealogical  Regijler  (Vol.  IV.  p.  121), 
H.  Thomas  Leverett  came  to  America  and  alfo  a  pedigree  (Vol.  XII.  p.  289). 
in  1633,  and  died  in  1650.  He  was  the  The  Leverett  Memorial  was  printed  in 
progenitor  of  a  diftinguifhed  family,  a  Bofton  in  1856. 
memoir  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the 


The  Examination.  265 

you  do  remember  of  the  conference  which  was  at  that  time 
and  is  now  in  queftion. 

Mr.  Cotton }  I  did  not  think  I  fhould  be  called  to  bear 
witnefs  in  this  caufe  and  therefore  did  not  labour  to  call  to 
remembrance  what  was  done ;  but  the  greateft  paffage  that 
took  impreffion  upon  me  was  to  this  purpofe.  The  elders 
fpake  that  they  had  heard  that  the  had  fpoken  fome  con¬ 
demning  words  of  their  miniftry,  and  among  other  things 
they  did  firft  pray  her  to  anfwer  wherein  fhe  thought  their 
miniftry  did  differ  from  mine  ;  how  the  comparifon  fprang 
I  am  ignorant,  but  forry  I  was  that  any  comparifon  fhould 
be  between  me  and  my  brethren  and  uncomfortable  it  was ; 
(lie  told  them  to  this  purpofe  that  they  did  not  hold  forth 
a  covenant  of  grace  as  I  did;  but  wherein  did  we  differ? 
why  file  faid  that  they  did  not  hold  forth  the  feal  of  the 
fpirit  as  he  doth.  Where  is  the  difference  there?  fay  they; 
why  faith  fhe  fpeaking  to  one  or  other  of  them,  I  know  not 
to  whom.  You  preach  of  the  feal  of  the  fpirit  upon  a  work 
and  he  upon  free  grace  without  a  work  or  without  refpect 
to  a  work,  he  preaches  the  feal  of  the  fpirit  upon  free  grace 
and  you  upon  a  work.  I  told  her  I  was  very  forry  that  fhe 
put  comparifons  between  my  miniftry  and  theirs,  for  fhe  had 
faid  more  than  I  could  myfelf,  and  rather  I  had  that  fhe 
had  put  us  in  fellowfhip  with  them  and  not  have  made  that 
difcrepancy.  She  faid,  fhe  found  the  difference.  Upon 
that  there  grew  fome  fpeeches  upon  the  thing  and  I  do 
remember  I  inftanced  to  them  the  flory  of  Thomas  Bilney 
in  the  book  of  martyrs 2  how  freely  the  fpirit  witneffed  unto 

him 

1  Teacher  of  Bofton  church.  —  H.  Fox’s  Atts  and  Monuments,  ed.  1632, 

2  The  ftory  of  Thomas  Bilney  is  in  Vol.  II.  pp.  258,  277,  278. 

34 


266  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

him  without  any  refpedt  unto  a  work  as  himfelf  profeffes. 
Now  upon  this  other  fpeeches  did  grow.  If  you  put  me  in 
mind  of  any  thing  I  fhall  fpeak  it,  but  this  was  the  fum  of 
the  difference,  nor  did  it  feem  to  be  fo  ill  taken  as  it  is 
and  our  brethren  did  fay  alfo  that  they  would  not  fo  eafily 
believe  reports  as  they  had  done  and  withal  mentioned  that 
they  would  fpeak  no  more  of  it,  fome  of  them  did ;  and 
afterwards  fome  of  them  did  fay  they  were  lefs  fatisfied  than 
before.  And  I  muft  fay  that  I  did  not  find  her  faying  they 
were  under  a  covenant  of  works,  nor  that  file  faid  they  did 
preach  a  covenant  of  works. 

Gov .  You  fay  you  do  not  remember,  but  can  you  fay  fhe 
did  not  fpeak  fo - Here  two  lines  again  defaced . 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  do  remember  that  fhe  looked  at  them  as 
the  apoftles  before  the  afcenfion. 

Mr.  Peters .  I  humbly  defire  to  remember  our  reverend 
teacher.  May  it  pleafe  you  to  remember  how  this  came  in. 
Whether  do  you  not  remember  that  fhe  faid  we  were  not 
fealed  with  the  fpirit  of  grace,  therefore  could  not  preach  a 
covenant  of  grace,  and  fhe  faid  further  you  may  do  it  in 
your  judgment  but  not  in  experience,  but  fhe  fpake  plump 
that  we  were  not  fealed. 

Mr.  Cotton.  You  do  put  me  in  remembrance  that  it  was 
afked  her  why  cannot  we  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  ? 
Why,  faith  fhe,  becaufe  you  can  preach  no  more  than  you 
know,  or  to  that  purpofe,  fhe  fpake.  Now  that  fhe  faid  you 
could  not  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  I  do  not  remember 
fuch  a  thing.  I  remember  well  that  fhe  faid  you  were  not 
fealed  with  the  feal  of  the  fpirit. 

Mr.  Peters.  There  was  a  double  feal  found  out  that  day 
which  never  was.  n/r 


The  Examination. 


267 


Mr.  Cotton .  I  know  very  well  that  the  took  the  feal  of 
the  fpirit  in  that  fenfe  for  the  full  aflurance  of  God’s  favour 
by  the  holy  ghoft,  and  now  that  place  in  the  Ephefians1 
doth  hold  out  that  feal. 

Mr.  Peters.  So  that  was  the  ground  of  our  difcourfe  con¬ 
cerning  the  great  feal  and  the  little  feal. 

Mr.  Cotton.  To  that  purpofe  I  remember  fomebody  fpeak- 
ing  of  the  difference  of  the  witnefs  of  the  fpirit  and  the  feal 
of  the  fpirit,  fome  to  put  a  diftindtion  called  it  the  broad 
feal  and  the  little  feal.  Our  brother  Wheelwright  anfwered 
if  you  will  have  it  fo  be  it  fo. 

Mrs.  H.  Mr.  Ward  faid  that. 

Some  three  or  four  of  the  minifters.  Mr.  Wheelwright 
faid  it. 

Mr.  Cotton.  No,  it  was  not  brother  Wheelwright’s  fpeech 
but  one  of  your  own  expreffions,  and  as  I  remember  it  was 
Mr.  Ward. 

Mr.  Peters . 

Mr.  Cotton.  Under  favour  I  do  not  remember  that. 

Mr.  Peters.  Therefore  her  anfwer  clears  it  in  your  judg¬ 
ment  but  not  in  your  experience. 

Mrs.  H.  My  name  is  precious  and  you  do  affirm  a  thing 
which  I  utterly  deny. 

D.  Gov.  You  fhould  have  brought  the  book  with  you. 

Mr.  Nowell.  The  witneffes  do  not  anfwer  that  which  you 
require. 

Gov.  I  do  not  fee  that  we  need  their  teflimony  any  fur¬ 
ther.  Mr.  Cotton  hath  exprefled  what  he  remembred,  and 
what  took  impreffion  upon  him,  and  fo  I  think  the  other 
elders  alfo  did  remember  that  which  took  impreffion  upon 

them‘  Mr. 


1  Ephefians  i.  13,  14. 


268  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mr .  Weld .  I  then  faid  to  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  when  it  was 
come  to  this  iffue,  why  did  you  let  us  go  thus  long  and 
never  tell  us  of  it  ?- 

Gov.  I  fhould  wonder  why  the  elders  fhould  move  the 
elders  of  our  congregation  to  have  dealt  with  her  if  they  faw 
not  fome  caufe. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Brother  Weld  and  brother  Shepard,  I  did 
not  then  clear  myfelf  unto  you  that  I  underflood  her  fpeech 
in  expreffing  herfelf  to  you  .that  you  did  hold  forth  fome 
matter  in  your  preaching,  that  was  not  pertinent  to  the  feal 
of  the  fpirit - Two  lines  defaced. 

Dep.  Gov.  They  affirm  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  did  fay  they 
were  not  able  minifters  of  the  new  teflament. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  do  not  remember  it. 

Mrs.  H.  If  you  pleafe  to  give  me  leave  I  fhall  give  you 
the  ground  of  what  I  know  to  be  true.  Being  much  troubled 
to  fee  the  falfenefs  of  the  conflitution  of  the  church  of 
England,  I  had  like  to  have  turned  feparatift;  whereupon  I 
kept  a  day  of  folemn  humiliation  and  pondering  of  the 
thing;  this  fcripture  was  brought  unto  me  —  he  that  denies 
Jefus  Chrift  to  be  come  in  the  flefh  is  antichrift — This  I 
confidered  of  and  in  confidering  found  that  the  papifts  did 
not  deny  him  to  be  come  in  the  flefh,  nor  we  did  not  deny 
him — who  then  wras  antichrift?  Was  the  Turk  antichrift 
only  ?  The  Lord  knows  that  I  could  not  open  fcripture ; 
he  muft  by  his  prophetical  office  open  it  unto  me.  So  after 
that  being  unfatisfied  in  the  thing,  the  Lord  was  pleafed  to 
bring  this  fcripture  out  of  the  Hebrews.  He  that  denies  the 
teflament  denies  the  teftator,  and  in  this  did  open  unto  me 
and  give  me  to  fee  that  thofe  which  did  not  teach  the  new 

covenant 


The  Rxamination. 


269 

covenant  had  the  fpirit  of  antfchrifl,  and  upon  this  he  did 
difcover  the  miniftry  unto  me  and  ever  fince.  I  blefs  the 
Lord,  he  hath  let  me  fee  which  was  the  clear  miniftry  and 
which  the  wrong.  Since  that  time  I  confefs  I  have  been 
more  choice  and  he  hath  left  me  to  diftinguifh  between  the 
voice  of  my  beloved  and  the  voice  of  Mofes,  the  voice  of 
John  Baptift  and  the  voice  of  antichrift,  for  all  thofe  voices 
are  fpoken  of  in  fcripture.  Now  if  you  do  condemn  me  for 
fpeaking  what  in  my  confcience  I  know  to  be  truth  I  muft 
commit  myfelf  unto  the  Lord. 

Mr.  Nowel.  How  do  you  know  that  that  was  the  fpirit? 

Mrs .  H.  How  did  Abraham  know  that  it  was  God  that 
bid  him  offer  his  fon,  being  a  breach  of  the  fixth  command¬ 
ment  ? 

Dep.  Gov.  By  an  immediate  voice. 

Mrs.  H.  So  to  me  by  an  immediate  revelation. 

Dep.  Gov.  How!  an  immediate  revelation. 

Mrs.  H.  By  the  voice  of  his  own  fpirit  to  my  foul.  I  will 
give  you  another  fcripture,  Jer.  46.  27,  28  —  out  of  which 
the  Lord  fhewed  me  what  he  would  do  for  me  and  the  reft 
of  his  fervants.  —  But  after  he  was  pleafed  to  reveal  himfelf 
to  me  I  did  prefently  like  Abraham  run  to  Hagar.  And 
after  that  he  did  let  me  fee  the  atheifm  of  my  own  heart,  for 
which  I  begged  of  the  Lord  that  it  might  not  remain  in  my 
heart,  and  being  thus,  he  did  fhew  me  this  (a  twelvemonth 
after)  which  I  told  you  of  before.  Ever  fince  that  time  I 
have  been  confident  of  what  he  hath  revealed  unto  me. 

Obliter-  )  another  place  out  of  Daniel  chap.  7.  and  he 

ated  )  and  for  us  all,  wherein  he  fhewed  me  the  fitting: 
of  the  judgment  and  the  handing  of  all  high  and  low  before 

the 


2  jo  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

the  Lord  and  how  thrones  and  kingdoms  were  caft  down 
before  him.  When  our  teacher  came  to  New-England  it 
was  a  great  trouble  unto  me,  my  brother  Wheelwright  being 
put  by  alfo.  I  was  then  much  troubled  concerning  the 
miniftry  under  which  I  lived,  and  then  that  place  in  the  30th 
of  Ifaiah  was  brought  to  my  mind.  Though  the  Lord  give 
thee  bread  of  adverfity  and  water  of  affliction  yet  fhall  not 
thy  teachers  be  removed  into  corners  any  more,  but  thine 
eyes  fhall  fee  thy  teachers.  The  Lord  giving  me  this 
promife  and  they  being  gone  there  was  none  then  left  that 
I  was  able  to  hear,  and  I  could  not  be  at  reft  but  I  muft 
come  hither.  Yet  that  place  of  Ifaiah  did  much  follow  me, 
though  the  Lord  give  thee  the  bread  of  adverfity  and  water 
of  affliction.  This  place  lying  I  fay  upon  me  then  this 
place  in  Daniel  was  brought  unto  me  and  did  fhew  me  that 
though  I  fhould  meet  with  affliction  yet  I  am  the  fame  God 
that  delivered  Daniel  out  of  the  lion’s  den,  I  will  alfo  deliver 

thee. - Therefore  I  defire  you  to  look  to  it,  for  you  fee 

this  fcripture  fulfilled  this  day  and  therefore  I  defire  you 
that  as  you  tender  the  Lord  and  the  church  and  common¬ 
wealth  to  confider  and  look  what  you  do.  You  have  power 
over  my  body  but  the  Lord  Jefus  hath  power  over  my  body 
and  foul,  and  affure  yourfelves  thus  much,  you  do  as  much 
as  in  you  lies  to  put  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift  from  you,  and  if 
you  go  on  in  this  courfe  you  begin  you  will  bring  a  curfe 
upon  you  and  your  pofierity,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Lord 
hath  fpoken  it. 

Dep .  Gov.  What  is  the  fcripture  fhe  brings? 

Mr.  Stoughton.  Behold  I  turn  away  from  yo 

Mrs.  H.  But  now  having  feen  him  which  is  invifible  I 
fear  not  what  man  can  do  unto  me.  ^ 

(  x/?7A 


The  Examination.  2  7 1 

Gov .  Daniel  was  delivered  by  miracle  do  you  think  to 
be  deliver’d  fo  too  ? 

Mrs.  H.  I  do  here  fpeak  it  before  the  court.  I  look  that 
the  Lord  fhould  deliver  me  by  his  providence. 

Mr.  Harlakenden .  I  may  read  fcripture  and  the  moft 
glorious  hypocrite  may  read  them  and  yet  go  down  to 
hell. 

Mrs .  H.  It  may  be  fo. 

Mr.  Bartholomew }  I  would  remember  one  word  to  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  among  many  others.  She  knowing  that  I  did 
know  her  opinions,  being  fhe  was  at  my  houfe  at  London, 
fhe  was  afraid  I  conceive  or  loth  to  impart  herfelf  unto  me, 
but  when  fhe  came  within  fight  of  Bofton  and  looking  upon 
the  meannefs  of  the  place,  I  conceive,  fhe  uttered  thefe 
words,  if  fhe  had  not  a  fure  word  that  England  fhould  be 
deftroyed  her  heart  would  fhake.  Now  it  feemed  to  me  at 
that  time  very  ftrange  that  fhe  fhould  fay  fo. 

Mrs.  H.  I  do  not  remember  that  I  looked  upon  the 
meannefs  of  the  place  nor  did  it  difcourage  me,  becaufe  I 
knew  the  bounds  of  my  habitation  were  determined,  &c. 

Mr.  Bartholomew.  I  fpeak  as  a  member  of  the  court.  I 
fear  that  her  revelations  will  deceive. 

Gov.  Have  you  heard  of  any  of  her  revelations  ? 

Mr.  Barthol.  For  my  own  part  I  am  forry  to  fee  her 
now  here  and  I  have  nothing  againft  her  but  what  I  faid 
was  to  difcover  what  manner  of  fpirit  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  is  of; 
only  I  remember  as  we  were  once  going  through  Paul’s 
church  yard  fhe  then  was  very  inquifitive  after  revelations 

and 

1  A  deputy,  I  fuppofe,  for  Salem.  —  in  regard  to  whom  fee  Savage’s  Genea- 
H.  William  Bartholomew,  of  Ipfwich,  logical  Dictionary ,  Vol.  I.  p.  129. 


272  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

and  faid  that  the  had  never  had  any  great  thing  done  about 
her  but  it  was  revealed  to  her  beforehand.  {Mrs.  H)  I  fay 
the  fame  thing  again. 

Mr .  Bartholomew .  And  alfo  that  fhe  faid  that  the  was 
come  to  New-England  but  for  Mr.  Cotton’s  fake.  As  for 
Mr.  Hooker  (as  I  remember)  fhe  faid  fhe  liked  not  his  fpirit, 
only  fhe  fpake  of  a  fermon  of  his  in  the  low  countries 
wherein  he  faid  thus  —  it  was  revealed  to  me  yefterday  that 
England  fhould  be  deftroyed.  She  took  notice  of  that 
paffage  and  it  was  very  acceptable  with  her. 

Mr.  Cotton.  One  thing  let  me  intreat  you  to  remember, 
Mr.  Bartholomew,  that  you  never  fpake  any  thing  to  me. 

Mr.  Barth.  No  Sir,  I  never  fpake  of  it  to  you  and  there¬ 
fore  I  defire  to  clear  Mr.  Cotton. 

Gov.  There  needs  no  more  of  that. 

Mr.  Barth.  Only  I  remember  her  eldeft  daughter  faid  in 
the  fhip  that  fhe  had  a  revelation  that  a  young  man  in  the 
fhip  fhould  be  faved,  but  he  muff  walk  in  the  wrays  of  her 
mother. 

Mr.  Sims.  I  could  fay  fomething  to  that  purpofe,  for  fhe 
faid  —  then  what  would  you  fay  if  we  fhould  be  at  New- 
England  within  thefe  three  weeks,  and  I  reproved  her 
vehemently  for  it. 

Mr.  Eliot.  That  fpeech  of  Mr.  Hooker’s  which  they  al¬ 
ledge  is  againft  his  mind  and  judgment.1 

Mr.  Sims.  I  would  intreat  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  to  remember, 
that  the  humble  he  will  teach  —  I  have  fpoken  before  of  it 
and  therefore  I  will  leave  the  place  with  her  and  do  defire 

her 

1  Mr.  Eliot  was  miftaken.  The  Mr.  Hooker  avowed  it  afterwards  at 
pafTage  from  his  fermon  is  in  print,  and  Hartford  (Afagn.,  B.  III.  p.  62). —  H. 


The  Examination. 


273 

her  to  confider  of  many  expreffions  that  fhe  hath  lpoken  to 
her  hufband,  but  I  will  not  enlarge  myfelf. 

Mr .  Endicot.  I  would  have  a  word  or  two  with  leave  of 
that  which  hath  thus  far  been  revealed  to  the  court.  I  have 
heard  of  many  revelations  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon’s,  but  they 
were  reports,  but  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  I  fee  doth  maintain 
fome  by  this  difcourfe,  and  I  think  it  is  a  fpecial  providence 
of  God  to  hear  what  fhe  hath  faid.  Now  there  is  a  revela¬ 
tion  you  fee  which  fhe  doth  expedt  as  a  miracle.  She  faith 
fhe  now  fuffers  and  let  us  do  what  we  will  fhe  fhall  be 
delivered  by  a  miracle.  I  hope  the  court  takes  notice  of  the 
vanity  of  it  and  heat  of  her  fpirit.  Now  becaufe  her  rever¬ 
end  teacher  is  here  I  fhould  defire  that  he  would  pleafe  to 
fpeak  freely  whether  he  doth  condefcend  to  fuch  fpeeches  or 
revelations  as  have  been  here  fpoken  of,  and  he  will  give  a 
great  deal  of  content. 

Mr.  Cotton.  May  it  pleafe  you  Sir.  There  are  two  forts 
of  revelations,  there  are  [defaced] 

or  againft  the  word  befides  fcripture  both  which  [ defaced ] 

taftical  and  tending  to  danger  more  ways  than  one  — —  there 
is  another  fort  which  the  apoftle  prays  the  believing  Ephe- 
bans  may  be  made  partakers  of,  and  thofe  are  fuch  as  are 
breathed  by  the  fpirit  of  God  and  are  never  difpenfed  but 
in  a  word  of  God  and  according  to  a  word  of  God,  and 
though  the  word  revelation  be  rare  in  common  fpeech  and 
we  make  it  uncouth  in  our  ordinary  expreffions,  yet  not- 
withftanding,  being  underftood  in  the  fcripture  fenfe  I  think 
they  are  not  only  lawful  but  fuch  as  chriftians  may  receive 
and  God  bear  witnefs  to  it  in  his  word,  and  ufually  he  doth 
exprefs  it  in  the  miniftry  of  the  word  and  doth  accompany 

it 


35 


274  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

it  by  his  fpirit,  or  elfe  it  is  in  the  reading  of  the  word  in 
fome  chapter  or  verfe  and  whenever  it  comes  it  comes 
flying  upon  the  wings  of  the  fpirit. 

Mr.  Endicot.  You  give  me  fatisfadtion  in  the  thing  and 
therefore  I  defire  you  to  give  your  judgment  of  Mrs.  Hutch- 
infon ;  what  fhe  hath  faid  you  hear  and  all  the  circumfiances 
thereof. 

Mr,  Cotton,  I  would  demand  whether  by  a  miracle  fhe 
doth  mean  a  work  above  nature  or  by  fome  wonderful  prov¬ 
idence  for  that  is  called  a  miracle  often  in  the  pfalms. 

Mrs,  H.  I  defire  to  fpeak  to  our  teacher.  You  know  Sir 
what  he  doth  declare  though  he  doth  not  know  himfelf 

[ fomething  zv an  ting.] 

now  either  of  thefe  ways  or  at  this  prefent  time  it  fhall  be 
done,  yet  I  would  not  have  the  court  fo  to  underhand  me 
that  he  will  deliver  me  now  even  at  this  prefent  time. 

Dep,  Gov,  I  defire  Mr.  Cotton  to  tell  us  whether  you  do 
approve  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s  revelations  as  fhe  hath  laid 
them  down. 

Mr,  Cotton,  I  know  not  whether  I  do  underhand  her,  but 
this  I  fay,  if  file  doth  expedt  a  deliverance  in  a  way  of  provi¬ 
dence  —  then  I  cannot  deny  it. 

Dep.  Gov.  No  Sir  we  did  not  fpeak  of  that. 

Mr.  Cotton .  If  it  be  by  way  of  miracle  then  I  would 
fufpedt  it. 

Dep.  Gov.  Do  you  believe  that  her  revelations  are  true  ? 

Mr.  Cotton .  That  fhe  may  have  fome  fpecial  providence 
of  God  to  help  her  is  a  thing  that  I  cannot  bear  witnefs 
againfi. 

Dep.  Gov.  Good  Sir  I  do  afk  whether  this  revelation  be 
of  God  or  no  ? 


The  Examination. 


275 

Mr .  Cotton .  I  fhould  defire  to  know  whether  the  fentence 
of  the  court  will  bring  her  to  any  calamity,  and  then  I  would 
know  of  her  whether  fhe  expedls  to  be  delivered  from  that 
calamity  by  a  miracle  or  a  providence  of  God. 

Mrs .  H.  By  a  providence  of  God  I  fay  I  expeft  to  be 
delivered  from  fome  calamity  that  fhall  come  to  me. 

Gover.  The  cafe  is  altered  and  will  not  fland  with  us 
now,  but  I  fee  a  marvellous  providence  of  God  to  bring 
things  to  this  pafs  that  they  are.  We  have  been  hearkening 
about  the  trial  of  this  thing  and  now  the  mercy  of  God  by 
a  providence  hath  anfwered  our  defires  and  made  her  to  lay 
open  her  felf  and  the  ground  of  all  thefe  difturbances  to  be 
by  revelations,  for  we  receive  no  fuch 

made  out  of  the  miniftry  of  the  word 
and  fo  one  fcripture  after  another,  but  all  this  while  there 
is  no  ufe  of  the  miniftry  of  the  word  nor  of  any  clear  call  of 
God  by  his  word,  but  the  ground  work  of  her  revelations  is 
the  immediate  revelation  of  the  fpirit  and  not  by  the  min¬ 
iftry  of  the  word,  and  that  is  the  means  by  which  fhe  hath 
very  much  abufed  the  country  that  they  fhall  look  for  reve¬ 
lations  and  are  not  bound  to  the  miniftry  of  the  word,  but 
God  will  teach  them  by  immediate  revelations  and  this  hath 
been  the  ground  of  all  thefe  tumults  and  troubles,  and  I 
would  that  thofe  were  all  cut  off  from  us  that  trouble  us, 
for  this  is  the  thing  that  hath  been  the  root  of  all  the 
mifchief. 

Court.  We  all  confent  with  you. 

Gov.  Ey  it  is  the  moft  defperate  enthufiafm  in  the  world, 
for  nothing  but  a  word  comes  to  her  mind  and  then  an 
application  is  made  which  is  nothing  to  the  purpofe,  and 

this 


2j6  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

this  is  her  revelations  when  it  is  impoffible  but  that  the 
word  and  fpirit  fliould  fpeak  the  fame  thing. 

Mr.  Endicot.  I  fpeak  in  reference  to  Mr.  Cotton.  I  am 
tender  of  you  Sir  and  there  lies  much  upon  you  in  this 
particular,  for  the  anfwer  of  Mr.  Cotton  doth  not  free  him 
from  that  way  which  his  laft  anfwer  did  bring  upon  him, 
therefore  I  befeech  you  that  you ’d  be  pleated  to  fpeak  a 
word  to  that  which  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  hath  fpoken  of  her 
revelations  as  you  have  heard  the  manner  of  it.  Whether 
do  you  witnefs  for  her  or  againft  her. 

Mr.  Cotton.  This  is  that  I  faid  Sir,  and  my  anfwer  is 
plain  that  if  fhe  doth  look  for  deliverance  from  the  hand  of 
God  by  his  providence,  and  the  revelation  be  in  a  word  or 
according  to  a  word,  that  I  cannot  deny. 

Mr.  Endicot.  You  give  me  fatisfadlion. 

Dep.  Gov.  No,  no,  he  gives  me  none  at  all. 

Mr.  Cotton.  But  if  it  be  in  a  way  of  miracle  or  a  revela¬ 
tion  without  the  word  that  I  do  not  affent  to,  but  look  at  it 
as  a  delufion,  and  I  think  fo  doth  fhe  too  as  I  underhand 
her. 

Dep.  Gov.  Sir,  you  weary  me  and  do  not  fatisfy  me. 

Mr.  Cotton.  I  pray  Sir  give  me  leave  to  exprefs  my  felf. 
In  that  fenfe  that  fhe  fpeaks  I  dare  not  bear  witnefs  againft  it. 

Mr.  Nowell.  I  think  it  is  a  devilifh  delufion. 

Gover.  Of  all  the  revelations  that  ever  I  read  of  I  never 
read  the  like  ground  laid  as  is  for  this.  The  Enthufiafts 
and  Anabaptifts  had  never  the  like. 

Mr.  Cotton.  You  know  Sir,  that  their  revelations  broach 
new  matters  of  faith  and  doftrine. 

Gover.  So  do  thefe  and  what  may  they  breed  more  if 

they 


The  Examination. 


277 


they  be  let  alone.  I  do  acknowledge  that  there  are  fuch 
revelations  as  do  concur  with  the  word  but  there  hath  not 
been  any  of  this  nature. 

Dep.  Gov .  I  never  faw  fuch  revelations  as  thefe  among 
the  Anabaptifts,  therefore  am  lorry  that  Mr.  Cotton  fhould 
Hand  to  juftify  her. 

Mr.  Peters .  I  can  fay  the  fame  and  this  runs  to  enthu- 
fiafm,  and  I  think  that  is  very  difputable  which  our  brother 
Cotton  hath  fpoken  [wanting] 

an  immediate  promile  that  he  will  deliver  them 
[wanting]  in  a  day  of  trouble. 

Gover.  It  overthrows  all. 

Dep .  Gov.  Thefe  difturbances  that  have  come  among  the 
Germans  have  been  all  grounded  upon  revelations,  and  fo 
they  that  have  vented  them  have  ftirred  up  their  hearers  to 
take  up  arms  againft  their  prince  and  to  cut  the  throats  of 
one  another,  and  thefe  have  been  the  fruits  of  them,  and 
whether  the  devil  may  infpire  the  fame  into  their  hearts  here 
I  know  not,  for  I  am  fully  perfuaded  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
is  deluded  by  the  devil,  becaufe  the  fpirit  of  God  fpeaks  truth 
in  all  his  fervants. 

Gov.  I  am  perfuaded  that  the  revelation  fhe  brings  forth 
is  delufion. 

All  the  court  but  fome  two  or  three  mini/lers  cry  out ,  we  all 
believe  it  —  we  all  believe  it. 

Mr.  Endicot.  I  fuppofe  all  the  world  may  fee  where  the 
foundation  of  all  thefe  troubles  among  us  lies. 

Mr.  Eliot.  I  fay  there  is  an  expectation  of  things  prom- 
ifed,  but  to  have  a  particular  revelation  of  things  that  fhall 
fall  out,  there  is  no  fuch  thing  in  the  fcripture. 

Gov. 


278  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Gov.  We  will  not  limit  the  word  of  God. 

Mr.  Collicut }  It  is  a  great  burden  to  us  that  we  differ 
from  Mr.  Cotton  and  that  he  fhould  juftify  tnefe  revelations. 
I  would  intreat  him  to  anfwer  concerning  that  about  the 
deftrudtion  of  England. 

Gov.  Mr.  Cotton  is  not  called  to  anfwer  to  any  thing  but 
we  are  to  deal  with  the  party  here  ftanding  before  us. 

Mr.  Bartholomew.  My  wife  hath  faid  that  Mr.  Wheel¬ 
wright  was  not  acquainted  with  this  way  until  that  fhe 
imparted  it  unto  him. 

Mr.  Brown.  Inafmuch  as  I  am  called  to  fpeak,  I  would 
therefore  fpeak  the  mind  of  our  brethren.  Though  we  had 
fufficient  ground  for  the  cenfure  before,  yet  now  fhe  having 
vented  herfelf  and  I  find  fuch  flat  contradiction  to  the 
fcripture  in  what  fhe  faith,  as  to  that  in  the  firft  to  the 
Hebrews  —  God  at  fundry  times  fpake  to  our  fathers  —  For 
my  part  I  underftand  that  fcripture  and  other  fcriptures  of 
the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  and  the  apoftle  writing  to  Timothy 
faith  that  the  fcripture  is  able  to  make  one  perfedl  —  there¬ 
fore  I  fay  the  mind  of  the  brethren  —  I  think  fhe  deferves  no 
lefs  a  cenfure  than  hath  been  already  paft  but  rather  fome- 
thing  more,  for  this  is  the  foundation  of  all  mifchief  and  of 
all  thofe  baftardly  things  which  have  been  overthrowing  by 
that  great  meeting.  They  have  all  come  out  from  this 
curfed  fountain. 

Gov.  Seeing  the  court  hath  thus  declared  itfelf  and  hear¬ 
ing  what  hath  been  laid  to  the  charge  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 

and 


1  A  deputy,  I  know  not  for  what  merchant.  —  H.  Richard  Collicott  of 
town,  but  I  take  him  to  be  an  in-  Dorchefter. 
habitant  of  Bofton,  and  a  principal 


The  Examination. 


■  279 


and  efpecially  what  fhe  by  the  providence  of  God  hath 
declared  freely  without  being  afked,  if  therefore  it  be  the 
mind  of  the  court,  looking  at  her  as  the  principal  caufe  of 
all  our  trouble,  that  they  would  now  confider  what  is  to  be 
done  to  her. - - 

Mr.  Coddington.  I  do  think  that  you  are  going  to  cenfure 
therefore  I  defire  to  fpeak  a  word. 

Gov.  I  pray  you  fpeak. 

Mr.  Coddington.  There  is  one  thing  objected  againft  the 
meetings.  What  if  fhe  defigned  to  edify  her  own  family  in 
her  own  meetings  may  none  elfe  be  prefent? 

Gov.  If  you  have  nothing  elfe  to  fay  but  that,  it  is  pity 
Mr.  Coddington  that  you  fhould  interrupt  us  in  proceeding 
to  cenfure. 

Mr.  Coddington.  I  would  fay  more  Sir,  another  thing  you 
lay  to  her  Charge  is  her  fpeech  to  the  elders.  Now  I  do 
not  fee  any  clear  witnefs  againft  her,  and  you  know  it  is  a 
rule  of  the  court  that  no  man  may  be  a  judge  and  an  accufer 
too.  I  do  not  fpeak  to  difparage  our  elders  and  their  call¬ 
ings,  but  I  do  not  fee  any  thing  that  they  accufe  her  of 
witneffed  againft  her,  and  therefore  I  do  not  fee  how  fhe 
fhould  be  cenfured  for  that.  And  for  the  other  thing  which 
hath  fallen  from  her  occafionally  by  the  fpirit  of  God,  you 
know  the  fpirit  of  God  witneffes  with  our  fpirits,  and  there 
is  no  truth  in  fcripture  but  God  bears  witnefs  to  it  by  his 
fpirit,  therefore  I  would  entreat  you  to  confider  whether 
thofe  things  you  have  alledged  againft  her  deferve  fuch 
cenfure  as  you  are  about  to  pafs,  be  it  to  banifhment  or 
imprifonment.  And  again  here  is  nothing  proved  about 
the  elders,  only  that  fhe  faid  they  did  not  teach  a  covenant 

of 


280  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

of  grace  fo  clearly  as  Mr.  Cotton  did,  and  that  they  were  in 
the  Hate  of  the  apoftles  before  the  afcenfion.  Why  I  hope 
this  may  not  be  offenfive  nor  any  wrong  to  them. 

Gov .  Pafs  by  all  that  hath  been  faid  formerly  and  her 
own  fpeeches  have  been  ground  enough  for  us  to  proceed 
upon. 

Mr.  Coddington.  I  befeech  you  do  not  fpeak  fo  to  force 
things  along,  for  I  do  not  for  my  own  part  fee  any  equity 
in  the  court  in  all  your  proceedings.  Here  is  no  law  of 
God  that  die  hath  broken  nor  any  law  of  the  country  that 
die  hath  broke,  and  therefore  deferves  no  cenfure,  and  if  fhe 
fay  that  the  elders  preach  as  the  apodles  did,  why  they 
preached  a  covenant  of  grace  and  what  wrong  is  that  to 
them,  for  it  is  without  quedion  that  the  apodles  did  preach 
a  covenant  of  grace,  though  not  with  that  power,  till  they 
received  the  manifedation  of  the  fpirit,  therefore  I  pray 
condder  what  you  do,  for  here  is  no  law  of  God  or  man 
broken. 

Mr.  Harlakenden.  Things  thus  fpoken  will  dick.  I  would 
therefore  that  the  affembly  take  notice  that  here  is  none 
that  condemns  the  meeting  of  chridian  women ;  but  in  fuch 
a  way  and  for  fuch  an  end  that  it  is  to  be  deteded.  And 
then  tho’  the  matter  of  the  elders  be  taken  away  yet  there  is 
enow  befides  to  condemn  her,  but  I  fhall  fpeak  no  further. 

Dep.  Gov.  We  fhall  be  all  fick  with  fading. 

Mr.  Colburn.  I  diffent  from  cenfure  of  banidiment. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  The  cenfure  which  the  court  is  about  to 
pafs  in  my  confcience  is  as  much  as  fhe  deferves,  but  be- 
caufe  fhe  defires  witnefs  and  there  is  none  in  way  of  witnefs 
therefore  I  fhall  dedre  that  no  offence  be  taken  if  I  do  not 

formally 


The  Examination.  281 

formally  condemn  her  becaufe  fhe  hath  not  been  formally 
convidled  as  others  are  by  witneffes  upon  oath. 

Mr.  Coddington .  That  is  a  fcruple  to  me  alfo,  becaufe 
Solomon  faith,  every  man  is  partial  in  his  own  caufe,  and 
here  is  none  that  accufes  her  but  the  elders,  and  fhe  fpake 
nothing  to  them  but  in  private,  and  I  do  not  know  what 
rule  they  had  to  make  the  thing  publick,  fecret  things  ought 
to  be  fpoken  in  fecret  and  publick  things  in  publick,  there¬ 
fore  I  think  they  have  broken  the  rules  of  God’s  word. 

Gov.  What  was  fpoken  in  the  prefence  of  many  is  not  to 
be  made  fecret. 

Mr.  Coddington.  But  that  was  fpoken  but  to  a  few  and 
in  private. 

Gov.  In  regard  Mr.  Stoughton  is  not  fatisfied  to  the  end 
all  fcruples  may  be  removed  we  fhall  defire  the  elders  to 
take  their  oaths. 

Here  now  was  a  great  whifpering  among  the  minifters , 
fome  drew  back  others  were  animated  on. 

Mr.  Eliot.  If  the  court  calls  us  out  to  fwear  we  will  fwear. 

Gov.  Any  two  of  you  will  ferve. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  There  are  two  things  that  I  would  look 
to  difcharge  my  confcience  of,  ift  to  hear  what  they  teflify 
upon  oath  and  2dly  to - 

Gov.  It  is  required  of  you  Mr.  Weld  and  Mr.  Eliot. 

Mr  Weld  ) 

Mr.  Eliot. }  We  fta11  be 

Gov.  We’ll  give  them  their  oaths.  You  fhall  fwear  to 
Mr.  Peters  held  up )  the  truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth  as 

his  hand  alfo.  f  far  as  you  know.  So  help  you  God. 
What  you  do  remember  of  her  fpeak,  pray  fpeak. 

36 


Mr. 


282  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mr .  Eliot.  I  do  remember  and  I  have  it  written,  that 
which  the  fpake  firft  was,  the  fear  of  man  is  a  fnare,  why 
fhould  the  be  afraid  but  would  fpeak  freely.  The  queftion 
being  afked  whether  there  was  a  difference  between  Mr. 
Cotton  and  us,  fhe  faid  there  was  a  broad  difference.  I 
would  not  flick  upon  words  —  the  thing  fhe  faid  —  and  that 
Mr.  Cotton  did  preach  a  covenant  of  grace  and  we  of  works 
and  file  gave  this  reafon  —  to  put  a  work  in  point  of  evi¬ 
dence  is  a  revealing  upon  a  work.  We  did  labour  then  to 
convince  her  that  our  doctrine  was  the  fame  with  Mr. 
Cotton’s :  She  faid  no,  for  we  were  not  fealed.  This  is  all 
I  fliall  fay. 

Gov .  What  fay  you  Mr.  Weld? 

Mr.  Weld.  I  will  fpeak  to  the  things  themfelves  —  thefe 
two  things  I  am  fully  clear  in  —  fhe  did  make  a  difference 
in  three  things,  the  firft  I  was  not  fo  clear  in,  but  that  fhe 
faid  this  I  am  fully  fure  of,  that  we  were  not  able  minifters 
of  the  new  teflament  and  that  we  were  not  clear  in  our 
experience  becaufe  we  were  not  fealed. 

Mr.  Eliot.  I  do  further  remember  this  alfo,  that  fhe  faid 
we  were  not  able  minifters  of  the  gofpel  becaufe  we  were 
but  like  the  apoftles  before  the  afcenfion. 

Mr.  Coddington .  This  was  I  hope  no  difparagement  to 
you. 

Gov.  Well,  we  fee  in  the  court  that  fhe  doth  continually 
fay  and  unfay  things. 

Mr.  Peters.  I  was  much  grieved  that  fhe  fhould  fay  that 
our  miniftry  was  legal.  Upon  which  we  had  a  meeting  as 
you  know  and  this  was  the  fame  fhe  told  us  that  there  was 
a  broad  difference  between  Mr.  Cotton  and  us.  Now  if  Mr. 

Cotton 


The  Examination. 


283 

Cotton  do  hold  forth  things  more  clearly  than  we,  it  was  our 
grief  we  did  not  hold  it  fo  clearly  as  he  did,  and  upon  thofe 
grounds  that  you  have  heard. 

Mr.  Coddington.  What  wrong  was  that  to  fay  that  you 
were  not  able  minifters  of  the  new  teftament  or  that  you 
were  like  the  apoftles  —  methinks  the  comparifon  is  very 
good. 

Gov.  Well,  you  remember  that  fhe  faid  but  now  that  fhe 
fhould  be  delivered  from  this  calamity. 

Mr .  Cotton.  I  remember  fhe  faid  fhe  fhould  be  delivered 
by  God’s  providence,  whether  now  or  at  another  time  fhe 
knew  not. 

Mr.  Peters.  I  profefs  I  thought  Mr.  Cotton  would  never 
have  took  her  part. 

Mr.  Stoughton.  I  fay  now  this  teftimony  doth  convince 
me  in  the  thing,  and  I  am  fully  fatisfied  the  words  were 
pernicious,  and  the  frame  of  her  fpirit  doth  hold  forth  the 
fame. 

Gov.  The  court  hath  already  declared  themfelves  fatisfied 
concerning  the  things  you  hear,  and  concerning  the  trouble- 
fomenefs  of  her  fpirit  and  the  danger  of  her  courfe  amongft 
us,  which  is  not  to  be  buffered.  Therefore  if  it  be  the  mind 
of  the  court  that  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  for  thefe  things  that 
appear  before  us  is  unfit  for  our  fociety,  and  if  it  be  the 
mind  of  the  court  that  fhe  fhall  be  banifhed  out  of  our 
liberties  and  imprifoned  till  fhe  be  fent  away,  let  them  hold 
up  their  hands. 

All  but  three. 

Thofe  that  are  contrary  minded  hold  up  yours, 

Mr.  Coddington  and  Mr.  Colborn,  only. 

Mr. 


284  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mr.  Jennifon}  I  cannot  hold  up  my  hand  one  way  or 
the  other,  and  I  fhall  give  my  reafon  if  the  court  require  it. 

Gov.  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  the  fentence  of  the  court  you 
hear  is  that  you  are  banifhed  from  out  of  our  jurifdi6tion  as 
being  a  woman  not  fit  for  our  fociety,  and  are  to  be  imprif- 
oned  till  the  court  fhall  fend  you  away. 

Mrs.  H.  I  defire  to  know  wherefore  I  am  banifhed  ? 

Gov.  Say  no  more,  the  court  knows  wherefore  and  is 
fatisfied. 


1  A  deputy,  I  fuppofe,  of  Ipfwich.  — 
H.  Probably  William  Jennifon  of  Wa¬ 
tertown.  Winthrop  (Vol.  II.  p.  *  76) 
narrates  an  incident  which  occurred  in 


1644  charaderiftic  of  this  man,  and  in 
keeping  with  the  fad  of  his  refufal  to 
vote  at  the  trial. 


A  Report  of  the  Trial  of  Mrs.  Ann  Hutch- 

infon  before  the  Church  in  Bofton, 


March,  1638.1 


“  By  My  Brother  Willfon.2  (Before  M?  Hutchinfons  Ex¬ 
amination  and  her  Anfwer  in  the  Meetinghowfe  at  Bofton 
in  New  England  one  the  Ledture  Day  March  15.  1638, 

when 


1  The  examination  of  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
fon,  which  refulted  in  her  banifhment 
from  the  colony,  took  place  before  the 
General  Court  affembled  at  Cambridge, 
on  the  7th  and  8th  of  November,  now 
the  17th  and  1 8th.  She  paffed  the  fuc- 
ceeding  winter  in  Roxbury,  at  the  houfe 
of  Jofeph  Welde;  but  in  March,  1638, 
the  was  called  before  the  Bofton  church 
of  which  fhe  was  a  member,  as  a  fubjedl 
for  ecclefiaftical  difcipline. 

The  15th,  now  the  25th,  of  the  month 
was  appointed  for  the  proceedings,  which 
excited  the  deepeft  intereft  throughout 
the  colony.  The  ftory  of  what  took 
place  has  been  recounted  in  detail  elfe- 
where  ( Three  Eftifodes,  pp.  508-532), 
and  no  further  reference  to  it  is  here 
neceffary.  The  chief  authority  for  it  is 
found  in  the  report  here  reprinted  from 
the  Proceedings  of  the  MaJfacJmfetts 
Hijlorical  Society  for  October,  1888 
(Series  II.  Vol.  IV.  pp.  161-191). 


The  copy  of  the  original  manufcript 
from  which  this  report  was  printed  was 
made  by  Prefident  Stiles  of  Yale  Col¬ 
lege,  in  1771,  he  then  being  the  paftor 
of  the  church  in  Newport,  R.  I.  It 
was  preferved  in  the  library  of  Yale 
College;  the  original  manufcript  is  not 
now  traceable,  but  a  defcription  of  it, 
and  a  ftatement  of  the  hands  through 
which  it  paffed  before  Prefident  Stiles 
met  with  it,  was  given  by  him,  and  is 
printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Majfa- 
chufetts  Hifiorical  Society. 

The  document  has  no  formal  title, 
and  has  never  been  printed,  except  in 
the  Society  Proceedings  above  referred 
to.  < 

2  The  report  is  affumed  by  Dr.  Stiles 
to  have  been  taken  down  at  the  time  of 
the  proceedings  by  Robert  Keayne,  in 
regard  to  whom  vide  infra ,  p.  393,  n. 
Keayne  married  Ann  Mansfield,  a  fifter 
of  the  wife  of  the  Rev.  John  Wilfon. 


286  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


when  fhe  was  accufed  of  divers  Errors.  &  unfound  Opn- 
ions  wch  fhe  held,  as  was  taken  from  her  owne  Mouth  by 
Mr  Shephard  &  Mr  Wells1  Minifters  &  proved  by  fier 
Witneffes.”) 

“We  have  herd  this  day  very  fweetly  that  we  are  to  cift 
downe  all  our  Crownes  at  the  feete  of  Ch :  Je:  Soe  let  every 
one  be  content  to  deny  all  Relations  of  Father,  Mothe:, 
Sifter,  Brother,  Friend,  Enemy.  &  to  caft  downe  all  ou* 
Crownes  &  whatfoever  Judgment  or  Opinion  that  is  taker 
up  may  be  caft  downe  at  the  Feete  of  Chrift,  &  let  all  bo 
carried  by  the  Rules  of  Gods  Word  &  tried  by  that  Rule, 
and  if  thear  be  any  Error  let  no  one  Rejoyce.  None  but 
the  Divells  in  Hell  will  rejoyce,  but  in  all  owr  proceeding,; 
this  day,  let  us  lift  up  the  name  of  Ch :  Jef:  &  fo  proceed 
in  Love  in  this  day’s  proceedinge. 

Mr  Oliver?  I  am  to  acquaynt  all  this  Congregation,  tha; 
whereas  our  Sifter  Hutchinfon  was  not  hear  at  the  Begin 
ninge  of  this  Exercife,  it  was  not  out  of  any  Contempt  or 
Negleft  to  the  Ordinance,  but  becaufe  fhe  hath  bine  longe 
[under]  Durance,  fhe  is  fo  weake  that  fhe  conceaves  her-, 
felfe  not  fitt  nor  able  to  have  bine  hear  foe  longe  togeather, 
this  fhe  fent  to  our  Elders. 

Mr  Lever  it,  owr  other  Elder ?  I  am  to  requeft  thofe  that 
are  Members  of  the  Congregation,  that  they  would  draw  as 
neare  togeather  as  they  can,  &  into  fuch  places  as  thay  may 
be  diftinguifhed  from  the  reft  of  the  Congregation,  that 
whan  thear  Confent  or  Diffent  is  required  to  the  Things 

wch 

1  Rev.  Thomas  Welde,  of  Roxbury.  England,  and  came  to  New  England  in 

2  Thomas  Oliver,  chofen  ruling  elder  1652.  He  died,  at  the  age  of  ninety, 
of  the  church  of  Bofton  November  22,  in  1658. 

1632.  Thomas  Oliver  was  from  Briftol,  3  Supra ,  p.  264. 


The  Church  Trial.  287 

wch  fhall  be  read :  we  may  know  how  thay  doe  exprefs 
themfelves  ayther  in  the  allowinge  or  condemninge  of  them. 

Mr  Leverit .  Sifter  Hutchinfon:  hear  is  divers  opinions 
layd  to  your  charge  by  Mr  Shephard  &  Mr  Froft,1  &  I  rnuft 
requeft  you  in  the  name  of  the  Church  to  declare  whether 
you  hould  them  or  renownce  them  as  thay  be  read  to  you : 

1.  That  the  Soules  (Eel.  3.  18-21)  of  all  men  by  Nature 

are  mortal. 

2.  That  thofe  that  (1  Cor.  6.  19)  yt  are  united  to  Ch : 

have  2  Bodies,  xts  &  a  new  Body,  &  you  knew  not 
how  Ch :  fhould  be  united  to  our  flefhly  Bodys. 

3.  That  our  Bodies  fhall  not  rife  (1  Cor.  15.  44)  wth  Ch : 

Je:  not  the  fame  Bodies  at  the  lad  day. 

4.  That  the  Refurreblion  mentioned  1  Cor.  15.  is  not  of 

our  Refurredtion  at  the  lad  day,  but  of  our  Union 
to  Ch  :  Je : 

5.  That  thear  be  no  created  graces  in  the  humane  Nature 

of  Ch :  nor  in  Beleevers  after  Union. 

6.  That  you  had  no  feripture  to  Warrant  ch :  beinge  now 

in  Heaven  in  his  humane  Nature. 

7.  That  the  Difciples  wear  not  converted  at  Ch  :  Death. 

8.  That  thear  is  no  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  but  Chrid 

Jefus. 

9.  That  the  fird  Thinge  we  receave  for  our  Adurance  is 

our  Eledfion. 

Thefe  are  alledged  by  Mr  Shephard.2  Next  from  Rox- 
berie  : 

1. 

1  Probably  Edmund  Froft,  ruling  1 1, 14,  and  16,  in  the  lift  fupra,  pp.  218- 

elder  of  the  church  at  Cambridge.  219.  The  next  feven  points  are  Nos.  8, 

2  Thefe  nine  points,  alleged  by  Mr.  17,  21,  23,  25-27,/^m,  pp.  218-220. 
Shepard,  correfpond  to  Nos.  1,  3-7,  9, 


288  The  Antinomian  Controver/y . 

1.  That  SanCtification  can  be  no  Evidence  of  a  good 

Eftate  in  no  wife. 

2.  That  her  Revelations  about  future  Events  are  to  be 

beleeved  as  well  as  Scripture  becaufe  the  fame  holy 
Ghoft  did  indite  both. 

3.  That  Abraham  was  not  in  favinge  Eftate  till  he  of¬ 

fered  Ifack,  &  fo  favinge  the  firmnes  of  Gods  Elec¬ 
tion  he  might  have  perifhed  eternally  for  any  Worke 
of  Grace  f  was  in  him. 

4.  That  an  Hipocrite  may  have  the  Righteoufnefs  of 

Adam  &  perifh. 

5.  That  we  are  not  bound  to  the  Law,  not  as  a  Rule  of 

Life. 

6.  That  not  beinge  bound  to  the  Law,  no  Tranfgreffion 

of  the  Law  is  finfull. 

7.  That  you  fee  no  Warrant  in  Scripture  to  prove  that 

the  Image  of  God  in  Adam  was  Righteoufnefs  & 
trew  Holinefs. 

Thefe  are  aledged  agaynft  you  by  Mr  Wells  &  Mr  Eliott. 

Mr  Leverit .  It  is  defired  by  the  Church,  Sifter  Hutchinfon, 
that  you  expreffe  whether  this  be  your  opinion  or  not.  ’ 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  If  this  be  Error  than  it  is  myne  &  I 
ought  to  lay  it  downe :  if  it  be  truth  it  is  not  myne  but  Ch : 
Je:  &  than  I  am  not  to  lay  it  downe.  But  I  defire  of  the 
Church  to  demand  one  Queftion.  By  what  Rule  of  the 
Word,  whan  thefe  Elders  fliall  come  to  me  in  private  to 
defire  Satisfaction  in  fome  poynts,  &  and  doe  profeffe  in  the 
fight  of  God  that  thay  did  not  come  to  Intrap  nor  infnare 
me,  &  now  without  fpeakinge  to  me  &  expreffinge  any 
UnfatisfaCtion  would  come  to  bringe  it  publickly  into  the 

Church 


The  Church  Trial. 


289 

Church  before  thay  had  privately  delt  with  me,  for  them 
to  come  &  inquire  for  Light,  &  afterwards  to  bare  Witnefs 
agaynft  it,  I  thinke  it  is  a  Breach  of  Church  Rule,  to  bringe  a 
Thinge  in  publike  before  they  have  delt  with  me  in  private. 

Mr  Cotten.  To  anfwr  this,  indeed,  if  thear  be  any  playne 
Breach  of  Rule,  then  yow  may :  but  if  thear  be  not  a  mani- 
feft  Breach,  than  the  church  hath  not  power  to  make 
Inquifition  in  a  doubtful  Cafe. 

Mr  Shephard .  I  defire  to  afke  this  Queftion  of  Mrs  Hutch- 
infon  :  Whether  the  accufe  any  of  us,  or  no,  of  fuch  a  Breach 
of  Rule. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  I  afke  a  Queft. :  thear  was  none  wth  me 
but  myfelfe,  &  I  may  not  accufe  an  Elder  under  2  or  3 
WitnefTes. 

Mr  Cotten.  Brother  Shephard,  if  you  cane  expres  any 
thinge  that  concerns  this  Matter,  yow  fhall  doe  well  to  give 
God  Glory,  &  fpeake. 

Mr  Shephard.  For  my  firft  cominge  to  Mrs  Hutchinfon,  I 
lyinge  in  the  Towne  all  night  was  .  .  .  importuned  by  lome 
theare  to  goe  &  fee  Mrs  Hutchinfon,  &  foe  I  did  goe  to 
defire  further  Satisfaction  from  her,  for  fome  fpeeches  that 
the  had  ufed  in  the  Court,  wch  I  did  not  well  underftand. 
At  my  fecond  cominge  to  her,  be[ing]  fent  by  fpecial 
providences  of  God,  I  did  tell  her,  that  I  came  not  to  Intrap 
her,  nor  had  not  than  any  Thought  nayther  doe  I  know 
wherein  I  could  deale  more  lovingly  wth  this  yor  Sifter  than 
to  bringe  her  thus  before  yow.  And  whearas  fhe  fayeth 
that  we  delt  not  with  her,  I  muft  needs  fay  that  I  never 
came  to  her  but  I  bare  Witnefs  &  left  fome  Teftimony 
behind  me  agaynft  her  Opinions,  yet  I  did  not  publifh  any 

Thinge 


37 


290  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Thinge  of  the  Conference,  but  kept  it  in  my  own  Breft. 
But  feeinge  the  Flewentnefs  of  her  Tongue  &  her  Willing- 
nefs  to  open  herfelfe  &  to  divulge  her  Opinions  &  to  fowe 
her  feed  in  us  that  are  but  highway  fide  and  Strayngers  to 
her,  &  therefore  would  doe  much  more  to  her  own  Jeolofie 
&  to  them  that  are  mor  nearly  like  to  her,  for  I  account  her 
a  verye  dayngerous  Woman  to  fowe  her  corrupt  opinions  to 
the  infedtion  of  many,  &  therefore  the  more  need  yow  have 
to  looke  to  her,  &  therefore  at  my  third  Cominge  to  her  I 
tould  her  that  I  came  to  deale  with  her  &  labour  to  reduce 
her  from  her  Errors  &  to  bare  witnefs  agayft  them,  therefor 
I  do  marvell  yl  fhe  will  fay  that  we  bringe  it  into  publicke 
before  I  delt  with  her  in  private.  H[ebrews]  4,  12 

Mrs  Hutchinfon .  I  did  not  howld  divers  of  thefe  Thinges 
I  am  accufed  of,  but  did  only  afk  a  Queftion.  Eccl.  3.  18-2 1. 

M*  Shephard .  I  would  have  this  Congregation  know, 
that  the  vileft  Errors  that  ever  was  brought  into  the  Church 
was  brought  in  by  way  of  Queflions  42,  7. 

Mr  Cotton.  Brother  we  content  with  you ;  therefor  Sifter 
Hutchinfon  it  will  be  moffc  fatisfadtorie  to  the  Congregation 
for  you  to  anfwer  to  the  Things  as  thay  are  objected  agaynft 
yow  in  order. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon .  I  defire  they  may  be  read 
Mr  Cotten.  Yor  firfl  opinion  layd  to  yor  Charge  is  That 
the  Soules  of  all  Men  by  nature  are  mor  tall  &  die  like 
Beaftes.  and  for  that  you  alledge  Eccl.  3.  18-21. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  I  defire  that  place  might  be  anfwered ; 
the  fpirit  that  God  gives  returns 

Mr  Cotton .  That  place  fpeaketh  that  the  fpirit  afcends 
upwards,  foe  Eccles.  12.  7.  Mans  fpirit  doth  not  returne 

to 


The  Church  Trial. 


29 1 

to  Duft  as  mans  body  doth  but  to  God.  The  foul  of  man 
is  immortall 

Mrs  Hutchinfon .  Every  Man  confifts  of  Soul  &  Body, 
now  Adam  dies  not  except  his  foule  &  Body  dye.  &  in  Heb : 
4.  the  word  is  lively  in  Operation,  &  devides  between  foule 
&  Spirit :  Soe  than  the  Spirit  that  God  gives  man ,  returnes 
to  God  indeed \  but  the  Soule  dyes.  &  That  is  the  fpirit  Ecclef. 
fpeakes  of,  &  not  of  the  Soule.  Luk.  19.  10 

Mr  Cotton .  If  you  howld  that  Adams  Soule  &  body  dyes 
&  was  not  redeemed  or  reftored  by  Ch.  Je.  it  will  over- 
through  our  Redemption,  both  Soule  &  Body  is  bought 
with  a  price  Luk  19.  10  I  come  to  feek  &  fave  what  was 
loft.  1.  C.  6.  E.  [=  1  Cor.  6th  ch.,  end]. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  I  acknowledged  I  am  redeemed  from 
my  vayne  converfation  &  other  Redemptions,  but  it  is  no 
whare  fayd  that  he  came  to  redeem  the  feed  of  Adam  but 
the  feed  of  Abraham 

Brother  Willfon.  I  defire  befor  yow  lay  downe  your 
Scruples  that  you  would  ferioufly  confider  of  the  places 
alledged  &  of  that  in  1  Cor  6.  end :  the  fpirit  of  God  needs 
no  redemption,  but  he  fpeaks  thear  neyther  of  Gods  Spirit 
but  of  our  Spirits. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  I  fpeake  not  of  Gods  Spirit  now :  but  I 
will  propound  my  mayne  fcruple  and  that  is  how  a  Thinge 
that  is  Immortally  miferable  can  be  immortally  happie. 

Mr  Cotten.  He  that  makes  miferable  can  make  us  happy 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  I  defire  to  hear  God  fpeak  this  &  not 
man.  Shew  me  whear  thear  is  any  Scripture  to  prove  it 
that  fpeakes  foe. 

Mr  Cotten.  Yow  doe  not  fay  that  the  foule  is  not  immortal 
but  that  this  Imortalety  is  purchafed  from  Chri/l  Mrs 


292 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Mrs  Hutchinfon.  Yes  Sir 

Mr  Cotten .  Y1  in  Ecclef.  proveth  that  the  foule  is  the 
Gift  of  God  &  that  it  hath  no  Relation  to  fuch  fadinge  & 
deftroyinge  matter  as  his  Body  was  made  of.  Mat  10.  28. 
1  Thef.  5.  23. 

Mrf  Hutchinfon .  Doe  yow  thinke  his  naturall  Life  is 
gone  into  Heaven,  &  that  we  fliall  goe  into  Heaven  with 
our  naturall  Life 

Mr  Cotten .  Thear  is  a  foule  that  is  immortal  Mat.  10.  28. 
&  our  nature  fliall  goe  into  heaven  but  not  our  corrupt 
Nature. 

Mrs  Hutchinfon .  Than  yow  have  both  a  Soule  &  Spirit 
that  fhall  be  faved.  I  defire  you  to  anfwer  that  in  1  Thefs. 
5.  23.  Yor  hole  Spirit  Soule  &  body ,  &  that  in  Pfalms  he 
hath  redeemed  his  foule  from  hell. 

Mr  Cotten.  Sifter,  doe  not  fhut  your  Eyes  agaynft  the 
Truth,  all  theafe  places  prove  that  the  foule  is  Immortall 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  The  Spirit  is  immortall  indeed,  but  prove 
that  the  Soule  is :  for  that  place  in  Mathew  wch  yow  bringe 
of  Caftinge  the  foul  into  hell,  is  ment  of  the  Spirit. 

Mr  Cotten.  Theafe  are  principles  of  or  chriftian  Fayth,  & 
not  denyed.  the  Spirit  is  fometimes  put  for  the  Contience, 
&  for  the  Giftes  of  the  Spirit  f  fitts  the  foule  for  Gods 
Service. 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  The  ho.  Ghoft  makes  this  Diftindtion 
between  the  foule  &  Body  &  not  I. 

Mr  Cotten.  If  wicked  men  have  the  Immortalitie  of  thear 
Soules  ptir chafed  to  them  by  Ch.  Je.  than  the  Di veils  have 
Immortalitie  purchafed  to  them  by  Ch. 

Governour :  She  thinkes  that  the  Soule  is  annihilated  by 

the 


The  Church  Trial. 


293 

the  Judgment  that  was  fentenced  upon  Adam,  her  Error 
fprings  from  her  Miftaking  of  the  Curfe  of  God  upon  Adam, 
for  that  Curfe  doth  not  implye  Annihilation  of  the  foule  & 
body,  but  only  a  diffolution  of  the  Soule  &  Body. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  will  take  that  into  Confideration,  for 
it  is  of  more  wayte  to  me  than  any  thinge  wch  yet  hath 
bine  fpoken. 

Govern r  As  the  Body  remaynes  an  Earthly  fubftance  after 
Diffolution,  foe  the  Soule  remaynes  a  fpirituall  Subfiance 
after  the  Curfe,  though  we  fee  not  what  fubftance  it  is 
turned  into  after  Diffolution. 

Mr  Eliot.  She  thinkes  the  Soule  to  be  Nothinge  but  a 
Breath,  &  fo  vanifheth.  I  pray  put  that  to  her. 

Mrs  Hutchifon .  /  thinke  the  foule  to  be  nothing  hit  Light . 

Brother  Willfon.  If  the  Soule  be  but  a  Breath,  than  how 
doth  Ch :  fay  that  a  mans  Soule  is  better  than  the  whole 
World. 

Mr  Cotten.  The  Sume  of  her  Opinion  is  that  the  foules 
of  men  by  Creation  is  no  other  or  better  than  the  foules  of 
beaftes.  wch.  dye.  &  are  mortall ’  but  are  made  immortall  by 
the  Redemption  of  Ch.  Je.  to  wch.  hath  bine  Anfwr  that 
Soule  is  Imortall.  by  Creation.  &  fome  places  brought  to 
prove  that  thay  are,  namely  the  foules  of  the  wicked  [are] 
caft  into  Hell  forever,  &  the  foules  of  the  godly  are  kept  in 
a  blamelefs  frame  unto  Immortall  Glory 

Mr  Leverit.  The  Church  is  defired  to  exprefs,  whither 
what  yow  have  now  heard  give  yow  Satisfaction  &  fufficient 
Light  in  the  poynt  in  Queftion 

Sargeon  Savidge.1  My  Scruple  is  feeing  the  Church  is  not 

accufed 


1  Supra ,  p.  39;  infra ,  p.  394,  note  1. 


294  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

accufed  of  this  Opinion,  but  one  partie,  whether  we  fhould 
prefently  exprefs  owr  Confent  or  Diffent  whan  the  partie 
that  houlds  it  is  not  fatisfied  nor  convinced,  but  rather  that 
the  church  may  have  Time  firft  to  confider  of  it.1 

Brother  Willfon .  It  was  ufiall  in  the  former  Times  when 
any  Blafphemie  or  Idolatrie  was  held  forth  they  did  ufe  to 
rent  thear  Garments  &  tare  thear  hare  of  thear  heads,  in 
figne  of  Lothinge,  &  if  we  deny  the  Refurredtion  of  the 
Body,  than  let  us  turne  Epicures,  Let  us  eate  &  drinke  & 
doe  any  Thinge,  to  morrow  we  fhall  dye :  &  whan  all  the 
Priefts  of  Baall  pleaded  for  Baall  &  Eliah  proved  the  Lord 
to  be  God,  if  any  one  had  a  fcruple  ...  &  was  not  fatisfied 
but  Baall  was  ftill  God,  fhould  one  mans  fcruple  or  doubt 
hinder  all  the  reft  of  the  Congregation,  wch  are  fatisfied,  to 
crye  out,  that  the  Lord  is  God,  the  Lord  is  God,  &  the  Lord 
only  is  the  Lord. 

Govern r.  The  whole  Congregation  but  one  Brother  is  fuf- 
ficiently  fatisfied  wth  what  hath  bine  allready  fpoken  to  this 
poynt  to  be  fufficient :  therefor  let  us  proceed  to  the  next. 

Brother  Willfon .  I  defire  to  hear  our  Sifter  fpeake,  what 
becomes  of  that  Spirit  when  the  body  dyes,  for  I  thinke  fhe 
contradicts  herfelfe. 

Mrs  Hntchif on.  I  fpake  of  the  Spirit  that  God  gave:  that 
returns  to  God  that  gave  it. 

Mr  Cotten.  We  are  not  to  hear  what  naturall  affeCtion1 
will  fay,  for  we  are  to  forfake  Father  &  Mother.  Wife.  & 
children  for  Chrift  Je.  i  C[orinthians]  5.  12. 

Brother  Willfon .  This  that  will  not  confeffe  me  before 
men:  him  will  not  I  confeffe  befor  my  father  wch  is  in 

Heaven  : 


2  Supra ,  p.  223. 


The  Church  Trial.  295 

Heaven:  this  is  the  Rule  of  God,  by  wch  the  church  fhould 
proceed. 

Mr  Cotten.  Yow  fee  how  far  naturall  affedtion  doth  pre- 
vayle  wth  Children  to  fpeake  for  thear  Mother,  &  thearfor 
it  concerns  others  of  the  Congregation  to  take  heed  how 
they  linke  themfelves  with  any  that  hould  .  .  .  damnable 
Errors,  &  I  am  forry  to  hear  any  of  our  Brethren  to  be  foe 
brought  up  that  thay  fhould  not  hear  of  the  Immortallitie 
of  the  foule. 

Govern r.  I  wonder  thear  fhould  be  any  fcruple  in  this 
Thinge  wch  is  pradtifed  in  all  the  Churches,  to  give  fome 
figne  whether  what  hath  bine  fpoken  doe  give  fatisfadtion  to 
the  Church  or  no ;  that  foe  we  may  proceed 

Mr  Cotten .  I  would  afke  our  filter  this  Queftion,  whether 
the  Soule ,  body  &  fpirit  be  not  Immortal  i  P[eter]  3.  19 
Mrf  Huchifon .  it  is  more  than  I  know :  how  doe  we  prove 
that  both  foule  &  body  are  faved. 

Brother  Willfon .  /  pray  God  kepe  yor  hole  body  foule  & 

body  may  be  kept  blamlefs  to  Salvation 

Mrs  Hutchifon .  It  is  fayd  thay  are  kept  blameles  to  the 
coming  of  Ch .  Je.  not  to  Salvation 

Brother  Willfon .  what  doe  w£  mene  by  the  Cominge  of 
Ch.  Je. 

Mrs.  Hutchifon.  By  Cominge  of  Ch :  thear  he  meanes, 
his  cominge  to  71s  in  Unioit.  1  46  4  [=  Romans  6.  4  ?] 
Brother  Willfon .  I  looke  at  this  Opmion  to  be  dayngerous 
&  damnable.  &  to  be  no  leffe  than  Sadducifme.  &  Athiifme 
&  therefore  to  be  detefted. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  If  Error  be  the  Thinge  yow  intend,  than 
I  defire  to  know  what  is  the  Error  for  wch.  I  was  banifhed 

for 


296  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

for  I  am  fuer  this  is  not.  for  then  thear  was  no  fuch  Expre£ 
lion  from  me  on  this.  The  moft  part  of  the  Church  did 
exprefs  themfelves  fatisfied  wth  what  hath  bine  fpoken  & 
by  Lifting  up  of  thear  hands,  did  flow  thear  Difike  of  it  & 
did  condemn  it  as  an  Error. 

Mr  Damp  ford}  Whan  it  comes  to  a  cafe  of  Teftimony  & 
a  baringe  Witnefs  to  a  Truth  of  God.  &  than  whan  the 
Truth  is  like  to  [be]  cried  downe,  than  it  is  time  to  fpeake ; 
this  Queftion  of  the  Immortalitie  of  the  foule  is  7iot  new . 
but  an  Ayntient  Herefie.  &  a  moft  cenfurable  &  gives  way 
to  Libertanifme.  And  this poynt  was  difputed  a  whole  day 
togeather  before  Adrian  the  Pope :  who  like  a  Beaft  con¬ 
cluded  this,  that  he  that  fpeakes  for  the  Immortallitie  of  the 
foul  fpeakes  mof  like  to  the  Scriptures ,  but  he  that  fpeakes  of 
the  Mortalletie  of  the  foul  fpeakes  mof  to  my  minde  &  defire , 
&  foe  it  is  in  this  very  Thinge :  thay  that  fpeake  for  the 
Mortaletie  of  the  foule  fpeake  moft  for  Licentioufnefs  & 
fmfull  Liberty.  Therefore  .  .  .  Queftions  that  have  bine 
ftarted  about  this  hath  bine,  as  hath  bine  fayd,  from  naturall 
Affedtion,  and  foe  any  fcruple  of  Contience  that  fome  made 
whether  thay  may  expres  thear  Judgments  by  Vote  or  no: 
I  thinke  it  is  according  to  the  Rule.  &  doe  not  fee  how  we 
can  bare  Witnefs  to  the  Truth  or  agaynft  any  Error  but  by 
expreffmge  ther  Affents  or  Diffents,  ayther  by  filence  or 
Liftinge  up  thear  Hands,  that  in  Math  18  in  cafe  of  offen¬ 
ders  brought  to  the  Church  the  Rule  is.  if  they  will  not  hear 
the  Church  let  him  be  as  an  Heathen  or  Publican.  Now 

what 

1  The  Rev.  John  Davenport.  The  nounced,  and  not  infrequently  fpe'lled, 
name  was  corrupted  into  Danforth,  and  Mader.  Vide  Cotton’s  Anfwer  to 
the  th  then  received  the  pronunciation  Roger  Williams ,  in  Narraganfett  Club 
of  d,  Mather  in  the  fame  way  being  pro-  Publications,  Vol.  II.  p.  103. 


The  Church  Trial. 


297 


what  is  ment  by  Church :  only  the  Officers,  or  the  whole 
Church?  Now  it  is  playne  it  is  the  whole  Church.  Now 
how  can  the  Church  expreffe  themfelves,  but  ayther  by  thear 
Votes  or  Silence :  &  foe  in  caftinge  out  the  Inceftious  perfon 
in  1  Cor.  V.  how  ffiall  the  Churches  confent  be  knowen. 
except  thay  expreffe  it.  one  way  or  other :  therefor  I  thinke 
that  fhould  be  no  Scruple 

Mr  Cotten.  We  come  to  the  fecond  poynt.  By  the  pur- 
chafe  &  Redemption  of  Ch :  the  Soules  are  made  immortall 
tho  by  Creation  they  are  mortall 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  The  Soule  is  immortall  by  Redemption. 

Mr  Cotten .  Yow  have  no  fcripture  to  prove  this.  There¬ 
for  yow  ought  not  to  proftitute  your  Fayth  to  any  one  no 
not  to  your  owne  Inventions,  and  yow  have  herd  playne 
places  agaynft  it.  as  that  the  Spirits  of  wicked  me7i  are  in 
Hell :  &  yow  have  herd  that  the  foules  of  the  faythfull  are 
in  Heaven. 

Mr  Damphord .  A  foule  may  be  Immortall  &  not  mifer- 
able.  Now  the  Curfe  is  this,  that  Mifery  is  annexed  to  Imor- 
talitie.  Immortalitie  was  a  Gift  to  the  Spirit  in  thear  very 
Beinge:  the  foule  cannot  have  Imortaletie  in  itfelf  but  fro7n 
God  from  whom  it  hath  its  beinge. 

Mrs  Hutchifo7i .  I  thanke  the  Lord  I  have  Light.  &  I  fee 
more  Light  a  greate  deale  by  Mr  Damphords  opening  of  it. 

Mr  Cotten.  Than  yow  revoke  what  yow  have  delivered  or 
held  in  this  Poynt. 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  Soe  far  as  I  underfland  Mr  Damphord. 
I  pray  let  fome  body  open  this  :  How  the  foul  is  Imortall  by 
Creation 

Mr  Damphord.  It  is  immortall  as  the  Ayngells  are  by 
Creation.  M„ 


298  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Mr.s  Hutchifon  If  the  foule  be  Immortall  by  Ch :  how  can 
the  Soule  dye:  but  the  Curfe  fayeth  that  in  the  day  thow 
eateth  thereof  thow  lhalt  dye 

Mr  Damphord .  The  foule  doth  not  dye ,  but  the  Perfon  of 
Adam ,  &  not  the  foule.  But  the  perfon  of  Adam  is  re¬ 
deemed  by  Ch.  Je. ;  now  the  Ayngells  &  Dwells  are  Imortall 
not  by  the  Redemption  of  Chrifl ,  but  by  Nature  &  Creation 

Mr.  Cotten.  Sifter,  the  Comparifon  is  familliar  &  ufiall 

Mr  Damphord .  Yow  mult  diftinguifh  betwene  the  life  of 
the  Soule  &  the  Life  of  the  Body,  the  Life  of  the  Body  is 
mortall  but  the  Life  of  the  Soule  is  immortall.  Ecle.  12. 
thear  the  Spirit  fignifies  the  foule,  in  Efai  53.  10.  11.  he 
fhall  make  his  foule  an  offering  for  fine. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  /  am  clear  in  this  now. 

Mr  Damphord.  Than  yow  re  now  nee  what  yow  held  in 
both  thofe  poynts 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  Yes .  I  doe,  takinge  Soule  as  Mr  Damphord 
doth.  Soe  thear  was  my  Miflake.  I  tooke  Soule  for  Life. 

Mr  Damphord.  The  Spirit  is  not  a  Third  Subftance,  but 
the  Bent  &  Inclination  of  the  foule  &  all  the  faculties  thearof. 
now  this  is  not  a  fubltance  differinge  from  the  foule,  &  that 
Spirit  in  Ecclefeaftes  is  ment  of  the  Soule ,  the  Spirit  returns 
to  God  that  gave  it,  that  is,  the  Soule  or  fubltance  thereof 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  doe  not  differ  from  Mr  Damphord,  as 
he  expreffeth  himfelfe 

Mr  Damphord.  The  Spirit  thear  in  Thelf.  is  as  the  Bias 
to  the  Soule 

Brother  Willfon.  But  the  Quell,  is  whether  that  Spirit  in 
Theffa :  be  Imortall  or  not. 

Mr  Damphord.  That  Word  Spirit  in  Ecclefialtes  is  ment 

the 


The  Church  Trial. 


299 


the  Soule ,  &  that  Spirit  in  Theffa.  is  not  the  fubftance  of  the 
foule  but  a  Qualitie  of  it.  That  foule  wch  :  Ch  :  fpeakes  of 
in  Mathew,  He  caffs  both  foule  &  Body  into  Hell,  thear  foule 
is  not  ment  fpirit  but  foule 

Mrf  Htitchifon ,  I  may  fpeake  playnelye  whether  yow 
thinke  that  the  foule s  of  men  are  Imortall  by  Generation  or 
....  mortall.  &  foe  fadeth  away  like  the  foule  of  a  Bead 
Mrs  Hutchifon.  Now  Mr  Damphord  hath  opened  it.  it  is 
cleare  to  me.  or  God  by  him  hath  given  me  Light 

AT  Cotten.  Sifter,  fpeake  to  this,  Whether  yow  conceave 
that  the  divine  &  gracious  Qualeties  of  the  foules  of  Be- 
leevers  be  Immortall  or  no  &  (hall  goe  wth  the  foule  into 
Heaven,  &  whether  yow  think  the  Evell  Qualleties  of  the 
foules  of  wicked  men  &  thear  Evell  Difpofitions  fhall  goe 
wth  thear  Soules  to  Hell  or  no. 

Mrs  Hutchifon .  I  know  not  prefantly  what  to  fay  to  this. 
Mr  Damphord.  Yow  doe  than  confent  to  the  two  firft 
Queftions  that  the  Coming  of  Ch:  in  Theffa.  to  the  foule  is 
not  ment  of  Ch :  Cominge  in  Union  but  of  his  Cominge  at 
the  day  of  Judgment. 

Mrs.  Hutchifon.  I  doe  not  acknowledge  it  to  be  an  Error 
but  a  Miftake.  I  doe  acknowledge  my  Exprefjion  to  be  Iro- 
nious.  but  my  Judgment  was  not  Ironious ,  for  I  held  befor  as 

yow  did  but  could  not  exprefs  it  foe.  1  ^  3  Things. 

That  men  whan  thay  beleeve  have,  a  New  Body.  &  thay 
have  2  bodies.  1  C[or].  15.  44.  37 

Mr  Cotten.  If  yow  meane  thay  have  2  bodies,  one  of  fin 
&  another  of  death,  &  one  outward  body.  &  an  Inward  Body 
of  Graces. 

Mrs 


300  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Mrs  Hiitchifon .  I  meane  as  that  Scripture  meanes,  i  Cor. 
4.  16. 

Mr  Cotlen.  Yow  fay  yow  doe  not  know  whether  Je  :  Ch: 
be  united  to  this  body  of  ours  or  ...  .  our  flefhly  bodies, 
thear  lies  the  fcruple  &  the  abfurdetie  of  it :  therefor,  re¬ 
member,  both  foule  &  body  are  united  to  Ch.  in  our  fpirit- 
uall  Eftate  the  Body  is  a  fandtified  Inftrument  to  hear  &  to 
be  holy.  &  Ch;  is  united  to  that  body  wch  we  made  the 
body  of  an  Harlot.  Your  bodies  are  the  Temples  of  the  Ho. 
Gho:  that  very  body,  that  befor  we  had  taken  &  made  the 
Members  of  Harlots. 

Mrs  Hutchifon .  I  defire  yow  to  fpeake  to  that  place  in  1 
Cor.  15.  37.  44  for  I  doe  queft.  whether  the  fame  Body  that 
dies,  fhall  rife  agayne. 

Mr  Damphord.  The  fame  Body  that  is  fowen,  the  fame 
Body  fhall  rife  agayne.  it  is  fowen  a  naturall  Body  but  it 
fhall  rife  a  fpirituall  Body 

Mrs  Hiitchifon .  We  all  rife  in  Ch :  Je:  in  Rom.  6  he 
fhowes  that  he  dyes 

Mr  Damphord .  that  is  another  kind  of  Death,  but  fpeak 
firft  of  the  other  Death.  &  clear  that  he  rayfeth  us  the  fame 
Body.  &  not  another  Body  for  fubftance. 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  I  queft.  whether  yowr  body  be  fowen 
or  no 

Mr  Damphord.  Whan  I  dye  than  my  body  is  fowen  :  & 
turned  into  Corruption  &  duft.  &  that  duft  wch  is  fowen 
fhall  rife  agayne  in  a  body 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  Than  come  to  Rom.  6.  2-7 :  thear  is  no 
Death  of  a  Child  of  God :  but  a  puttinge  of  owr  Tabernacle. 
Revel.  20. 

Mr 


The  Church  Trial. 


301 


Mr  Damphord.  This  Death  &  Refurreblion  hear  fpoken 
of  is  not  a  naturall  Death  nor  a  naturall  Refurredtion  but 
a  fpirituall  one.  but  that  Death  in  1  Cor.  15  is  fpoken  of  a 
naturall  &  bodely  Death  &  Refurredfion.  Mat.  22. 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  There  is  another  place  in  Rev.  20  whear 
he  fpeakes  of  the  firft  Refurredlion 

Mr  Damphord .  Thear  is  no  firft  &  fecond  Refurredtion 
of  one  &  the  fame  Body,  for  that  implyes  a  fecond  Refur rec- 
tion.  Now  fome  underftand  that  of  the  Refurredtion  of  the 
Martirs.  others  of  a  fpiritual  Refurredtion,  as  is  ment  in 
Rom.  6  a  fpiritual  Refurredtion  both  wch  we  enjoy  in  this 
Life,  but  that  in  1  Cor  15.  is  ment  of  a  Bodely  Refurredtion 
after  this  Life,  therfor.  are  yow  clear  in  that  place 
Mrs  Hutchifon .  No,  not  yet. 

Mr  Buckle }  I  defire  to  know  of  Mr.s  Hutchifon.  whether 
yow  hould  any  other  Refuredtion  than  that  of  .  .  .  Union  to 
Ch:  Je:  And  whether  yow  hold  y*  foule,  groce,  filthye  & 
abbominable  Opinion  held  by  Familifts,  of  the  Communitie 
of  Weomen }  Job  19.  25  Phil.  3  .  .  — 


1  The  Rev.  Peter  Bulkley,  of  Con¬ 
cord.  Vide  fupra ,  p.  86,  n. 

2  In  the  orthodox  theological  fhibbo- 
leth  of  the  feventeenth  century,  the  term 
“Familiffc”  had  much  the  fame  fignifi- 
cance  as  “  Free-lover  ”  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  a  little  further  on  (infra, 
p.  314)  Cotton  will  be  found  fetting 
forth  the  popular  ideas  in  language  of 
vigorous  denunciation.  This  fe<5t  has 
already  been  referred  to  in  the  notes 
of  the  prefent  volume  (fupra,  p.  185). 
Originating  in  Germany,  the  Familifts 
obtained  a  footing  in  England  during 
the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  and  fubfe- 


quently,  during  that  of  Elizabeth,  were 
accufed  of  grofs  immoralities  of  creed 
and  practice.  James  I.  in  his  writings 
referred  to  them  as  the  fedt  “  quae  fa- 
milia  amoris  vocatur.”  Thofe  compof- 
ing  the  fe<5t  denied  the  allegations  of 
immorality,  and  in  1575  an  authentic 
confeffion  of  Familifl  faith  was  put  forth. 
In  1 579  John  Rogers  fulminated  againft 
them  in  a  tradt  entitled  The  Difplaying 
of  a  horrible  Sell  nami?ig  themfelves 
the  Family  of  Love,  —  a  publication 
not  cited  by  Maffon,  nor  can  I  find  any 
trace  of  a  copy  in  the  American  collec¬ 
tions.  More  than  feventy  years  later, 

Paget 


302  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mrs  Hutchifon .  /  hould  it  not.  But  Ch :  Anfw:  now.  I 
know  thou  haft  a  Divell.  that  was  the  Conclufion  thay  made 
agaynft  Ch  :  when  he  fayd  thay  that  beleeve  in  me  Jhall  not 
dye:  I  doe  not  beleeve  that  Ch.  Je:  is  united  to  our  Bodies. 

Brother  Willfon.  God  forbid. 

Mr  Damphord.  Avoyd  .  .  Mr  Buckles  queffc.  for  it  is  a 
right  principle,  for  if  the  Refurredtion  be  paft  than  Marriage 
is  paft :  for  it  is  a  waytie  Reafon ;  after  the  Refurredtion  is 
paft ,  marriage  is  paft.  than  if  thear  be  any  Union  betwene 
mail  &  woman ,  it  is  not  by  Marriage  but  in  a  Way  of 
Communitie. 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  if  any  fuch  practice  or  conclufion  be  drawn 
from  it.  than  I  muft  leave  it,  for  I  abhor  that  Pradlife. 

Governor.  The  Familifts  doe  not  defire  to  evade  that 
queft.  for  thay  pradtife  the  Thinge.  &  thay  bringe  this  very 
place  to  prove  thear  Communitie  of  Weomen.  &  to  juftify 
thear  abhominable  Wickednefs.  it  is  a  dayngerous  Error. 

Mr  Leverit.  But  our  fitter  doth  not  deny  the  Refurredtion 
of  the  Body. 

Mr.s  Hutchifon.  No. 

Mr  Simes.  She  denies  the  Refurredtion  of  the  fame  Body 
that  dyes,  therefore  to  prove  that  the  fame  body  that  dyes 
fhall  rife  agayne,  I  prove  it  Job.  19.  25.  &  ...  . 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  that  it  is  all  the  queft.  for  I  doe  not  thinke 
the  Body  that  dyes  fhall  rife  agayne 

Paget  devoted  to  the  Familifts  no  incon-  and  exchanges  of  fentiment,  and  letting 
fiderable  fpace  in  his  Herefiography.  the  general  world  and  its  creeds  roar 
MafTon  (Life  of  Milton,  Vol.  III.  p.  152)  around  unqueftioned  and  unheeded, 
fays  :  “  If  there  really  was  fuch  an  Eng-  Baillie,  however,  in  an  incidental  notice 
lifh  fe6t,  their  main  principle  probably  of  Familifm  in  the  Second  Part  of  his 
was  that  every  fociety  of  Chriftians  DiJJuafive  (pp.  99-104),  gives  a  fome- 
fhould  be  a  kind  of  family  party,  jolly  what  different  account.” 
within  itfelf  in  confidential  love-feafts 


The  Church  Trial. 


303 


Mr  Damphord.  Yow  tell  us  of  a  new  Body ,  &  of  2  bodies, 
that  is  three :  now  wch  of  thefe  Bodies  do  yow  hould fhall  rife 
agayne . 

Mr  Eliot.  We  are  altogether  unfatisfied  wth  her  anfwer, 
&  we  thinke  it  is  very  dangerous  to  difpute  this  Queftion 
foe  longe  in  this  Congregation.  She  that  hath  come  of  in 
her  other  Anfwer,  to  fay  it  was  not  an  Error,  but  a  miftake 
of  fo  groce  &  fo  dangerous  an  opinion  as  this  is,  we  much 
fear  her  fpirit 

Mr  Buckle,  in  Hebr.  6.  1.  the  holy  Ghoft  thear  makes  the 
denyinge  of  the  Refurrediion  to  be  the  denyinge  of  a  funda- 
mentall  Truth  of  Religion.  Thearfor  for  any  to  hould  thear 
is  no  Refurredtion,  I  thinke  it  is  as  dayngerous  an  Herefie, 
&  we  are  to  hould  them  as  dayngerous  Heriticks  as  any  are. 

Mr  Simes.  I  defire  to  propound  one  place  more,  1  Cor. 
1 5.  13.  if  thear  be  no  Refurredtion ,  then  our  fayth  is  in  vayne 
&  preachinge  is  in  vayne :  &  all  is  in  vayne 

MC  Hutchifon.  I  confefs  if  thear  be  no  Refureciion,  than 
all  is  in  vayne,  both  preaching  &  all.  I fer up le  not  the  Re¬ 
furredtion ,  but  what  Body  fhall  rife ,  it  fhall  rife,  that  is,  in 
Ch :  we  fhall  rife. 

Governor.  I  defire  to  propound  this  to  Mr.s  Hutchifon :  it 
is  fayd  whan  Chriffc  arofe,  many  of  thofe  dead  bodies  of  the 
Sts  did  arife  out  of  thear  Graves,  &  did  accompany  Ch :  into 
the  holy  Cittie.  Now  I  would  know  what  Bodies  thofe  wear 
that  rofe,  whether  it  be  not  the  fame  Bodies  that  wear  dead 
&  layd  in  thear  Graves. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  know  not  but  thay  may  be  the  fame 
Bodies. 

Mr  Governor.  Than  the  poynt  is  at  an  End. 

Me 


304  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Mrf  Hutchifon .  I  am  not  clear  in  the  poynt.  I  cannot 
yet  fee  that  Ch :  is  united  to  thefe  fleflily  Bodies,  &  if  he  be 
not  united  to  our  fleflily  Bodies,  than  thofe  Bodies  cannot 
rife. 

Mr  Damphord.  The  fleflily  Bodies  of  the  wicked  are  not 
united  to  Ch :  yet  thay  Jhall  rife  agayne . 

Mrs  Hutchifon.  They  fhall  rife  to  Condemnation. 

Mr  Damphord.  That  is  nothinge.  and  foe  the  Bodies  of 
the  Sts  fhall  rife  to  Salvation. 

Mr  Peters.  I  would  afke  Mr.s  Hutchifon  this  Quell,  whether 
yow  thinke  that  the  very  Bodys  of  Mofes ,  Eliah ,  &  Enoch 
were  taken  up  into  the  Heavens ,  or  no. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  know  not  that  I  fcruple  the  former,  than 
much  more  this. 

Mr  Damphord.  Theafe  are  Opinions  that  cannot  be 
borne.  Thay  fhake  the  very  foundation  of  our  fayth  & 
tends  to  the  Overth rough  of  all  Religion.  Thay  are  not 
flight  matters  of  greate  Wayte  &  Confequence 

Brother  Willfon .  If  the  Church  be  fatisfied  with  the  Ar¬ 
guments  that  have  been  propounded  that  thay  are  convinced 
in  thear  Judgments  that  theafe  are  Errors,  let  them  expres  it 
by  thear  ufall  fign  of  houldinge  up  thear  Hands ,  &  yt  thay 
looke  at  them  as  groce  &  damnable  Herefies.  And  becaufe 
it  is  very  late  &  many  Thinges  yet  to  goe  over,  the  Church 
thinkes  it  meete  to  refer  farder  Dealinge  with  our  filler  till 
the  next  Ledlure  day. 

Mr  Hutchifon.  I  defire  to  know  by  what  Rule  I  am  to 
expres  myfelfe  in  my  Affent  or  Diffent  whan  yet  my  Mother 
is  not  convinced,  for  I  hope  flie  will  not  fliut  her  Eyes 
agaynfl  any  Light. 


Brother 


The  Church  Trial. 


305 


Brother  Willfon.  Brother,  yow  may  as  well  make  Queft. 
whether  God  will  confeffe  yow  before  his  Father  wch  is  in 
Heaven,  whan  yow  deny  to  confeffe  his  Truth  befor  Men 
tho  agaynft  yor  owne  Mother. 

Mr  Damphord.  Yow  are  not  to  be  led  by  naturall  affec¬ 
tion,  but  to  declare  your  opinion  for  the  Truth  &  agaynft 
Error,  though  held  by  your  owne  Mother.  The  Queft.  was 
not  whether  the  Arguments  were  waytie  enough  to  convince 
your  Mother,  but  whether  yow  have  Light  enough  to  fatisfie 
yo"  Contience  that  thay  are  Errors. 

Mr  Hutchifon .  Then  I  confent  to  them,  as  far  as  I  know 
that  thear  is  a  Refureftion  &c. 

Mr  Sheppard .  If  thear  be  any  of  this  Congregation  that 
doe  hould  the  fame  opinions,  I  advife  them  to  take  heed  of 
it,  for  the  hand  of  the  Lord  will  finde  yow  out.  &  for  Mr.s 
Hutchifon  I  would  wifh  her  to  confider  by  what  fpirit  & 
Light  flie  is  lead,  for  fhe  hath  often  bolted  of  the  Guidance 
of  Gods  Spirit  &  that  her  Revelations  are  as  trew  as  the 
fcriptures.  but  fhe  hath  allready  confeffed  her  Miftake  in 
the  2  firft  poynts.  by  the  Light  fhe  hath  receaved  from  Mr 
Damphord.  Now  than  her  fpirit  hath  led  her  into  fome 
Errors,  therfor  I  hope  fhe  will  fee  the  reft  to  be  Errors.  &  to 
fufpedt  herfelfe.  &  to  know  it  is  not  Gods  Spirit,  but  her 
owne  Spirit  that  hath  guided  her  hitherto,  a  fpirit  of  Delu- 
fion  &  Error.  &  for  my  owne  part  I  muft  needes  fay  that  I 
know  not  what  Cowrfe  better  to  take :  nor  wherein  I  might 
fhow  more  love  to  her  Soule,  than  in  bringinge  her  to  her 
owne  Congregation,  of  wch  fhe  is  a  Member,  to  anfwr  to 
theafe  dayngerous  and  fearfull  Errors  wch  fine  hath  drunke 
in,  that  thay  under  God  wch  have  the  care  of  her  foule  may 

deale 


39 


306  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

deale  wth  her  for  them,  &  wach  mor  narrowly  over  her  for 
time  to  come,  &  feeke  to  reclayme  her,  for  the  is  of  a  moft 
dayngerous  Spirit,  &  likely  with  her  fluent  Townge  &  for- 
wardnes  in  Expreffions  to  feduce  &  draw  away  many,  Efpe- 
tially  fimple  Weomen  of  her  owne  fex. 

Brother  Willfon :  If  the  church  be  fatisfied  wth  what  hath 
bine  fpoken :  &  that  thay  conceave .  we  ought  to  proceed  to 
Admonition ,  we  will  take  thear  Silence  for  Confent :  if  any 
be  otherwife  minded .  thay  may  ex  pres  themf elves . 

Sargeon .  Savidge} /  For  my  part:  I  am  not  yet  fatisfied. 
nayther  doe  I  fee  any  Rule  why  the  church  fhould  proceed 
to  Admonition:  feeinge  that  in  the  moft  Churches  thear 
hath  bine  fome  Errors  or  Miftakes  held.  yea.  &  in  this  very 
Church  of  Corinth  there  was  many  unfownd  opinions,  &  in 
particular  fome  amongft  them  that  held  this  very  opinion : 
about  the  Refurredtion  as  appears  by  Pawlls  arguments  in 
15  Chapt.  yet  we  doe  not  read:  that  the  Church  did  admon- 
ifh  them  for  it.  Indeed  in  poynt  of  fadt  as  in  the  Cafe  of 
Inceft,  the  church  proceeded  to  Excommunication :  becaufe 
it  was  groce  &  abominable  but  not  for  opinion:  now  my 
Mother  not  beinge  accufed.  for  any  haynows  fa6l.  but  only 
for  opinion.  &  that  wherin  Jhe  defires  Information  &  Light. 
[rather]  than  peremptorelye  to  hould,  I  cannot  confent  that 
the  church  fhould  proceed  yet  to  admonifh  her  for  this . 

Mr  Cotten.  Yor.  Mother,  though  Jhe  be  not  accufed  of  any 
t  hinge  in  poynt  of  fall  or  pr a  Life.  7iayther  for  my  owne  part 
doe  I  know  thear  is  any  caufe .  yet  fhe  may  hould  Errors  as 
dayngerous  &  of  worfe  Confequence  than  matters  of  pradlife 
cane  be,  &  therefor  I  fee  not  but  the  church  may  proceed 
to  Admonition,  and  whereas  yow  fay  fhe  feekes  Light  & 

Information 

1  Supra ,  pp.  39,  223;  infra ,  p.  394,  note  1. 


The  Church  Trial. 


307 


Information  rather  than  hould  them  peremptorily,  yow  hear 
that  thear  hath  bine  much  paynes  taken  &  many  Arguments 
brought,  not  only  from  ourfelves.  but  from  divers  of  the 
Elders  of  other  Churches,  wch  gives  fatisfadlion  to  the  reft 
of  the  Affembly  &  wch  fhe  is  no  wayes  able  to  anfwer.  & 
yet  flie  perfifts  in  her  Opinion  :  befides  the  Apoftle  did  ad- 
monijh  for poynt  of  Opinion,  for  Himeneus.  &  Philetus }  thay 
held  thinges  of  this  Nature,  the  Apoftle  doth  give  thear 
an  Admonition  for  it,  therfor  yow  doe  a  very  evell  office  out 
of  yor  naturall  not  religious  Affection,  to  hinder  the  Church 
in  her  proceeding  &  to  be  a  meanes  to  harden  your  Mothers 
Heart  in  theafe  dayngerous  Opinions.  &  fo  keepe  her  from 
Repentance.  I  pray  confider  of  it. 

Liuetenant  Gibbens .2  I  defire  Leave  of  the  church,  for  one 
word ;  not  that  I  would  open  my  mouth  in  the  leaft  kinde 
to  hinder  the  Churches  proceedings,  in  any  way  of  God. 
for  /  looke  at  owr  fifier  as  a  loft  Woman.  &  I  bleffe  God  to 
fee  the  paynes  y*  is  taken  to  reduce  her:  but  I  would  hum¬ 
bly  propofe  this  to  the  churches  Confideration,  feeinge  Ad¬ 
monition  is  one  of  the  greateft  Cenfures  that  the  Church  can 
pronounce  agaynft  any  offender.  &  one  of  the  laff  next  to 
Excommunication,  (&  to  be  ufed  agaynft  Impenitent  Offen¬ 
ders,)  but  feinge  God  hath  turned  her  hart  abowt  all  ready 
to  fee  her  Error,  or  Miftake.  as  fhe  calls  it.  in  fome  of  the 
poynts.  whether  the  Church  had  not  better  wayte  a  little 
longer,  to  fee  if  God  will  not  help  her  to  fee  the  reft  &  to 

acknowledge 

1  “16  But  fhun  profane  and  vain  “18  Who  concerning  the  truth  have 
babblings:  for  they  will  increafe  unto  erred,  faying  that  the  refurredtion  is 
more  ungodlinefs.  paft  already  ;  and  overthrow  the  faith 

“  17  And  their  word  will  eat  as  doth  of  fome.”  —  II.  Timothy  ii. 
a  canker  :  of  whom  is  Hymeneus  and  2  Infra ,  p.  393,  n. 

Philetus ; 


308  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

acknowledge  them,  than  the  Church  may  have  no  occafion 
to  come  to  this  Cenfure. 

Mr  Simes.  I  am  much  greved  to  hear  that  foe  many  in 
this  Congregation  fhould  hand  up  &  declare  themfelves 
unwillinge  that  Mrs  Hutchifon  fhould  be  proceeded  agaynft 
for  fuch  dayngerous  Errors.  I  fear,  that  if  by  any  meanes 
this  fhould  be  carried  over  into  England,  that  in  New  Eng¬ 
land  &  in  fuch  a  Congregation,  thear  was  foe  much  fpoken. 
&  foe  many  Queftions  made,  abowt  foe  play ne  an  Article  of 
our  fayth  as  the  Refurredlion  is.  it  will  be  one  of  the  greateffc 
Difhonors  to  Je:  Ch :  &  of  Reproach  to  theafe  Churches 
that  hath  bine  done  fince  we  came  heather. 

Mr  Damphord'  I  thinke  it  is  meete.  that  if  any  of  the 
Brethren  have  any  Scruples  upon  thear  Spirits,  abowt  this 
or  any  other  Poynt  yl  fhall  be  difcuffed,  that  thay  fhould 
have  free  Leave  to  propound  it.  that  it  may  be  taken  of.  & 
thear  Dowbts  removed.  &  if  theafe  Bretheren  that  wthftood 
the  Church  in  proceedinge  to  Admonition  did  but  confider. 
that  Admonition  is  an  Ordinance  of  God.  &  fandlified  of  him 
for  this  very  End.  as  a  fpetiall  &  powerfull  meanes  to  con¬ 
vince  the  partie  offendinge  as  well  as  Arguments.  &  rea- 
fons  given ;  than  thay  would  not  oppofe  it.  the  want  of 
that  Confideration  is  the  Caufe  of  thear  prefent  fcruple 
herin. 

Elder  Oliver ./  I  defire  to  be  fatisfied  in  one  Thinge,  &  I 
am  glad  that  I  have  foe  good  an  Opertunitie  to  propownd 
my  Dowbt.  at  fuch  a  Time,  whan  God  hath  furnifhed  us 
wth  fuch  ftore  of  Elders  &  Men  of  able  parts  from  other 
Churches,  that  may  refolve  the  fame:  And  that  is.  How  the 
church  cane,  or  whether  it  may  proceede:  to  any  Cenfure. 

whan 


The  Church  Trial. 


309 


whan  all  the  Members  doe  not  confent  t  hear  to :  or  whether 
the  Church  hath  not  power  to  lay  a  Cenfure  upon  them,  that 
doe  hinder  the  Churches  proceedinges. 

Mr  Cotten:  I  thinke  Bretheren  are  to  be  fatisfied :  the 
church  ought  as  much  as  in  them  lies  to  remove  all  Scru¬ 
ples,  that  if  it  may  be,  the  whole  Church  may  proceede  wth 
one  Confent.  in  the  A6t  to  be  done ;  but  if  the  Church  doe 
take  paynes,  &  doe  bringe  Arguments,  fuch  as  fatisfies  the 
whole  Congregation,  to  be  fufficient  to  remoove  fuch  Scru¬ 
ples.  if  yet  fome  Bretheren  will  perlift  in  thear  Diffent :  upon 
no  Ground :  but  for  by  Refpebts  of  thear  owne.  or  owt  of 
naturall  affebfion  .  .  than  the  Church  is  not  to  ffcay  her 
proceedinge,  for  that. 

Mr  Damphord :  I  doe  not  fee  but  p  the  Church  is  fatisfied. 
I  perceive  none  doth  oppofe  the  Church :  fome  only  2  or  3 
wch  are  tied  to  her  by  Naturall  Relation;  for  thefe  others 
that  have  fpoken,  thay  did  propound  it  but  as  Scruples,  & 
thay  have  reaceved  fatisfablion,  &  therfor  I  fee  nothinge 
that  may  hinder. 

Sargion  Oliver:  I  defire  to  propound  this  one  Thinge  to 
the  Church,  befor  yow  profeed  to  admonition/  I  doe  bleffe 
God  to  fee  foe  much  Care  &  faythfullnes  fhevved  to  the 
fowle  of  this  our  Sifter:  &  it  doth  rejoyce  my  Sowle.  to  fee 
foe  much  paynes  taken.  &  fo  many  effebluall  arguments 
brought  to  reduce  her  from  her  Errors  &  goinge  aftray.  & 
it  is  of  no  leffe  greife  to  my  Spirit  to  fee  theafe  two  Breth¬ 
eren  to  fpeake  foe  much.  &  to  fcruple  the  proceedings  of 
the  Church  in  that  way  of  God  that  is  in  hand,  therefore  I 
would  propownd  this,  feeinge  that  all  the  proceedinges  of 
the  churches  of  Je:  Ch  :  now  fhould  be  accordinge  to  the 

Pat  ter ne 


3  IO 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Patterne  of  the  primitive  Churches:  And  the  primitive  pat- 
erne  was.  that  all  Thmges  in  the  Church :  fhould  be  done  wth 
one  hart  &  one  fowle  &  one  Confent;  that  any  adl.  &  every 
Adi.  done  by  the  Church,  may  be  as  the  Adi  of  one  Mail. 
Therefor  whether  it  be  not  meete.  to  lay  theafe  two  Bretheren 
under  an  Admonition  wth  thear  Mother ;  that  foe  the  church 
may  proceed  on  wthout  any  further  Oppofition 

Brother  Willfon .  I  thinke  yow  fpeake  very  well :  it  is 
very  meete. 

The  whole  Church  by  thear  Silence.  Confented  to  the 
Motion :  &  foe  thay  proceded  to  Admonition/  The  reft  of 
our  Elders  requefted  Mr  Cotten  to  give  the  Admonition,  as 
one  whofe  Wordes,  by  the  Bleffinge  of  God,  may  be  of  more 
Refpeft,  &  finke  deeper,  &  foe  was  likely  to  doe  more  good 
upon  the  partie  offendinge.  than  any  of  theas,  &  it  was  alfoe 
left  to  him,  to  doe  as  God  fhould  incline  his  hart,  whether 
to  lay  any  admonition  upon  her  2.  Sonnes  or  no  wth  her 
felfe 

Mr  Cotten.  I  doe  in  the  firft  place  bleffe  the  Lord:  and 
thanke  in  my  owne  Name,  &  in  the  Name  of  owr  Church, 
theas  owr  Bretheren,  the  Elders  of  other  Churches,  for  thear 
Care  &  faythfullnes  in  waching  over  owr  Churches,  &  for 
bringinge  to  Light  what  owr  felves  have  not  bine  foe  ready 
to  fee  in  any  of  owr  Members,  &  to  take  foe  much  paynes, 
to  feeke  to  reduce  any  of  owrs  from  goinge  aftray:  &  I  fhall 
defier  that  this  faythfull  &  wachfull  Care  of  thears  towards 
[us]  may  ftill  be  continued  :  &  I  dowbt  not  but  the  Lord 
Je:  Ch  :  who  is  head  of  the  whole  Church  will  reward  it  into 
thear  Bofoms/.  I  confes  I  have  not  bine  ready  to  beleeve 
Reports,  &  have  bine  flowe  of  proceedinge  agaynft  any  of 


owr 


The  Church  Trial. 


3  ii 

owr  Members,  for  want  of  fufficient  Teftimony  to  prove  that 
wch  hath  bine  layd  to  thear  Charge./  But  now  thay  have 
proceded  in  a  way  of  God,  &  doe  bringe  fuch  Teftimonie : 
as  doth  Evince  the  Truth  of  what  is  affirmed,  it  would  be 
owr  fine  if  we  fhould  not  joyne  in  the  fame,  wch  we  are 
willinge  to  doe.  And  therfor  in  the  firft  place,  I  fhall  diredl 
my  fpeech  &  admonition  to  you  that  are  her  fonnes,  &  fonne 
in  Law ;  &  let  me  tell  yow  from  the  Lord ;  though  naturall 
affedfion  may  leade  yow  to  fpeake  in  the  Defence  of  yor 
mother,  &  to  take  her  part  &  to  feeke  to  keepe  up  her 
Credit  &  refpedf,  wch  may  be  lawfull  &  comendable  in  fome 
Cafes  &  at  fome  times,  yet  in  the  Caufe  of  God  yow  are 
nayther  to  know  Father  nor  mother,  filter  nor  Brother,  but 
to  fay  of  them  all  as  Levie  did  what  have  we  to  doe  wth 
them,  &  though  the  Credit  of  yor  mother  be  dear  to  yow,  & 
yor  Regard  to  her  Name,  yet  the  Regard  yow  fhould  have 
of  Ch  :  Name  &  yor  Care  of  his  Honour  &  Credit  fhould 
outway  all  the  other,  yea  &  as  you  have  herd,  yow  mult  caft 
downe  her  name  &  Credit,  tho  it  be  the  chiefeft  Crowne 
that  ayther  yourfelves  or  yor  mother  hath,  at  the  Feete  of 
Je:  Ch  :  &  let  that  be  trampled  upon,  foe  his  Crowne  may 
be  exalted.  And  I  doe  admonifh  you  both  in  the  name  of 
Ch :  Je:  &  of  his  Church:  to  confider  how  ill  an  office  yow 
have  performed  to  your  Mother  this  day  to  be  Inffruments 
of  hardninge  her  Hart  &  Nowrifhinge  her  in  her  unfound 
Opinions  by  yor  pleadinge  for  her,  &  hindringe  the  proceed¬ 
ings  of  the  Church  agaynft  her  wch  God  hath  diredfed  us  to 
take./  to  heale  her  foule,  &  wch  God  might  have  bleffed  & 
made  mor  effedtuall  to  her,  had  not  you  intercepted  the 
Cowrfe./  &  how  infteed  of  lovinge  &  naturall  Children,  yow 

have 


312 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

have  proved  Vipers ,  to  Eate  through  the  very  Bowells  of  yor 
Mother ,  to  her  Ruine,  if  God  doe  not  gratioufly  prevent, 
therefor  I  advife  you  both,  &  admonifh  yow  in  the  Lord, 
that  yow  defift  from  fuch  pradtife,  &  take  heed,  how  yow  by 
yor  flattery  or  mourninge  over  her:  aplaudinge  of  her  in  her 
Opinion,  or  takinge  part  with  her  whan  yow  come  home,  do 
hinder  the  Work  of  Repentance  in  her.  &  keepe  her  from 
feeinge  theafe  Evells  in  her  felfe :  but  looke  up  to  Ch  :  Je: 
&  adrefe  yorfelves  to  her  wth  all  faythfull  &  gratious  Cown- 
fells  to  her,  that  yow  may  doe  what  yow  cane  to  bring  her 
to  a  fight  of  her  wronge  way,  &  to  reduce  her  from  it.  than 
fhall  yow  performe  the  parts  of  faythfull  Children  indeed. 
The  Lord  will  bleffe  yow.  If  yow  doe  otherwife,  Looke 
that  the  Lord  will  bringe  yow  to  an  Account  for  it. 

Next  let  me  fay  fomewhat  to  the  Sifters  of  owr  owne 
Congregation,  many  of  whom  I  fear  have  bine  too  much 
feduced  &  led  afide  by  her;  therfore  I  admonifh  yow  in  the 
Lord  to  looke  to  your  felves,  &  to  take  heed  that  yow  rea- 
ceve  nothinge  for  Truth  wch  hath  not  the  ftamp  of  the 
Word  of  God  from  it.  I  doubt  not  but  fome  of  you  have 
allfoe  reaceved  much  good  from  the  Conference  of  this  owr 
Sifter  &  by  your  Converfe  wth  her:  &  from  her  it  may  be 
yow  have  reaceved  helpes  in  yor  fpirituall  Eftates,  &  have 
bine  brought  from  Reftinge  upon  any  Duties  or  Workes  of 
Righteowfnes  of  yor  owne,  but  let  me  fay  this  to  yow  all \  & 
to  all  the  Sifters  of  other  Congregations ,  Let  not  the  good  yow 
have  receved  from  her ,  make  yow  to  reaceve  all  for  good  that 
comes  from  her ;  for  you  fee  the  is  but  a  Woman  &  ma7iy 
unfound  &  dayngerous  Principles  are  held  by  her ,  therfor 
whatfoever  good  you  have  reaceved  owne  it  &  keepe  it 

carefully, 


The  Church  Trial. 


3*3 


carefully,  but  if  you  have  drunke  in  wth  this  good  any  Evell 
or  Poyfon,  make  fpeed  to  vomit  it  up  agayne  &  to  repent  of 
it  &  take  [care]  that  yow  doe  not  harden  her  in  her  Way 
by  pittyinge  of  her.  or  confirminge  her  in  her  opinions,  but 
pray  to  God  for  her,  &  deale  faythfully  with  her  foule  in 
baringe  Witneffe  agaynft  any  unfound  Thinge  that  at  any 
Time  fhe  hath  held  forth  to  yow. 

And  now,  Sifter,  let  me  adrefe  myfelfe  to  yow./  the  Lord 
put  fitt  Words  into  my  Mouth.  &  carry  them  home  to  your 
Soule,  for  good.  It  is  trew  whan  yow  came  firft  over,  into 
this  Cuntrye,  we  herd  fome  thinge  of  fome  opinions  that 
yow  held :  &  vented  upon  the  Seas,  in  the  Ship  whan  yow 
came,1  wch  whan  you  came  to  be  propounded  for  a  Member, 
we  had  fome  Conference  wth  you  about  them  hear,  /  in  wch 
you  ded  give  us  fuch  fatisfadlion,  that  after  fome  little  flay 
to  yor  Admition  yow  wear  reaceved  in  amongft  us.  &  fince 
that  admiffion  I  would  fpeake  it  to  Gods  Glory  yow  have  bine 
an  Inftrument  of  doing  fome  good  amongft  us,  yow  have 
bine  helpfull  to  many,  to  bringe  them  of  from  thear  unfound 
Grounds  and  Principles,  &  from  buildinge  thear  good  Eftate 
upon  thear  owene  duties  and  performances,  or  upon  any 
Righteoufnefs  of  the  Law.  And  the  Lord  hath  indued  yew 
wth  good  parts  &  gifts  fitt  to  inftrudt  your  children  &  Ser¬ 
vants,  &  to  be  helpfull  to  your  hufband  in  the  Government 
of  the  famely.  he  hath  given  yow  a  fharpe  apprehenfion,  a 
ready  utterance  &  abilitie  to  exprefe  yoTelfe  in  the  Cawfe 
of  God.  I  would  deal  wth  yow  as  Ch  :  Je.  deales  wth  his 
Churches  whan  he  goes  to  admonifh  them,  to  take  a  Vew, 
&  to  call  to  yor  mind  the  good  Thinges  that  he  hath  be- 
ftowed  upon  yow.  Yet  Notwithftandinge,  we  have  a  few 

Thinges 


1  Supra,  p.  158. 
40 


34 


The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Thinges  agaynft  you,/  &  in  fome  fence  not  a  few.  but  fuch  as 
are  of  great  Wayte  &  of  a  heavy  Nature  &  dayngerous  Con- 
fequences.  Therefore  let  me  warne  yow  &  admonifh  yow 
in  the  Name  of  Je:  Ch :  to  confider  of  it  ferioufly,  how  the 
Difhonour  you  have  brought  unto  God,  by  theafe  unfownd 
Tenets  of  yor.s,  is  far  greater  than  all  the  honor  yow  have 
brought  to  him,  &  the  Evell  of  yor  Opinions  doth  outway  all 
the  good  of  yor  Doinges.  Confider  how  many  poore  fowles 
yow  have  miflead,  &  how  yow  have  convayed  the  poyfon  of 
yor  unfound  principles  into  the  harts  of  many  wch  it  may  be 
will  never  be  reduced  agayne.  Confider  in  the  fear  of  God, 
that  by  this  one  Error  of  yours  in  denyinge  the  Refuredtion 
of  theafe  very  Bodies,  yow  doe  the  uttermoft  to  rafe  the  very 
foundation  of  Religion  to  the  Ground,  &  to  deftroy  our 
fayth,  yea  all  owr  preachinge  &  yor  hearinge  &  all  owr  fuffer- 
inges  for  the  fayth  to  be  in  vayne,  if  thear  be  no  Refuredtion 
than  all  is  in  vayne,  &  we  of  all  people  are  moft  miferable 
yea  confider  if  the  Refiredtion  be  paft ,  than  yow  cannot 
Evade  the  Argjiment  that  was  preft  upon  you  by  owr  Brother 
Buckle  &  others,  that  filthie  Sinne  of  the  Comunitie  of  Weo- 
men ;  &  all  promifcuus  &  filthie  cominge  togeather  of  men 
&  Weomen.  wthout  Diftindtion  or  Relation  of  Marriage, 
will  neceffarily  follow,  &  though  I  have  not  herd,  nayther  do 
I  thinke,  yow  have  bine  unfaythfull  to  yor  Hufband  in  his 
Marriage  Covenant,  yet  that  will  follow  upon  it ,  for  it  is  the 
very  argument  that  the  Saduces.  bringe  to  our  Savior  Ch  : 
agaynft  the  Refurredtion :  and  that  wch  the  Annabaptifts  & 
Familifts  bringe,  to  prove  the  Lawfullnes  of  the  common  ufe 
of  all  Weomen,  &  foe  more  dayngerous  Evells  &  filthie  Un- 
clenes  &  other  fines  will  followe  than  yowe  do  now  Imagine 
or  conceave. 


The  Church  Trial. 


3i5 


Mrs  Hutchifonj  I  defier  to  fpeake  one  word,  befor  yow 
proceed  :  I  would  forbar  but  by  Reafon  of  my  Weaknefs.  I 
fear  I  fliall  not  remember  it  whan  yow  have  done. 

Mr  Cotten\  Yow  have  Leave  to  fpeake. 

Mrf  Hutc hi/on .  All  that  I  would  fay  is  this  that  I  did 
not  hould  any  of  theafe  Thinges  before  my  Imprifonment . 

Mr  Cotten :  I  confeffe  I  did  not  know  that  yow  held  any 
of  theafe  Things,  nor  heare  till  hear  of  late :  but  it  may  be 
it  was  my  fleepines  &  want  of  wachfull  care  over  yow  /  but 
yow  fee  the  daynger  of  it  &  how  God  hath  left  yow  to  yor 
felfe  to  fall  into  theafe  dayngerows  Evells,  for  I  muff  needs 
fay  that  I  have  often  feared  the  highth  of  yor  Spirit  &  being 
puft  up  wth  yor  owne  parts,  &  therfore  it  is  juft  wth  God 
thus  to  abafe  yow  &  to  leave  yow  to  theafe  defperat  falls, 
for  the  Lord  looketh  upon  all  the  children  of  pride,  &  de¬ 
lights  to  abafe  them  &  bringe  them  lowe./  And  foe,  the 
other  Thinges  that  yow  hould  of  the  Mortalletie  of  the 
Sowle  by  Nature ,  &  that  Ch :  is  not  united  to  our  Bodies : 
and  that  the  Refurredlion  fpoken  of  at  his  appearinge  is 
ment  of  his  appearinge  to  us  in  Union ,  theafe  are  of  dayn¬ 
gerows  Confequence,  &  fet  an  open  Doore  to  all  Epicurifme 
&  Libertinifme  ;  if  this  be  foe  than  come  let  us  eate  &  drinke, 
for  to  morrow  we  fliall  dye,  than  let  us  nayther  fear  Hell 
nor  the  Ioffe  of  Heaven  ;  than  let  us  beleve  thare  is  nayther 
Ayngelles  nor  Spirits.  What  need  we  care  what  we  fpeake, 
or  doe,  hear,  if  our  Sowles  perifh  &  dye  like  beafts/.  Nay 
though  yow  fhould  not  hould  theafe  Things  pofitively ,  yet  if 
yow  doe  but  make  a  Queftion  of  them,  &  propownd  them  as 
a  doubt  for  fatisfadlion,  yet  others  that  hear  of  it  will  con¬ 
clude  them  pofitively,  &  thay  will  thinke :  fuer  thear  is 

fome 


3  1 6  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

fome  thinge  in  it,  if  Mr.s  Hutchifon  makes  a  Queftion  of  it, 
if  thofe  that  have  great  parts  of  Wifdome  &  Underhand  inge, 
&  if  fuch  eminent  chriftians  make  a  Queftion  of  them,  thear 
is  fomethinge  that  needs  further  Serch  &  Inquirie  abowt 
them,  &  foe.  yor  Opinions  frett  like  a  Gangrene,  &  fpread 
like  a  Leprofie,  &  infedt  farr  and  near,  &  will  eate  out  the 
very  Bowells  of  Religion./  &  hath  foe  infedted  the  Churches, 
that  God  knowes  whan  thay  will  be  cured.  Therfor  that  1 
may  draw  to  an  End ;  I  doe  Admonijh  yow,  &  alfoe  charge 
yow  in  the  Name  of  Ch :  Je :  in  whofe  place  I  ft  and,  &  in  the 
Name  of  the  Church  who  hath  put  me  upon  this  fervice ; 
that  yow  would  fadly  confider  the  juft  hand  of  God  agaynft 
yow,  the  great  hurt  yow  have  do7te  to  the  Churches ,  the  great 
Difhonour yow  have  brought  to  Je :  Ch :  &  the  Evell  that  yow 
have  done  to  many  a  poore  fowle,  &  feeke  unto  him  to  give 
yow  Repe7itance  for  it,  &  a  hart  to  give  fatisfadtion  to  the 
Churches  yow  have  offended  hereby/,  &  bewayle  yor  Weak- 
nes  in  the  Sight  of  the  Lord,  that  yow  may  be  pardoned,  & 
confider  the  great  Difhonor  &  Reproch,  that  hereby  yow 
have  brought  upon  this  Church  of  owrs  wherof  yow  are  a 
Member,  how  you  have  layd  us  all  under  a  Sufpition,  yea,  & 
a  Cenfure  of  houldinge  &  mayntayne  Errors./  therefor  thinke 
of  it  &  be  jeliows  of  yor  owne  Spirit  in  the  reft  &  take  heed 
how  yow  Leaven  the  hartes  of  yownge  Weomen  wth.  fuch 
unfownd  &  dayngerows  principles,  but  Labor  rather  to 
recover  them  out  of  the  Snaers,  as  opertunetie  fhall  lerve, 
wch  yow  have  drawen  them  to,  &  foe  the  Lord  carry  home 
to  yor  Sowle  what  I  have  fpoken  to  yow  in  his  Name. 

Mr  Shephard.  Left  the  Crowne  fhould  be  fet  on  her  Hed 
in  the  day  of  her  Humiliation  I  defire  Leave  to  fpeake  one 

Word 


The  Church  Trial. 


3i7 


Word,  befor  the  Affemblie  break  up.  It  is  no  little  Afflic¬ 
tion  nor  Grefe  to  my  Spirit  to  hear  what  M?  Hutchifon  did 
laft  fpeake,  it  was  a  Trowble  to  me  to  fee  her  interrupt  yow, 
by  fpeakinge  in  the  midft  of  her  Cenfure ;  unto  wch  fhe 
ought  to  have  attended,  wth  fear  &  Tremblinge;  but  it  was 
an  Aftonifhment  to  me  to  hear,  that  fhe  fhuld  thus  Impu¬ 
dently  affirme  foe  horrible  an  Untruth  &  falfhood,  in  the 
mideft  of  fuch  a  follomne  Ordinance  of  Je :  Ch :  &  befor  fuch 
an  Affembly  as  this  is ;  yea  in  the  face  of  the  Church  to  fay , 
fhe  held  none  of  theafe  Opinions ,  befor  her  Imprifonment , 
whan  fhe  knowes  that  fhe  ufed  this  Speech  to  me,  whan  I 
was  wth  her  &  delt  wth  her  abowt  theafe  opinions,  &  fhe 
had  fluently  &  forwardly  expreffed  herfelfe  to  me,  yet  fhe 
aded  If  I  had  but  come  to  her  befor  her  Reffraynt,  fhe  would 
have  opned  herfelfe  mor  fully  to  me  &  have  declared  many 
other  Things  abowt  them,  yea  of  theafe  very  Opinions : 
therfor  I  am  forry  f  M?  Hutchifon.  fhould  foe  far  forget 
herfelfe ;  it  fhowes  but  little  frute  of  all  the  paynes  taken 
wth  her.  This  makes  me  mor  to  fear  the  unfowndnes  of  her 
hart  than  all  the  reft. 

Mr  Eliot .  It  was  the  fame  Trowble  &  Greife  alfoe  to  my 
felfe. 

Brother  Willfonl  Sifter  Huchifon,  I  requier  yow  in  the 
Name  of  the  Church  to  prefent  yoTelfe  hear  agayne,  the 
next  Ledture  day,  Viz  this  day  Sevennight,  to  give  yor  An- 
fwer .  to  .fuch  other  Thinges  as  this  Church  or  the  Elders  of 
other  Churches  have  to  charge  yow  wthall, ’  Concerninge  yor 
Opinions,  whether  yow  hould  them  or  no,  or  will  revoke 
them. 


3 1 8  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 


Mr.s  Hutchifons.  fee ond  Examination  in  Bofton  Church, 
one  Thirsday  Ledtuer  day  after  Sermon:  March:  22^ 
1638,  befr  all  the  Elders  of  other  Churches ,  &  the  Face 
of  the  Cun  try. 

Elder  Leveret  Sifter  Hutchifon,  yow  are  farther  to  make 
Anfwr  to  other  Thinges,  layd  to  yor  Charge:  But  firft  I 
would  have  the  Members  of  owr  owne  Church  draw  near  to 
expreffe  thear  Confent  or  Diffent  to  the  Things  in  hand, 
wch  doth  moft  concerne  them.  Mr?  Hutchifon,  the  Things 
further  layd  to  yor  Charge  are  thefe : 

1.  Thofe  that  have  Union  wth  Ch :  fhall  not  rife  in  thefe 

Bodyes. 

2.  The  Refuredt  in  1  Cor.  15.  is  not  fpoken  of  or  Reflec¬ 

tion  at  the  laft  day  but  of  or  Union  to  Ch:Je: 

3.  That  thear  is  no  created  Graces  in  Belevers  after 

Union:  befor  Union  ther  is,  but  after  Union  Ch : 
takes  them  owt  of  us  into  himfelfe. 

4.  That  in  Ch :  thear  is  no  created  Graces. 

6.  That  thear  is  an  Ingraftinge  into  Ch :  befor  owr  Union 
wth  him,  from  wch  we  may  fall  away. 

Hear  is  further  agayft  yow. 

1.  That  yor  particular  Revelations  abowt  futire  Events 

wear  as  infaliable  as  the  feriptures  them  felves.  That 
yow  wear  bound  to  beleeve  them  as  well  as  the 
Scriptures :  becaufe  the  Ho :  Gho :  was  the  Author 
of  both. 

2.  That  Sandlification  coud  be  no  Evidence  of  a  good 

Eftate  at  all. 


3- 


The  Church  Trial. 


3i9 


3.  That  Union  to  Ch:  Je:  is  not  by  Fayth. 

4.  That  an  Hipocrite  may  have  Adams  Righteoufnefs  & 

perifh. 

5.  That  we  have  no  Grace  in  owr  Selves,  but  all  is  in 

Ch :  &  thear  is  no  inherent  Righteowfnes  in  us. 

To  the  3  firft  from  N.  Towne.  yew  gave  no  fatisfaftion. 
Therefor  an  Admonition  paft  agaynfl  yow.  therfor  yow  are 
now  to  sfive  further  fatisfadfion  abowt  them. 

O 

Mrf  Huchifon.  for  the  firft,  I  doe  acknowledge  I  was 
deeply  deaceved,  the  opinion  was  very  dayngerows.  1  C[or.] 
6.  19.  18 

2.  Though  I  never  dowbted  that  the  Sowle  was  Imortall / 

yet  .  .  .  Things  /  renownce ,  as  that  the  Sowle  was 
purchafed  to  eternall  payne. 

3.  I  acknowledge  my  Miftake  of  Belevers  havinge  two 

Bodies,  foe  now  I  fee  that  the  Apoftle  in  1  Cor :  6. 
14.  15.  fpeakes  of  perfons,  in  one  place,  &  of  bodies, 
in  another. 

4.  I  acknowledge  &  I  doe  thanke  God  that  I  better  fee 

that  Ch :  is  united  to  our  Flefhlye  Bodies,  as  1  Cor. 

6.  18.  19.  I  doe  acknowledge  that  the  fame  Body,  that 
lies  in  the  Grave,  ft tall  rife  agayne.  &  renownce  the 
former,  as  er onions.  Es.  11.  2. 

5.  For  no  Graces  beinge  in  Beleevers  I  defier  that  to  be 

underftood  that  thay  are  not  in  tts.  but  as  thay  flow 
from  Ch:  Sl  I  doe  not  acknowledge  any  Graces  in 
us,  accompanying  Salvation  before  Union. 

6.  I  acknowledge  that  thar  is  Graces  created  in  Ch :  Je: 

as  Efa.  11.  2,  2  P.  4.  24,  Col.  3.  10. 

8.  I  doe  fee  good  Warrant  that  Ch :  Mantion  is  in  heaven 
as  well  as  his  Body. 


9* 


320  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

9.  I  have  confidered  fome  Scriptures  that  fatisfie  me  that 

the  Image  of  Adam  is  Righteoufnes  &  Holinefs. 

10.  I  hould  that  to  be  a  dayngerous  Error  wch  than  I 

held. 

11.  /  confes  now  the  Law  is  a  Rule  of  Life  Ik.  I  acknowl¬ 

edge  the  other  to  be  a  hateful  Error,  &  that  wch 
openeth  a  Gap  to  all  Lifentiowfnes,  &  I  beleve  the 
Law  is  a  Rule  of  owr  Life,  &  if  we  doe  any  Thing 
contrary  to  it  it  is  a  grewows  Sine. 

Thus  flie  anfwered  to  the  firft  fixteen  Objedtions. 
Have  you  any  Anfwer  to  the  reft? 

Anfwr  to  Mr  Wells  Articles. 

1.  That  Sandfification  cant  be  an  Evidence  but  as  it 

flowes  from  Ch  :  &  is  witnefed  to  us  by  the  Spirit. 

2.  For  thefe  Scriptures  that  I  ufed  at  the  Cowrt  in  Cen- 

furinge  the  Cun  trie,  I  confes  I  did  it  rafhly  &  owt 
of  heate  of  Spirit  &  unadvifedly ,  &  have  caufe  to  be 
forry  for  my  unreverent  Cariage  to  them  &  I  am 
hartely  forry  that  any  Things  I  have  fayde  have  drawn 
any  from  hearinge  any  of  the  Elders  of  the  Bay . 

3.  I  acknowledge  ye  comand  of  fayth  is  a  part  of  the  Doc¬ 

trine  of  the  Gofpell. 

4.  That  thear  is  no  fayth  of  Gods  EleTt  but  Affurance ,  & 

that  thear  is  no  Fayth  of  Dependance,  but  fuch  as 
Hipocrits  may  have. 

Mrf  Huchifon .  I  never  held  any  fuch  Thing. 

Elder  Leverett.  It  feems  yow  did  hould  it,  tho’  after  yow 
revoked  it. 

5.  I  doe  not  beleeve  that  a  Hipocrite  cane  attayne  to 

Adam’s  Righteoufnes. 


6. 


The  Church  Trial.  3  2 1 

6.  We  are  dull  to  aft  in  fpirituall  Thinges  favingly,  but 
as  we  are  adted  by  Ch : 

For  the  9th  I  deny  it,  that  not  beinge  bound  to  the 
Law  it  is  no  Tranfgrefjion  to  break e  it  /  I  never  held 
it  /  for  I  acknowledge  any  Breach  of  the  Law  is  a 
fine ,  &  the  former  is  a  hatefull  Error. 

Brother  Willfon.  Thear  is  one  Thinge  yl  will  be  neceffary 
for  you  Sifter  to  anfvver  to  well  was  objected  to  yow.  the  laft 
meetinge,  but  it  beinge  foe  late,  we  could  not  take  yor  Anfwr, 
&  that  was,  that  yow  denied  yow  held  none  of  thofe  Thinges 
but  fince  yor  Durance  /  wheras  he  aledged  to  yow  that  yow 
expreffed  befor  the  contrary. 

Mrs  Hiichifon.  As  my  fine  hath  bine  open,  foe  I  thinke 
it  needfull  to  acknowledge  how  I  came  firft  to  fall  into  theafe 
Errors.  Inftead  of  Lookinge  upon  myfelfe  I  looked  at 
Men,  I  know  my  Diffemblinge  will  doe  no  good.  I  fpake 
rafhly  &  unadvifedly.  /  doe  not  allow  the  flightinge  of  Min - 
filers,  nor  of  the  Scriptures  nor  any  Thinge  that  is  fet  up  by 
God :  if  Mr  Shephard  doth  conceave  that  I  had  any  of  thefe 
Thinges  in  my  Minde,  than  he  is  deceaved.  It  was  never 
in  my  hart  to  flight  any  man,  but  only  that  man  fliould  be 
kept  in  his  owne  place  &  not  fet  in  the  Roome  of  God. 

Elder  Leverit.  That  the  Affemblie  may  know  what  yow 
have  delivered,  as  our  Honord  Governor  hath  mooved,  it  is 
meet  fome  body  fliould  expres  what  yow  fay  to  the  Congre¬ 
gation  well  heard  not. 

Mr  Cotten  The  Sume  of  what  flie  fayed  is  this,  that  fhe 
did  not  fall  into  theafe  groce  &  fundamentall  Errors  till  fhe 
came  to  Roxbery.  &  the  Grownd  was  this,  her  Mifcariages 
&  difrefpedt  that  fhe  fhowed  to  the  Magiftrates  whan  fhe 

was 


41 


322 


The  Antinomicm  Controverfy. 

was  befor  them,  who  are  fet  up  by  ...  &  thofe  that  doe  foe 
lead  themfelves  into  Errors,  &  file  doth  utterly  difalow  her- 
felfe  &  condemne  herfelfe,  for  that  Cariage :  &  fhe  confeff- 
eth  the  Roote  of  all  was  the  hight  &  Pride  of  her  Spirit,  foe 
for  her  flighting  the  Minifters  fhe  is  hartely  forry  for  it :  for 
her  particular  Relation  in  her  Speach  to  the  Difgrace.  of 
him,  She  is  forry  for  it  &  defires  all  that  fhe  hath  offended 
to  pray  to  God  for  her  to  give  her  a  hart  to  be  more  truly 
humbled. 

Mr  Shephard.  If  this  day  whan  Mr.s  Hutchifon  fhould  take 
Shame  &  Condition  to  herfelfe  for  her  groce  &  damnable 
Errors,  fhe  fhall  caft  Shame  upon  others  &  fay  thay  are 
miftaken,  &  to  turne  of  many  of  thofe  groce  Errors  with  foe 
flight  an  Anfwer  as  your  Miftake ,  I  fear  it  doth  not  ftand 
wth  true  Repentance  /  I  confes  I  am  wholy  unfatisfied  in 
her  Expreffions,  to  fome  of  the  Errors.  Any  Heretick  may 
bringe  a  dye  Interpritation,  upon  any  of  theafe  Errors  & 
yet  hould  them  to  thear  Death  :  therfor  I  am  unfatisfied,  I 
fhould  be  glad  to  fee  any  Repentance  in  her:  that  might 
give  me  Satisfaction. 

Mr  Elliot.  Mr.s  Hutchifon  did  affirme  to  me,  as  fhe  did  to 
Mr  Shephard,  that  if  we  had  come  to  her  before  her  reftraynt 
or  Imprifonment  fhe  could  &  would  have  tould  me  many 
Thinges  of  Union  &c/  but  now  we  had  fhut  &  debarred 
owrfelves  from  that  Helpe,  by  imprefinge  &  procedinge 
agaynft  her,  &  fhe  did  produce  fome  Scriptures  to  me. 

Mr  Shephard.  She  puts  of  many  Thinges  wth  her  Miftake, 
as  in  union  wth  Ch :  Ch  :  takes  all  thefe  Graces  he  finds  in 
us  into  ourfelves,  &  tranfaCts  us  him  felfe. 

Mr  Cotten.  Sifter,  was  thear  not  a  Time,  whan  once  yow 

did 


The  Church  Trial \  323 

did  hould  that  thear  was  no  diflindl  graces  inherent  in  us,  but 
all  was  in  Ch  :  Je : 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  did  miflake  the  word  Inherent,  as  Mr 
Damphord  can  tell  who  did  caufe  me  firft  to  fee  my  Miflake 
in  the  word  inherent. 

Mr  Elliot.  We  are  not  fatisfied  wth  what  the  fayth,  that  fhe 
fhould  fay  now,  that  fhe  did  never  deny  Inherence  of  Grace  in 
us,  as  in  a  fubjedt,  for  fhe  beinge  by  us  preffed  foe  wth  it,  fhe 
denyed  that  thear  was  no  Graces  inherent  in  Ch  :  himfelfe . 

Mr  Shephard.  She  did  not  only  deny  the  word  inherent./ 
but  denyed  the  very  Thinge  itfelfe ;  than  I  afked  her,  if  the 
did  beleeve  that  the  fpirit  of  God  was  in  Beleevers. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  confes  my  Expreffions  was  that  way,  but 
it  was  never  my  fudgment. 

Mr  Damphord.  It  requiers  yow  to  anfvver  playnly  in  theafe 
Thinges. 

Mr  Elliot.  She  did  playnly  expres  herfelfe  to  me  that 
thear  was  no  difference  betweene  the  Graces  that  are  in  Hipo - 
crits  &  thofe  that  are  in  the  Sts. 

Mr  Cotten  Thear  is  2  thinges  to  be  clerd,  i.  what  yow 
doe  now  hould,  2ly.  what  yow  did  hould. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  My  Judgment  is  not  altered  though  my 
Expreffion  alters. 

Brother  Willfon.  This  yow  fay  is  moft  dayngerous,  for  if  yor 
Judgment  all  this  while  be  not  altered,  but  only  yor  Expref¬ 
fions,  whan  yowr  Expreffions  are  foe  contrary  to  the  Truth. 

Mr  Simes.  I  fliould  be  glad  to  fee  any  Humiliation  in 
Mr.s  Hutchifon  /  I  am  afrayd  that  fhe  lookes  but  to  Spriges1/, 

for 

1  Not  improbably  the  original  was  or,  yet  more  poffibly,  for  “  fpringes  ”  in 
here  copied  wrong  ;  but  poffibly  the  fenfe  in  which  the  word  is  ufed  by 
“  fpriges  ”  is  ufed  for  the  old  Englifh  Shakefpeare,  —  “  Springes  to  catch 
“  fprigges,”  —  fmall  fprouts  or  outfhoots  ;  woodcocks  !  ” 


324  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

for  I  fear  theafe  are  no  new  Thinges,  but  fhe  hath  ayntient- 
lye  held  them,  and  had  need  to  be  humbled  for  her  former 
Dodtrines,  &  for  her  abufe  of  divers  Scriptures,  &  if  flie  held 
no  new  Thinge,  yet  fhe  ought  to  be  humbled  for  what  fhe 
hath  held  formerly  as,  A  chrijiians  beinge  dead  to  all  fpiritu - 
all  A  Hinge  after  thay  are  united  to  Ch :  &  foe  that  of  Graces. 
She  hath  brought  that  place  in  Efa :  that  all  flefli  is  graffe  & 
poor  witheringe  Thinges,  &  foe  other  Things  to  the  like 
purpofe. 

Mr  Peters'.  We  did  thinke  fhe  would  have  humbled  her- 
felfe  for  denyinge  Graces  this  day,  for  her  opinions  are 
dayngerous  &  fundamentall  &  fuch  as  takes  downe  the  Ar¬ 
ticles  of  Religion,  as  denying  the  Refurredlion ,  &  fayth,  &  all 
Sandlification,  foe  that  fome  Elders  have  made  whole  Ser¬ 
mons,  for  fayth,  as  if  fayth  fhould  never  hould  up  her  Hed 
agayne  in  this  Cuntrye ;  as  it  hath  done  in  our  Native 
Cuntry. 

Deputie }  Mrs  Hutchifons  Repentance  is  only  for  Opinions 
held  fince  her  Imprifonment,  but  befor  her  Imprifonment 
flie  was  in  a  good  Condition,  &  held  no  Error,  but  did  a 
great  deale  of  Good,  to  many.  Now  I  know  no  Harme  that 
Mrs  Hutchifon  hath  done  fince  her  Confinement,  therfor  I 
think  her  Repentance  will  be  worfe  than  her  Errors,  for  if 
by  this  meanes  fhe  fhall  get  a  partie  to  herfelfe,  &  what  can 
any  Heretick  in  the  World  defier  more  /  &  for  her  forme  of 
Recantation,  her  Repentance  is  in  a  paper ,  whether  it  was 
drawn  up  by  herfelf,  or  whether  flie  had  any  helpe  in  it  I 
know  not,  &  will  not  now  Inquier  to,  but  fuer  her  Repentance 
is  not  in  her  Cowntenance ,  none  cane  fee  it  thear  I  thinke ; 

therfor 


1  Deputy-Governor  Thomas  Dudley. 


The  Church  Trial. 


325 


therfor  I  fpeak  this  only  to  put  the  Elders  in  minde  to 
fpeake  to  this  whether  fhe  did  not  hould  errors  before  her 
Impriffonment. 

Mr  Wells.  I  inuft  needs  fay  that  before  this  fhe  hath  fayd 
to  me,  whan  I  fpake  of  Graces,  that  fhe  would  not  pray  for 
fayth,  nor  for  patience  &  the  like,  which  whan  I  afked  her  if 
file  would  ftand  to  that,  &  tooke  out  my  pen  &  Inke  to  have 
writ  it  downe,  than  fhe  turns  it  this  way,  I  will  not  pray  for 
Patience  but  for  the  God  of  Patience. 

Govemor  /  I  muff  put  Mr.s  Hutchifon  in  minde  of  a  paper 
that  (lie  fent  me,  wherin  (lie  did  very  much  flight  fayth. 

Mrf  Hutchifon .  Thofe  papers  wear  not  myne. 

Mr  Peters.  I  would  fay  this,  whan  I  was  once  fpeakinge 
wth  her  about  the  Woman  of  Elis  P  fhe.  did.  exceedingly 
magnifie  her  to  be  a  Womane  of  1000,  hardly  any  like  to 
her.  &  yet  we  know,  that  the  Woman  of  Elis:  is  a  daynger- 
ous  Woman,  &  houlds  forth  greewous  Things,  &  ferfull 
Errors,  &  whan  I  tould  her  that  hear  was  divers  worthy  & 
godly  Weomen  Even  amongft  us,  &  than,  fhe  fayd,  fhe  ment 
fhe  was  better  than  foe  many  Jewes/.  Soe  that  I  beleeve. 
that  file  hath  vilde  Thoughts  of  us,  &  thinkes  us  to  be  noth- 
inge  but  a  company  of  Jewes,  &  that  now  God  is  convirtinge 
of  Jewes. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  fayd  of  the  Woman  of  Elis  but  what  I 
herd,  for  I  knew  her  not  nor  never  fawe  her. 

Brother 


1  No  plaufible  explanation  of  this 
allufion  has  been  fuggefted.  The  “  Wo¬ 
man  of  Elis  ”  is  apparently  referred  to 
as  a  perfon  then  living,  and  not  as  an 
hiftorical  or  Biblical  character;  neither 
is  it  clear  whether  “  Elis  ”  is  a  full 


name  or  an  abbreviation.  Further  and 
more  careful  fearch  might  throw  light 
on  the  fubjedt ;  but  it  is  at  leaft  quef- 
tionable  whether  the  refult  would  in 
value  be  commenfurate  with  the  time 
fpent  in  reaching  it. 


326  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

Brother  Willfon .  I  mud  needs  fay  this  &  if  I  did  not  fay 
foe  much  I  could  not  fatisfie  my  owne  Contience  herin,  for 
wheras  yow  fay  that  the  Cawfe  or  Root  of  theafe  yor  Errors, 
was  yor  flightinge  &  Difrefpedl  of  the  Magiftrates  &  yor  un- 
reverent  Carriage  to  them,  /  wch  though  I  thinke  that  was  a 
greate  Sine,  &  it  may  be  one  Cawfe  why  God  fliould  thus 
leave  you,  but  that  is  not  all,  for  I  fear  &  beleve  ther  was 
another,  &  a  greater  Cawfe,  &  that  is  the  flightinge  of  Gods 
faythfull  M infers  &  contemninge  &  cryinge  downe  them 
as  Nobodies ,  &  wheras  yow  fay  that  one  Cawfe  was  the  fet- 
tinge  up  of  men  in  the  Roome  of  God,  &  a  to  high  & 
honorable  Efteme  of  them,  I  doe  not  deny  but  it  may  be 
yow  might  have  an  honorable  Efteme  of  fomc  one  or  2. 
Men,  as  owr  Teacher  &  the  like,  yet  I  thinke  it  was,  to  fet 
up  yor  felfe  in  the  Roome  of  God:  above  others,  that  yozo 
might  be  extolled  &  admired ,  &  followed  after,  that  yow 
might  be  a greate  Pr ophites  .  .  &  Undertake  to  expound  Scrip¬ 
tures,  /  &  to  interpret  other  Mens  Sayings,  &  fermons  after 
yor  minde/  &  therefor  I  beleve  yor  Iniqwite  hath  found  yow 
out,  &  wheras  befor  if  any  delt  wth  yow  about  any  Thinge 
yow  called  for  Witneffes  &  for  yor  Accufers,  &  who  can  lay 
it  to  yor  Charge,1/  now  God  hath  left  you  to  yor  felfe,  &  yow 
have  hear  confeffed  that  wch  befor  yow  have  called  for  Wit- 
neffes  to  prove,  therfor  it  greves  me,  that  yow  fliould  foe 
mince  yor.  dayngerous ,  fowle  &  damnable  Heri/ies ,  wherby 
yow  have  foe  wickedly  departed  from  God  &  done  foe  much 
hurt. 

Mr  Shephard .  I  thinke  it  is  needles  for  any  other,  now  to 
fpeake.  &  ufelefs,  for  the  Cafe  is  playne,  &  hear  is  Witneffes 
enough. 

*  Mr 


1  Supra ,  pp.  170,  256. 


The  Church  Trial. 


327 


Mr  Elliot .  Some  will  acknowledge  the  Word  Gifts  & 
Frutes,  but  thay  deny  the  word  Graces:  thay  acknowledge 
actings  of  the  Spirit:  &  by  fuch  Diftindlions,  I  could  wipe 
of  all  her  Repentance  in  that  paper,  therfore  fhe  fhall  doe 
well  to  exprefs  her  felfe  playnly,  what  her  Judgment  now  is, 
in  theafe  Thinges. 

Mrt  Huchifon .  Our  Teacher  knowes  my  Judgment,  for  I 
never  kept  my  Judgment  from  him. 

Deputie /  I  doe  remember,  that  whan  fhe  was  examined, 
abowt  the  fix  Queftions  or  Articles,  abowt  Revelations  &c, 
that  file  held  nothinge  but  what  Mr  Cotten  held. 

Mr  Wells.  I  cane  affirme  the  fame  to,  for  whan  I  fpake 
wth  her  fhe  tould  me  that  Mr  Cotten  &  fhe  was  both  of  one 
minde,  &  fhe  held  no  more  than  Mr  Cotten  did  in  theafe 
Thinges,  &  whan  I  told  her  that  then  fhe  was  lately  chaynged 
in  her  Opinion,  &  I  urged  her  with  fome  Thinges,  that  Mr 
Cotten  had  left  fome  Thinges  in  Writinge  exprefly  agaynft 
fome  of  the  opinions  fhe  held  ;  Jhe  affirmed  Jlill  that  thear 
was  no  difference  betwene  Mr  Cotten  &She. 

Sargeon  Oliver.  I  know  the  Time  whan  Mrs  Hutchifon 

<L> 

did  plead  for  Creature  Graces,  &  did  acknowledge  them,  & 
flood  for  them,  /  but  fince  fhe  hath  ufed  thefe  Expreffions  in 
way  of  Diflike  I  have  pleaded  as  much  for  Graces  as  others, 
now  if  yow  doe  not  deny,  created  Graces  in  us ,  than  cleer 
that  Expreffion. 

Mrf  Hutchifon.  I  confes  I  have  denyed  the  Word  Graces, 
but  not  the  Thinge  itfelfe,  &  whan  I  fayd  I  had  pleaded  for 
them  as  much  as  others,  I  ment  only  in  feekinge  Comfort 
from  them. 

AIr  Simes.  In  the  Ship,1  fhe  may  remember  that  fhe  was 

often 


1  Supra,  p.  1 58,  note  3. 


328  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

often  offended  at  the  Expreffion  of  growinge  in  Grace  and 
laying  up  a  Stock  of  Grace ,  &  that  ail  Grace  is  in  Ch :  Je: 

Brother  Willfon .  I  know  file  hath  fayd  it  &  affirmed  it 
dogmatically,  that  the  Graces  of  God  is  not  in  its,  &  we  have 
no  Graces,  in  us,  but  only  the  Righteoufnes  of  Ch :  Imputed 
to  us,  and  if  thear  be  any  Affcinge  in  us  it  is  Ch :  only  that 
afts.  53.  Efa.  Gal.  2. 

Mr  Mather }  Mr?  Hutchifon  may  remember  that  in  her 
Speakinge  wth  me  that  fhe  denyed  all  Graces  to  be  in  us, 
that  thear  was  nayther  faith,  nor  knowledge,  nor  Gifts  & 
Graces,  no  nor  Life  itfelfe,  but  all  is  in  Ch:  Je:/&  fhe 
brought  fome  Scriptures,  to  prove  her  Opinions,  as  that  befor 
Union ,  thear  was  Graces  &  Fayth  in  us,  but  not  after  Union , 
and  fhe  Coted  Romans  11,  Thow  ftandeft  by  Fayth  be  not 
high  minded  but  fear ,  left  thow  alfo  be  cut  of,  whar  fayth  fhe, 
befor  Union  thear  is  Fayth,  thow  ftandeft  by  fayth,  but  if 
yow  be  high  minded,  yow  fhall  be  cut  of,  &  for  knowledge 
it  is  not  in  us.  but  in  Ch :  &  foe  than  yow  brought  Efa.  53, 
by  his  Knowledge  fhall  my  Righteows  Servant  Juftifie  many, 
thear,  fayth  fhe,  we  are  Juftified  by  his  Knowledge,  yl  is  in  him, 
&  not  by  owr  Knowledge,  &  for  [fo]  fayth  that  in  Galat.  2. 
Yow  brought  I  live  but  not  I  but  Je:  Ch :  lives  in  me:  ther- 
for  I  wonder  that  Mrs  Huchifon  doth  fo  far  forget  herfelfe, 
as  to  deny  that  fhe  did  not  formerly  hould  this  Opinion  of 
denying  Gifts  &  Graces  to  be  in  us. 

Mr  Peters.  I  would  defier  Mrs  Huchifon  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord  that  fhe  would  ferch  into  her  hart  farther  to  helpe 
on  her  Repentance/,  for  though  fhe  hath  confeffed  fome 
Thinges  yet  it  is  far  fhort  of  what  it  fhould  be,  &  therfore 

1. 


1  The  Rev.  Richard  Mather,  of  Dorchefter. 


The  Church  Trial.  329 

1.  I  fear  yow  are  not  well  principled  &  grownded  in  yor 

Catechifme. 

2.  I  would  commend  this  to  yor  Confideration  that  yow 

have  ftept  owt  of  yor  place,  yow  have  rather  bine  a 
Hujband  than  a  Wife ,  &  a  preacher  than  a  Hearer  ; 
&  a  Magiflrate  than  a  Subject ,  &  foe  yow  have 
thought  to  carry  all  Thinges  in  Church  &  Common¬ 
wealth.  as  yow  would,  &  have  not  bine  humbled  for 
this. 

Governor ;  Seinge  divers  Sifters  of  the  Congregation  have 
builded  upon  her  Experience,  therfor  I  thinke  it  wd  be  very 
Expedient,  &  much  to  Gods  Glory  if  fhe  would  declare  har 
what  here  Eftate  is,  or  wherin  her  good  Eftate  is,  if  not  by 
Ingraftinge  into  Ch  :  Je:  for  the  Eftate  fhe  held  owt  before 
the  Elders  /  was  not  by  Ingrafting  into  Ch :  for  a  Man  may 
be  Ingrafted  into  Ch :  Je :  &  yet  fait  away. 

Mr  Wells.  I  defire  that  Motion  may  go  on. 

Mr  Shephard.  Yow  have  not  only  to  deale  wth  a  Woman 
this  day  that  houlds  diverfe  erronius  Opinions,  but  wth  one, 
that  never  had  any  trew  Grace  in  her  hart  &  that  by  her 
owne  Tenedl/  yea  this  day  fhe  hath  fhewed  herfelfe  to  be  a 
Notorius  Impofter,  it  is  a  Tricke  of  as  notorious  Subtiltie  as 
ever  was  held  in  the  Church,  to  fay  thear  is  no  Grace  in  the 
Saints,  &  now  to  fay  fhe  hath,  &  that  fhe  all  this  while  hath 
not  altered  her  Judgment,  but  only  her  Expreffions. 

2.  I  would  have  yow  quell,  whether  fhe  was  ever  in  a  date 
of  Grace  or  no,  [feeing]  her  horrible  Untruths,  that 
flie  hath  affirmed  in  the  Congregation  &  proved  by 
many  Witneffes,  &  yet  fhe  hath  not  confeffed  it 
before  the  Lord. 


42 


3- 


33°  The  Aniinomian  Controverfy. 


3.  I  would  have  the  Congregation  judge  whether  ever  thear 

was  any  Grace  in  her  hart  or  no;  or  whither  the 
Spirit  of  Glory  refts  upon  her  in  the  Caufe  fhe  buf¬ 
fers.  Soe  her  Cawfe  wr.  good,  for  wch  fhe  buffers, 
&  doth  not  buffer  as  an  evell  doer,  than  the  bpirit  of 
Glory  &  Ch :  fhall  reft  upon  them  that  buffer,  as 
Peter  fpeaks ;  now  if  in  her  Reftraynt  God  hath  foe 
left  her,  foe  fur  to  her  belfe  as  fhe  hath  now  con- 
feffed,  that  fhe  never  held  any  of  theabe  Opinions 
till  her  Impriffonment,  wch  is  the  Time  of  her 
Humiliation  &  perbecution  fhe  thinkes,  therfor  by 
Peter  her  bufferings  is  not  for  good,  becaufe  fuch  an 
evell  bpirit  hath  refted  upon  her  in  this  Time  of  her 
Humilliation. 

4.  Upon  this  Ground,  I  thinke  yow  are  to  deale  wth  her, 

not  only  for  her  Opinions,  as  wth  one  who  is  to  be 
queftioned  whether  ever  fhe  was  in  a  good  Eftate, 
becaufe  the  Grownd  of  her  Opinions  hath  bine  built 
upon  fayned  &  fantafticall  Revelations,  as  fhe  held 
forth  2.  in  the  Court,1  one  for  the  certayne  Deftruc- 
tion  of  Ould  England  &  another  for  the  Ruine  of 


this  Cuntrie  &  the  people  therof  for  thear  proceed- 
inge  agaynft  her:  therefor  I  pray  conbider  of  it,  & 
the  rather  I  note  this  that  all  thofe  Weomen  & 
others  that  have  bine  led  by  her  &  doted  foe  much 
upon  her  &  her  Opinions. 

Mr  Peters.  We  are  not  fatisfied  in  her  Repentance,  in 

that  file  hath  exprefbed,  wherin  fhe  layes  her  Cenbuer  or 

Impriffonment  to  be  the  Cawbe  of  all  her  Errors,  as  if  fhe 

wear  Inocent  befor.  D  ,T 

Brother 


1  Supra,  pp.  176,  270. 


The  Church  Trial. 


331 

Brother  Will/bn.  I  cannot  but  reverence  &  adore  the 
wife  hand  of  God  in  this  thinge,  &  canot  but  acknowledge 
that  the  Lord  is  juft  in  leavinge  owr  Sifter  to  pride  &  Ly - 
inge,  &  owt  of  hith  Spirit  to  fal  into  Errors  &  divers  unfound 
Judgments,  &  I  looke  at  her  as  a  dayngerus  Inftrument  of 
the  Divell  rayfed  up  by  Sathan  amongft  us  to  rayfe  up 
Divifions  &  Contentions  &  to  take  away  harts  &  affedlions 
one  from  another,  /  wheras  befor  thear  was  much  Love  & 
Union  &  fweet  agreement  amongft  us  before  die  came,  yet 
fmce  all  Union  &  Love  hath  bine  broken  &  thear  hath  bine 
Cenfurings  &  Judgings  &  Condemnings  one  of  another  /  & 
I  doe  conceve  all  thefe  wofull  Opinions  doe  come  from  this 
Botome,  for  if  the  Botome  hath  bine  unfound  &  corrupt, 
than  muft  the  Building  be  fuch,  &  the  Mifgovernment  of 
this  Woman’s  Townge  hath  bine  a  great  Cawfe  of  this  Dif- 
order,  wch  hath  not  bine  to  fet  up  the  Miniftry  of  the  Word 
ayther  hear  or  elce  whear,  but  to  fet  up  her  felfe,  &  to  draw 
deciples  after  her,  &  therfor  fhe  fayth  one  Thinge  to  day  & 
another  thinge  to  morrow :  &  to  fpeake  falfely  &  doubtfully 
&  dullye,  wheras  we  fhould  fpeake  the  Truth  playnly  one  to 
another.  I  doe  therfor  this  conceave  in  the  poynt  of  Reli¬ 
gion  &  in  the  poynt  of  Dodtrine,  thay  take  away  the  bot- 
tome,  woe  be  to  that  fowle  that  fliall  build  upon  fuch  botoms. 
Owr  fowles  fhould  abhor  &  loth  to  come  foe  far  fhort  in 
Repentance,  therfor  I  thinke  as  fhe  was  lyable  to  an  Admo¬ 
nition  befor,  foe  thear  fhould  be  a  ...  of  our  Church,  &  a 
proceedinge  therin,  to  Eafe  our  felves  of  fuch  a  member, 
Efpetially  for  her  untruth,  or  Lyes,  as  that  fhe  was  all  ways 
of  the  fame  Judgment,  only  fhe  hath  altered  her  Expref- 
fions./  Therfor  I  leave  it  to  the  Church  to  confider  how  fafe 

it 


332 


The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

it  is  to  fuffer  foe  eronius  &  foe  fchifmaticall  &  foe  unfound 
a  member  amongh  us,  &  one  that  hands  guiltie  of  foe  fowle 
a  falfhood  /  therfor  confider  whether  we  fhall  be  faythfull  to 
Je  :  Ch  :  or  whether  it  cane  hand  wth  his  honor  to  fuffer  fuch 
an  one  any  longer  amongh  us ;  if  the  blind  lead  the  blind, 
whether  fhall  we  goe.  Confider  how  we  cane  or  whether 
we  may  longer  fuffer  her,  to  goe  on  hill  in  feducinge  to 
feduce,  &  in  deacevinge  to  deaceve,  &  in  lyinge  to  lye,  &  in 
condemninge  Authoritie  &  Magihracie,  hill  to  contemne. 
Therfor  we  fhould  fine  agaynh  God  if  we  fhould  not  put 
away  from  us  foe  Evell  a  Woman,  guiltie  of  fuch  fowle 
Evells.  Therfor  if  the  church  be  of  an  other  minde  Let 
them  exprefs  themfelves,  if  hie  may  not  be  feperated  from 
the  Congregation  of  the  Lord. 

Elder  Oliver.  I  did  not  thinke  the  Church  would  have 
come  thus  far  foe  foone,  efpetially  feinge  whan  I  taulked 
wth  her  in  the  morninge  I  faw  her  to  come  of  foe  freely 
in  her  Confehion  of  her  fine  in  contemninge  Magihrats  & 
Minihers. 

Mr  Elliot.  It  is  a  wonderfull  Wifdom  of  God  to  let  them 
fall  by  that  whearby  they  have  upheld  thear  Opinions,  & 
carried  them  as  to  let  her  fall  into  fuch  Lies,  as  hie  hath 
done  this  day,  for  hie  hath  caried  on  all  her  Erors  by  Lies, 
as  that  hie  held  nothinge  but  what  Mr  Cotten  did,  &  that 
he  &  the  was  all  one  in  Judgment,  &  foe  it  fared  with  divers 
others,  that  we  have  cah  out  of  our  Church  of  thefe  opinions. 
[Rev.]  22.  15. 

Mr  Cotten.  The  matter  is  now  tranhated,  the  lah  day  fhe 
was  delt  wth  in  poynt  of  Dochrine,  now  fhe  is  delt  wth  in 
poynt  of  praftife,  &  foe  it  belongs  to  the  Pahors  Office  to 

inhru6t 


The  Church  Trial. 


333 


indrudt  &  alfo  to  correct  in  Righteowfnes,  whan  a  Lye  is 
open  &  perdded  in,  in  the  face  of  the  Congregation  after 
proved  by  Witnes.  I  know  not  how  to  fatisfye  myfelfe  in 
it,  but  accordinge  to  that  in  Revel.  22.  15.  If  it  come  to 
this  to  the  makinge  of  a  Lye;  than  wthowt  fhall  be  doges,1 
&  fuch  as  love  &  makes  lyes,  therfor  though  fine  have  con- 
feffed,  that  Hie  fees  many  of  the  Thinges  wch  die  held  to  be 
Errors,  &  that  it  proceded  from  the  Roote  Pride  of  Spirit, 
yet  I  fee  this  pride  of  Harte  is  not  healed  but  is  working 
dill,  &  therfor  to  keep  fecret  fome  unfownd  Opinions,  God 
hath  lett  her  fall  into  a  manifed  Lye,  yea  to  make  a  Lye,  & 
therfor  as  we  receaved  her  in  amongd  us  I  thinke  we  are 
bownd  upon  this  Grownd  to  remove  her  from  us  &  not  to 
retayne  her  any  longer,  feeinge  die  doth  prevaricate  in  her 
Words,  as  that  her  Judgment  is  one  Thinge  &  her  Expref 
don  is  another. 

Mr  Damphord.  God  will  not  bare  with  Mixtures  in  this 
kinde,  therfor  yow  mud  freely  Confeffe  the  Truth,  take 
Shame  to  yor  felfe,  that  God  may  have  the  Glory,  &  I  fear 
that  God  will  not  let  you  fee  yor  dne,  &  confes  it,  till  the 
Ordinance  of  God  hath  taken  place  agaynd  yow.  Soe  that 
it  femes  to  me  God  hath  a  purpofe  to  goe  on  in  the  Courfe 
of  his  Judgment  agaynd  you. 

Quejl.  I  defire  to  be  fatisded  in  this  how  the  Church  may 
profced  to  Excommunication ,  whan  the  Scripture  faythe  he 
that  confeffeth  &  forfaketh  fine  diall  have  Mercy,  &  whether 
we  fhould  not  bare  with  Patience  the  contrary  minded. 

Mr  Cotten.  Confefdon  of  Sine  thear  is  ment  wthall  the 

Agrivations 

1  “For  without  are  dogs,  and  for-  and  maketh  a  lie.”  —  Revelation 
cerers.  and  whoremongers,  and  murder-  xxii.  1 5. 
ers,  and  idolaters,  and  whofoever  loveth 


334  The  Antino7nian  Controverfy. , 

Agrivations  of  it  .  .  wch  yet  hath  not  appeared  to  us,  &  by 
baring  wth  the  contrary  minded,  is  ment  of  thefe  that  are 
wthowt 

Mr  Scot}  I  defire  to  propownd  this  one  Scruple,  wch 
keepes  me  that  I  canot  foe  freely  in  my  fpirit  give  way  to 
Excommunication  /  whether  it  wear  not  better,  to  give  her 
a  little  time  to  confider  of  the  Thinges  that  is  .  .  .  vifed 
agaynft  her,  becawfe  JJie  is  not  yet  convinced  of  her  Lye  &  foe 
things  is  with  her  in  Diffraction,  &  fhe  canot  recoiled  her 
Thoughts. 

Mr  Cotten.  This  now  is  not  for  poynt  of  Dodrine,  wherin 
we  muff  fuffer  her  wth  patience,  but  we  now  deal  wth  her 
in  poynt  of  fad  or  pradife,  as  the  makinge  &  houldinge  of 
a  Lye :  now  in  poynt  of  groce  fad,  thear  may  be  a  prefent 
proceedinge. 

Mr  Shephard.  I  perceve  it  is  the  Defire  of  many  of  the 
Brethren  to  ftav  her  Excommunication,  &  to  let  a  fecond 
Admonition  lye  upon  her ; 2  but  now  for  one  not  to  drop  a 
Lye,  but  to  make  a  Lye,  &  to  mayntayne  a  Lye  :  &  to  doe 
it  in  a  day  of  Humilliation,  &  in  the  fight  of  God,  &  fuch  a 
Congregation  as  this  is,  I  would  have  this  Church  confider. 
whether  it  will  be  for  the  Honor  of  God  &  the  honor  of  this 
Church  to  bare  with  patience  foe  groce  an  offendor. 

Mr  Mather.  The  Apoffle  fayth  an  Hereticke  after  once 
or  twife  Admonition  rejed  &  cut  of  like  a  Gangrene  as  the 

word 

1  Richard  Scott,  the  hufband  of  in  connexion  with  the  efforts  at  expof- 
Catherine  Mabury,  a  fitter  of  Mrs.  tulation  of  Scott  and  the  “  Queftioner  ” 
Hutchinfon  ;  in  regard  to  Richard  Scott  and  “  Straynger  ”  whofe  names  are  not 
fee  Savage’s  Genealogical  Dittionary  given,  as  indicating  the  undercurrent 
of  New  England ,  Vol.  IV.  p.  138,  and  of  fympathy  with  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
Savage’s  Winthrof ,  Vol.  I.  p.  *293.  which  ftill  exitted  in  the  Botton  church. 

2  Attention  is  called  to  this  ftate-  The  church  adtion  taken  was  apparently 
ment,  or  admilfion,  of  Shepard’s,  taken  forced  by  the  clergy  and  magittrates. 


The  Church  Trial.  335 

word  fignifies  :  now,  fhe  hath  bine  once  admonifhed  allready, 
why  than  fhould  not  the  Church  proceed. 

Mr  Lever  it.  The  Word  is  after  once  or  twice  by  a  Cop¬ 
ulative.1 

Deputie.  I  would  anfwer  this  to  Mr  Leverit,  to  his  Objec¬ 
tion  after  twife  Admonition;  Now  Mrs  Huchifon  hath  bine 
delt  [with]  and  admoniflied,  not  once,  twife  nor  thrice,  but 
many  Times,  by  privat  Bretheren,  &  by  Elders  of  other 
Congregations,  &  by  her  owne  Church,  therfor  that  fhould 
be  no  fcruple,  befides  I  thinke  that  text  doth  not  fpeake  of 
the  Admonition  of  the  Church  but  of  privat  Admonition. 

Straynger.  I  would  defire  to  knowe,  if  the  Church  pre¬ 
cedes  agaynft  her,  whether  it  be  for  DoFtrine,  or  for  her 
Lye :  if  for  her  Lye.  than  I  confent :  if  it  be  for  her  Doc¬ 
trine,  flie  hath  renownced  that  as  Eroneus,  &  than  I  want 
Light  to  goe  wth  the  Church  in  it. 

Brother  Willfon.  For  my  part,  if  the  Church  proceds.  I 
thinke  it  is,  &  it  fhould  be,  for  her  Errors  in  Opinion,  as 
well  as  for  poynt  of  PraFtife,  for  though  fhe  hath  made  fome 
fhowe  of  Repentance  yet  it  doth  not  feme  to  be  cordial  & 
fincere,  &  that  of  A  chan  tho  he  did  confes  &  acknowledge 
his  fine ,  yet  Jofhua ,  &  that  by  the  apoyntment  of  God ,  did 
proced  agaynft  him ,  &  in  Corinth,  as  soon  as  ever  the  Apoftle 
herd  of  that  fine  committed  agaynft  them,  he  writes  his  Let¬ 
ter,  to  caft  them  out  forthwth  wthout  delay. 

Mr  Cotten  :  For  yow  to  propownd  Termes  of  Delay :  what 
Rule  have  yow  for  it,  whan  in  poynt  of  praFtife,  thear  hath 
bine  a  prefant  proceeding,  as  in  AFts  5.  as  foon  as  ever 
Annanias  had  tould  a  Lye ,  the  Church  caft  them  out. 

Brother 

1  “  A  man  that  is  an  heretic,  after  the  firft  and  fecond  admonition  rejedt.” 
—  Titus  iii.  io. 


336  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Brother  Willfon .  The  Church  confentinge  to  it  we  will 
proced  to 


Excomunication. 

Forafmuch  as  yow,  Mr.s  Huchifon,  have  highly  tranfgreffed 
&  offended,  &  forafmuch  as  yow  have  foe  many  ways  troubled 
the  Church  wtli  yor  Erors  &  have  drawen  away  many  a  poor 
foule,  &  have  upheld  yor  Revelations :  &  forafmuch  as  yow 
have  made  a  Lye ,  &c.  Therfor  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Je : 
Ch:  &  in  the  name  of  the  Church  I  doe  not  only  pronownce 
yow  worthy  to  be  caff  owt,  but  /  doe  caji yow  out  &  in  the 
name  of  Ch.  I  doe  deliver  you  up  to  Sathan ,  that  yow  may 
learne  no  more  to  blafpheme,  to  feduce  &  to  lye,  &  I  doe  ac¬ 
count  yow  from  this  time  forth  to  be  a  Hethen  &  a  Publican 
&  foe  to  be  held  of  all  the  Bretheren  &  Sifters,  of  this  Con¬ 
gregation,  &  of  others:  therfor  I  command  yow  in  the  name 
of  Ch  :  Je :  &  of  this  Church  as  a  Leper  to  wthdraw  yor  f elf e 
owt  of  the  Congregation ;  that  as  formerly  yow  have  difpifed 
&  contemned  the  Holy  Ordinances  of  God,  &  turned  yor 
Backe  one  them,  foe  yow  may  now  have  no  part  in  them 
nor  benefit  by  them.” 


The  Way 


of  Congregational  Churches 
Cleared.1 


Sett.  13.  Of  Cottons  pretended  Antinomianifme  and 
Famitifme . 

The  Diffwader  proceedeth  to  point  at  (as  hee  calleth  it) 
“  another  more  dangerous  fall  of  mine,  which  in  his  Margent, 

“  he 


1  THE  WAY  OF  CONGREGATIONAL 
CHURCHES  CLEARED: 

In  two  Treatifes 

In  the  former,  From  the  Hiftorical  Af- 
perfions  of  Mr.  Robert  Baylie ,  in  his  Book, 
called  [A  Diffwafive  from  the  Errors  of  the 
Time.] 

In  the  latter,  From  fome  Contradictions 
of  ViNDrcTE  Clavium  : 

And  from,  Some  Mif-conftrudtions  of 
Learned  Mr.  Rutherford  in  his  Book  inti¬ 
tuled  [The  due  Right  of  Prefbyteries.] 

ByMr.  John  Cotton, fometime  Preacher 
at  Bofion  in  Lincoln-JJiire ,  and  now  Teacher 
of  the  Church  at  Bojlon,  in  Neiu-England. 

London, 

Printed  by  Matthew  Simmons ,  for  Joint  Bclla- 
mie ,  at  the  figne  of  the  three  Golden- 
Lions,  in  Cornhill.  1648. 


The  prominence  of  “the  New  Eng¬ 
land  way,”  as  it  was  called,  or  the 


Congregational  fyftem  of  church  govern¬ 
ment,  in  the  difcuflions  which  attended 
the  Weftminfter  Affembly,  has  been 
referred  to  in  the  introductory  matter 
of  the  prefent  volume  ( fupra ,  p.  29). 
Cotton  was  recognized  generally  as  the 
father  and  leading  exponent  of  the 
fyftem,  and  the  moft  famous  and  im¬ 
portant  of  all  his  writings  was  that 
entitled  The  Keyes  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven ,  and  Power  Thereof,  publifhed 
in  London  in  1644.  But  two  years 
before,  in  1642,  he  had  fent  over  a 
prior  traCt,  entitled  The  True  Confli- 
tvtion  of  a  particular  viftble  Church , 
Proved  by  Scripture.  Of  this  earlier 
publication  Maffon  fays  (Milton,  Vol. 
II.  p.  598)  :  “  It  was  much  read,  and  it 
palled  into  a  fecond  edition,  with  a 
changed  title,  within  a  year;  and  Cot¬ 
ton  became  from  that  moment  the  expo¬ 
nent  of  moderate  Independency  whom 
the  Prefbyterians  felt  themfelves  moft 

bound 


43 


338  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

“he  nameth  Mr.  Cottons  Antinomianifme,  and  Familifme: 
“and  within  a  few  lines,  his  wandring  into  the  horrible 

“  Errors 


bound  to  anfwer.”  When,  therefore, 
The  Keyes  appeared,  it  was  accepted 
at  once  “  as  the  moft  complete  and 
influential  ftatement  of  the  aCtual  early 
New  England  Congregationalifm  ;  a 
pofltion,”  adds  Henry  M.  Dexter, 
“  which  I  may  fay  it  has  never  loft. 
Two  or  three  editions  were  iffued  within 
the  year,  with  the  general  endorfement 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Independent  party 
in  the  [Weftminfter]  Affembly,  as  fet- 
ting  forth  ‘  that  very  Middle-way  (which 
in  our  Apologie  we  did  in  the  generall  in¬ 
timate  and  intend)  between  that  which 
is  called  Brownifme ,  and  the  Prefbyte- 
riall-government ,  as  it  is  practiced  ’  ” 
( Congregationalifm  as  feen  in  its  Lit¬ 
erature, ,  pp.  433,  434). 

Robert  Baillie  —  better  known  from 
the  title  of  Carlyle’s  eflay  as  “  Bail- 
lie  the  Covenanter  ”  —  was  a  member 
of  the  Weftminfter  Affembly,  and  among 
the  moft  adtive  and  earned;  of  the  advo¬ 
cates  of  Prefbyterianifm.  His  recogni¬ 
tion  and  eftimate  of  Cotton  have  already 
been  quoted  ( fupra ,  p.  29),  and  refer¬ 
ence  made  to  the  faCt  that  he  was  at 
the  time  fufpeCted  of  being  inftrumental 
in  cauflng  the  publication  of  the  Short 
Story  {fupra,  p.  35).  If  fuch  was  the 
cafe,  the  printing  in  London,  in  1642, 
of  Cotton’s  True  Conftitution  may  ac¬ 
count  for  the  publication  there  in  1644 

—  two  years  later  —  of  the  Short  Story , 
as  it  may  then  have  been  brought  out 
with  a  view  to  difcrediting  “the  New 
England  way,”  by  connecting  its  recog¬ 
nized  exponent  with  the  Antinomians, 

—  a  fed  the  “  huge  increafe  and  info- 


lencies  intolerable  ”  of  which  were  at 
this  particular  junclure  cauflng  Par¬ 
liament  and  the  Prefbyterians  great 
mental  anguifh  (Maffon’s  Milton ,  Vol. 
HI.  p-  161).  This  view  of  the  matter 
was  certainly  taken  by  Cotton  Mather, 
who  fays  (. Magnalia ,  B.  III.  Chap.  i. 
§  21),  “  the  report  given  of  Mr.  Cotton 
on  this  occafion  [Antinomianifm,  &c.] 
by  one  Baily,  a  Scotchman,  in  a  moft 
fcandalous  pamphlet,  called,  A  Diffua- 
five,  written  to  caft  an  odium  on  the 
churches  of  New-England,  by  vilifying 
him,  that  was  one  of  their  moft  eminent 
fervants,  are  moft  horrid  injuries.”  But 
whether  there  was,  or  was  not,  any 
fecret  connection  between  the  printing 
of  Winthrop’s  manufcript  at  this  junc¬ 
ture,  and  a  pre-arranged  onflaught  upon 
the  exponent  of  “the  New  England 
way,”  it  is  certain  that  when  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  year  (1645)  Baylie  brought  out 
his  Dijfuafive  from  the  Err  ours  of  the 
Time,  he  made  in  it  free  ufe  of  the 
Short  Story  as  an  arfenal  from  which 
to  obtain  weapons  of  offenfe  againft 
Cotton. 

Copies  of  both  the  Short  Story  and 
the  Diffuafive  reached  New  England 
not  long  after  their  publication,  and,  as 
its  titlepage  fhows,  largely  in  refponfe  to 
the  afperfions  or  “  teftimonies  ”  on  hi  in- 
fed  found  in  the  latter,  Cotton  prepared 
his  Way  of  Congregational  Churches 
Cleared,  publifhed  in  London  in  1648. 

The  Way  Cleared,  as  it  is  commonly 
defignated,  has  never  been  reprinted, 
or  publifhed  in  an  annotated  form.  It 
is  a  fmall  quarto  trad  of  158  pages, 

and 


Cotion’s  “IV ay  Cleared'.'  339 

“  Errors  of  the  Antinomians,  and  Familifts,  with  his  [39] 
“  dear  friend  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  fo  far  that  he  came  to  a 
“  refolution  to  fide  with  her,  and  to  Separate  from  all  the 
“  Churches  in  New- England,  as  legall  Synagogues. 

If  all  this  charge  were  true  (as  indeed,  in  all  parts  of  it,  it 
is  falfe : )  yet  the  errors  of  Antinomianifme,  and  Familifme, 
then  ftirring  in  the  Countrey,  and  condemned  in  the  Synod 
at  New-Towne,  were  not  more  dangerous,  then  the  old 
Montanifme.1  I  confeffe,  the  Familifme  afterwards  broached 
by  Mr.  Garton ,  and  his  followers,  the  fame  which  Calvin  in 
his  Opufcula  refuteth  (in  his  Injlrzitdio  adverfus  Libertinos ) 
as  Calvin  judgeth  it  more  dangerous  then  Popery,  fo  I 
conceive  it  to  be  as  dangerous  as  Montanifme,  though  I 
cannot  fay  more  dangerous :  for  both  of  them  overthrow  al 
principles  &  foundations  of  Chriftian  Religion.  But  for  the 
making  good  of  this  charge  upon  me,  let  Mr.  Bay  lie  be 
pleafed  to  inflance  in  thofe  horrible  errors  either  of  Antino¬ 
mianifme  or  Familifme,  whereunto  I  either  wandred  or  fell: 

Or 


and  copies  of  it  are  to  be  found  in 
almoft  all  the  large  collections. 

So  far  as  the  Antinomian  controverfy 
is  concerned,  the  Way  Cleared  is  of 
value  as  giving  Cotton’s  account  of  the 
matter.  The  fubjedt  was  one  not  agree¬ 
able  to  him,  and  towards  the  end  of  his 
life  he  is  reported  to  have  deftroyed 
all  his  papers  and  manufcripts  relating 
to  it. 

Only  that  portion  of  the  Way  Cleared 
which  relates  to  the  Antinomian  con¬ 
troverfy  is  included  in  this  publication; 
nor  has  it  been  deemed  neceffary  to 
verify  its  references  or  annotate  it,  ex¬ 
cept  in  fo  far  as  the  ltatements  or  allu- 


fions  in  it  relate  to  the  events  in  that 
controverfy,  or  the  parties  to  it. 

1  The  Montanifts  were  a  feCt  of  the 
Chriftian  Church  founded  during  the 
feconcl  century  by  Montanus  of  Phrygia. 
Enthufiafts  and  rigorous  afcetics,  they 
conftituted  a  fpecies  of  proteft  againft 
the  fecularizing  tendencies  of  the  church 
as  a  body.  They  believed  in  the  infpi- 
ration  of  Montanus,  the  continuance  of 
miraculous  gifts,  the  fecond  advent, 
and  the  eftablifhment  of  the  heavenly 
Jerufalem.  See  the  references  to  the 
modern  Montaniftic  refearches  in  the 
Encyclopedia  Britannica ,  article  Mon- 
tanifm. 


340  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

Or  let  him  make  it  appeare  “  that  I  came  to  fuch  a  Refolu- 
“  tion,  to  fide  with  my  dear  friend  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  and  to 
“  feparate  from  all  the  Churches  in  New  England \  as  legall 
“  Synagogues. 

Let  us  examine  his  proofes  and  Teftimonies. 

“  i.  The  firft  is  from  the  parties  themfelves,  the  followers 
“of  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  who  (faith  he)  boafl  of  Mr.  Cotton  for 
“their  Matter  and  Patron. 

And  it  is  true,  they  profeffed  fo :  juft  as  Wightman  who 
was  burnt  at  Lichfield  for  Montanifme,  (avouching  himfelf 
to  be  the  Holy  Ghoft)  profeffed  he  had  received  all  his 
grounds  from  Mr.  Hilderfam.  And  I  confeffe  my  felf,  being 
naturally  (I  thank  God)  not  fufpicious,  hearing  no  more  of 
their  Tenents  from  them,  then  what  feemed  to  mee  Ortho- 
doxall,  I  beleeved,  they  had  been  far  off  from  fuch  groffe 
errors,  as  were  bruited  of  them.  But  when  fome  of  my 
fellow-Brethren  (the  Elders  of  Neighbour  Churches)  adver- 
tifed  me  of  the  evill  report  that  went  abroad  of  their  corrupt 
Tenents,  I  defired  to  know  what  the  Tenents  were,  which 
were  corrupt,  and  which  they  had  vented  here  and  there,  in 
my  name.  They  mentioned  fome  to  me,  fome  of  thofe 
which  are  publifhed  in  the  fhort  ffory  of  that  Subject :  and 
named  alfo  to  me  the  perfons,  who  had  uttered  the  fame. 
I  therefore  dealt  with  Mris.  Hutchinfon  and  others  of  them, 
declaring  to  them  the  erroneoufneffe  of  thofe  Tenents, 
[40]  and  the  injury  done  to  my  felf  in  fathering  them  upon 
mee.  Both  fhee,  and  they  utterly  denyed,  that  they 
held  fuch  Tenents,  or  that  they  had  fathered  them  upon  mee. 
I  returned  their  Anfwer  to  the  Elders,  who  had  fpoken  to 
mee  of  them :  and  I  inquired,  if  any  two  of  them,  or  of  their 

Neighbours 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared, 


34i 


Neighbours  could  bear  witneffe  in  this  cafe.  They  anfwered 
me,  they  had  but  one  witneffe  of  any  corrupt  Tenent:  and 
that  one,  loth  to  be  known  to  bee  an  accufer  of  them.  I 
replyed,  what  courfe  would  you  then  advife  mee  to  take  ? 
They  anfwered,  that  I  could  not  indeed  bring  the  matter  to 
the  Church  for  want  of  witneffes :  But  the  beft  way  would 
bee,  publikely  and  privately  to  bear  witneffe  againft  fuch 
errors.  I  tooke  their  counfell,  and  bare  witneffe  againft  the 
errors  complained  of,  as  well  publikely  as  privately.  Which 
when  fome  Elders  and  Brethren  heard,  meeting  foon  after 
with  fome  of  thefe  Opinionifts :  “  Loe,  fay  they,  now  wee 
“  have  heard  your  Teacher  bearing  witneffe  openly  againft 
“  thofe  very  points,  which  you  falfely  father  on  him.  No 
“  matter  (fay  the  other)  what  you  heare  him  fay  in  publick : 
“  we  know  what  hee  faith  to  us  in  private.  This  anfwer 
bred  in  fome  of  my  Brethren  and  friends,  a  jealoufie,  that 
my  felfe  was  a  fecret  fomenter  of  this  fpirit  of  Familifme,  if 
not  leavened  my  felf  that  way.  Whereupon  fundry  Elders 
and  Brethren  perceiving  thefe  Errors  to  fpread,  fecretly  and 
clofely,  they  confulted  among  themfelves,  and  with  me  what 
I  thought  of  a  Synod,  whether  it  might  bee  of  ufe  in  fuch  a 
cafe  for  the  clearing  of  thefe  Points,  and  the  allaying  of  the 
jealoufies  and  differences  in  the  Countrey  ?  I  anfwered, 
yea.  Thereupon,  with  confent  of  the  Magiftrates,  a  time, 
and  place  was  appointed  for  a  Synodicall  meeting,  and 
fundry  Elders  were  fent  for,  from  other  jurifdidfions,  and 
meffengers  from  all  the  Churches  in  the  Country  to  affift  in 
this  worke. 

Againft  which  time  three  things  principally  were  attended 
for  preparation. 


1. 


342  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

i.  A  Solemne  Fall  kept  in  all  the  Churches:  in  which  it 
fell  out,  that  Mr.  Whelewrights  Sermon  was  apprehended  to 
give  too  much  encouragement  to  the  Opinionilts.  And 
himfelf  hath  fince  confeffed,  that  being  but  new  come  into 
the  Countrey,  having  but  little  acquaintance  but  with  his 
kindred,  and  their  friends,  (who  were  many  of  them  levened 
this  way)  he  fpake  fome  things,  which  if  he  had  before 
difcerned  their  Familifme,  he  would  not  have  expreffed 
himfelf  as  he  did.1 

[41]  The  2.  thing  attended  to,  for  preparation  to  the  Synod, 
was,  the  gathering  up  of  all  the  corrupt  and  offenfive 
Opinions  that  were  fcattered  up  and  down  the  Countrey, 
and  to  commend  them  to  Publique  Difquifition  in  the 
Synod :  that  howfoever,  the  Authours  of  them  were  loth  to 
owne  them  publikely,  yet  at  leah,  they  might  fee  them 
publickely  tryed,  confuted,  and  condemned.  The  which 
was  accordingly  done  in  the  Synod :  and  the  Opinions  with 
their  Confutations  are  fince  printed  in  the  fhort  ftory, 
whence  Mr.  Bay  lie  fetcheth  many  Tehimonies. 

The  3.  thing  thought  needfull  for  preparation  to  the 
Synod,  was,  to  gather  out  of  my  Sermons  to  the  people, 
and  my  conferences  (in  word  and  writing)  with  the  Elders, 
all  fuch  opinions  of  mine  as  were  conceived  by  fome,  to  bee 
erroneous:  and  having  gathered  them  together,  to  inquire 
in  a  brotherly  conference  with  mee,  how  far  I  would  own 
them,  or  how  I  did  underhand  them,  that  fo  the  true  hate 
of  the  quehions  in  difference  might  appeare ;  and  withall,  if 
there  were  any  aguifh  dihemper,  or  difaffedlion  growen  in 
any  of  our  fpirits  amongh  our  felves,  it  might  be  healed  in 

a 


1  Bell’s  Wheelwright ,  pp.  47-52. 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared, 


343 


a  private  brotherly  way,  and  mutuall  fatisfadlion  given  and 
taken  on  all  hands.  Accordingly  we  had  fuch  a  meeting  in 
private ;  wherein  five  queftions  were  propounded  unto  mee, 
with  defire  of  my  plaine  and  explicite  anfwer  to  the  fame : 
which  alfo  upon  their  demand,  I  gave  fuddenly. 

Queft.  i. 

“  Whether  our  Union  with  Chriji  be  compleat  before  and 
“  without  Faith  ? 

Where  I  gave  this  anfwer,  which  was  taken  in  writing : 
“  Not  without,  nor  before  the  habit  (or  gift)  of  Faith,  but 
“  before  the  a6t  of  Faith ;  that  is,  not  before  Chrift  hath 
“  wrought  Faith  in  us  (for  in  uniting  himfelf  to  us,  he  work- 
“  eth  Faith  in  us :)  yet  in  order  of  nature,  before  our  faith 
“  doth  put  forth  it  felf  to  lay  hold  on  him. 

For  indeed  I  looked  at  Union  with  Chrifb,  as  equipollent 
to  Regeneration.  And  looke  as  in  Generation  we  are  in  a 
paffive  way  united  to  Adam  :  fo  in  Regeneration  wee  are 
united  to  Chrift.  And  as  the  foule  habet  fe  mere  pafjive  (in 
the  judgement  of  our  beft  Divines)  in  Regeneration,  fo  alfo 
in  union,  and  by  the  judgment  of  Chrift  himfelf,  who 
faith,  without  Chrift  abiding  in  us  (and  fo  united  to  us)  [42] 
we  can  doe  nothing,  not  bring  forth  any  fpiritual  fruit 
at  all:  much  leffe  can  we  before  union  with  Chrift,  unite 
our  felves  to  Chrift,  which  is  the  greateft  and  moft  fpirituall 
fruit  of  all.  I  was  not  ignorant,  that  fome  of  the  Schoolmen 
(even  fome  Dominicans)  &  out  of  them  Ferius ,  and  fome 
others,  (even  of  judicious  Proteftants)  are  of  opinion,  that 
Chrift  doth  give  the  Soule  by  the  Almighty  power  of  the 
auxilium  efficax  of  his  Spirit,  to  put  forth  an  a6t  of  Faith,  to 

lay 


344  The  Antinomicm  Controverfy. 

lay  hold  on  Chrift,  before  hee  give  them  a  habit  or  gift  of 
Faith.  But  I  could  not  underftand  how  this  could  ftand 
with  Chrifts  Word,  That  without  Chrift  abiding  in  us ,  wee 
can  doe  nothing.  Which  argueth,  no  fpirituall  adt  can  bee 
done  by  us  without  Chrift  habitually  permanent  in  us. 
And  as  acute  and  judicious  Baynes  faith,  (in  Ephef.  i)  This 
were  to  give  a  man  to  fee,  without  an  eye  to  fee  withall : 
which  though  God  can  doe  by  his  Almighty  power,  yet  as 
the  Philofopher  faid  of  Entia :  fo  it  may  be  much  more  faid 
of  Miracula  (which  are  extraordinary  Entia)  Miracula fine 
7ieceJJitate  non  funt  multiplicanda. 

QUEST.  II. 

Whether  Faith  be  an  inftrumentall  caufe  in  applying 
Chrifts  righteoufneffe  to  our  Juftification. 

Whereto  I  anfwered, 

“  Faith  is  an  inftrument  to  receive  the  righteoufnelfe  of 
“  Chrift  applyed  to  us  of  God,  for  our  Juftification :  but  not 
“  properly  an  inftrumentall  caufe. 

Where  I  underftood  Inftrument,  as  the  Hebrews  doe, 
which  they  indifferently  put  for  Inftrument,  or  Veffel:  For 
Faith  emptying  the  foule  of  all  confidence  in  its  own  right- 
eoufneffe,  is  a  fit  veffell  or  inftrument  to  receive  the  right- 
eoufneffe  of  Chrift  offered  and  imputed ;  and  fo  I  tooke 
Faith  rather  as  a  fit  difpofition  of  the  fubjedt  to  be  juftified, 
then  as  a  proper  inftrumentall  caufe  of  our  juftification  : 
like  the  empty  veffels  of  the  Prophets  widow,  which  whilft 
they  were  empty,  the  oyle  ran  forth  into  them  (the  empty 
veffels  being  fit  to  receive  it : )  But  yet  the  empty  veffels 
were  not  properly  inftrumentall  caufes  of  the  running  forth 
of  the  Oyle,  but  onely  fit  inftruments  to  receive  it. 


QUEST. 


Cotton  s  ‘  ‘  PV ay  Cleared. 


345 


QUEST.  3.  [43] 

Whether  the  Spirit  of  God  in  evidencing  our  Jufiification 
doth  beare  witnejfe  in  an  abfolute  promife  of  free  Grace, 
without  Qualification ,  or  condition . 

My  anfwer  was, 

“  The  Spirit  in  evidencing  our  Juftification  doth  bear 
“  witneffe  either  in  an  abfolute  promife,  or  in  a  conditionall : 
“  in  cafe,  the  condition  bee  underftood,  or  applyed  abfolutely, 
“  not  attending  the  condition  as  the  ground  or  caufe  of  the 
“  affurance,  but  as  the  effedt  and  confequence  of  it :  or  (as  I 
“  might  have  added,  as  before)  as  a  fit  difpofition  of  the 
“fubjedt  to  receive  it. 

For  I  conceived,  though  the  Spirit  may  evidence  to  us 
our  Juftification  in  a  Qualification  or  condition:  yet  fome- 
time  the  condition  is  not  there  before  the  promife,  but  freely 
given  with  the  promife,  as  Adis  10.  43,  44.  where  though 
Cornelius  and  his  houfhold  were  beleevers,  yet  many  of  his 
kindred  and  friends  were  not :  who  yet  upon  hearing  the 
promife  of  Remiffion  (or  Juftification)  unto  Faith,  they 
received  both  Faith  and  Juftification,  and  the  evidence  of 
both,  all  together:  as  did  alfo  the  Jailor  in  the  like  fort, 
Adi.  16.  31.  Sometime,  though  the  Qualification  or  condi¬ 
tion  bee  there  before,  and  the  Spirit  doe  bear  witneffe  to 
our  Juftification  in  that  condition  :  yet  the  condition  is  not 
the  caufe  either  of  juftification,  or  of  the  evidence  of  it,  as 
in  Luke  7,  47.  Chrift  beareth  evident  witneffe  of  the  Re¬ 
miffion  or  Juftification  of  Mary  Magdalen ,  in  her  love  to 
him.  Nevertheleffe  her  love  was  not  the  caufe,  neither  of 
her  Juftification,  nor  of  the  affurance  of  it,  but  an  effedt  of 

both. 


44 


346  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

both.  For  fhee  exprefifed  thofe  evidences  of  her  love  to 
Chrift,  becaufe  her  fins  were  forgiven  her,  and  becaufe  her 
felf  was  affured  of  the  forgivenefie  of  them. 

Sometimes  the  Qualification  or  condition  mentioned  in 
the  promife,  though  it  bee  in  the  foule  before,  yet  it  is  not 
evident  there  before.  And  then  the  evidence  of  Jufiification 
fpringeth  not  from  the  condition,  but  from  the  Grace  of  the 
promife,  clearing  and  evidencing  both  the  condition  and  the 
Jufiification.  Thus  Chrifi  applyeth  himfelfe  by  his  Spirit, 
to  bruifed  Reeds,  or  broken  hearts.  If  a.  57.  15. 

Lafily,  if  Faith  it  felf  bee  meant  to  be  the  faving 
[44]  qualification  or  condition,  and  be  alfo  found,  and  that 
evidently  in  the  foul  to  whom  the  Promife  of  Jufiifica¬ 
tion  is  made ;  yet  the  Spirit  may  bear  witneffe  in  the 
Promife  of  Grace  to  the  Jufiification  of  fuch  a  foul,  without 
either  the  word  expreffing  the  Condition  in  that  place,  or 
the  foul  attending  the  Condition  at  that  time  :  As  when 
Chrifi  faid  to  the  Woman,  Luk .  7.  48.  Thy  Jinnes  are  for - 
given  thee ,  He  neither  mentioneth  her  Faith  in  that  word, 
nor  doth  it  appear,  that  fhe  did  reflect  upon  her  Faith  in 
receiving  that  Promife  at  that  time.  Many  an  Ifraelite 
fiung  by  the  fiery  Serpents  in  the  wilderneffe,  might  look  up 
to  the  brazen  Serpent  for  healing,  and  yet  at  that  time  not 
look  to  their  eye,  nor  think  upon  their  eye  by  which  they 
looked.  And  though  afterwards  Chrifi  doe  make  expreffe 
mention  of  the  womans  Faith,  to  which  he  attributeth  her 
falvation,  (  Woman ,  faith  he,  thy  Faith  hath  faved  thee ,  ver. 
50.)  Neverthelefie,  that  Faith,  though  it  be  an  Evidence  of 
Affurance  in  the  fubjecfi  Perfon  of  his  Jufiification  :  yet  it  is 
alfo  an  Effecfi  or  Confequence  of  the  Evidence  and  Aflur- 


ance 


Cottons  “  Way  Cleared!’ 


347 

ance  of  the  Object,  that  is,  of  the  grace  and  mercy  of  God 
clearly  revealed  and  applyed  to  the  foul  in  the  Promife, 
even  to  the  begetting  of  Faith  it  felf,  and  the  Affurance  of 
it.  As  when  Chrift  did  promife  (by  the  Miniftery  of  Paul) 
falvation  to  the  Jaylor  in  Beleeving;  the  Grace  of  Chrift 
clearly  revealed  and  applyed  in  the  Promise  did  beget  Faith 
in  the  Jaylor,  and  the  Affurance  of  Faith.  And  fo  his 
Faith,  and  the  Affurance  of  it  was  an  Effedt  and  Confe- 
quence  of  the  Grace  and  Affurance  of  it  offered  to  him  in 
the  Promife.  F'aith  though  it  be  an  Evidence  of  things  not 
feen  (with  bodily  eye ; )  yet  it  is  an  effedt  of  a  former  Evi¬ 
dence,  even  of  the  light  of  Gods  Countenance  fhining  forth 
through  Chrift  in  the  Promife  of  Grace  upon  the  foul,  to  the 
begetting  of  Faith,  and  the  affurance  of  it. 

But  howfoever,  Faith  being  always  of  a  felf  humbling 
efficacy,  it  is  a  fit  difpofition  of  the  fubjedt  to  receive  comfort 
and  affurance,  Ifa.  57.  15. 

Calvin  defineth  Faith  to  be  Divines  ergo  nos  benevolentice 
fir  mam  certamque  cognitionein ,  quee  gratuitez  in  Chrijlo 
Promififiionis  verilale  fundata,  per  Spiritum  SanPtum  & 
revelalur  mentibus  nojlris  &  cordibus  objignatur.  Injlitut. 
1.  3.  c.  2.  Seel .  7.  Now  when  hee  cometh  to  expound  what 
he  meaneth  by  the  free  promife  of  grace  in  Chrift, 
upon  which  this  knowledg  (or  affurance)  of  Faith  is  [45] 
founded,  he  maketh  it  to  be,  nor  conditionall.  And 
he  giveth  this  reafon,  “  Quoniam  (faith  he)  Conditionalis  Pro- 
“  miffio  qua  ad  opera  nofira  remittimur ,  non  aliter  vitam 
“ promittit,  quam  fi  perfpiciamus  efife  in  nobis  fitam.  Ergo , 
“  niji  Fidem  tremere ,  ac  vacillare  volumus ,  illam  Salutis  Pro- 
“  miffione  fulciamus  oportet ,  quee  a  Domino  ultro  ac  libera - 

“  liter. 


348  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

“  liter,  potiusque  miferice  nojlrce  quam  dignitatis  refpedtu 
“  offer  a  tur  ;  ibidem  Sedt.  29. 

But  what  was  the  occafion  of  this  Queftion  whether  from 
any  fpeech  or  writing  of  mine,  I  cannot  cal  to  minde,  unleffe 
it  were  concerning  the  Firfb  evidence  of  j unification,  which 
is  the  purport  of  the  next  Queflion.  For  otherwife,  if  Faith 
and  Affurance  be  firfl  founded  and  bottomed  upon  a  Promife 
of  Free-grace,  I  never  doubted,  but  that  Sanctification  or 
Faith,  (any  having  qualification)  may  be,  (and  is  by  the  help 
of  the  Spirit)  a  clear  and  certain  Evidence  of  J unification. 
So  that  put  the  Quefiion  in  terminis , 

“Whether  the  Spirit  of  God  in  Evidencing  our  Jufiifica- 
“  tion  doth  bear  witnefs  in  an  abfolute  Promife  of  Free- 
“  Grace,  without  qualification  or  condition  ? 

I  fhould  anfwer  plainly  and  roundly,  The  Spirit  doth  Evi¬ 
dence  our  Jufiification  both  wayes,  fometime  in  an  abfolute 
Promife,  fometime  in  a  conditionall. 

QUEST.  4. 

Whether  fome  Saving  Qualification  may  be  a  firfi  Evidence 
of  Jufiification  ? 

Hereto  I  anfwered, 

“  A  man  may  have  an  argument  from  thence,  (yea,  I  doubt 
“  not  a  firm  and  firong  argument)  but  not  a  firfi  Evidence. 

For  I  conceived,  Faith  it  felf,  which  is  an  evidence  of 
things  not  feen,  and  the  firfi  having  Qualification  that  doth 
Evidence  Jufiification,  is  it  helf  founded  upon  a  former 
evidence,  even  the  Free-Grace  of  God  in  Chrifi,  revealed  in 
the  promife  of  Grace,  and  applyed  to  the  foul  effectually  by 
the  Spirit  of  grace  both  in  our  effectual  Calling  (even  to  the 

begetting 


Cottons  “W ay  Cleared, 


349 


begetting  of  Faith)  and  in  our  J unification.  Accordingly, 
the  Apoftle  reckoning  the  Evidences  that  bear  witneffe  of 
our  life  in  Chrift,  giveth  the  firft  place  to  the  Spirit,  before 
any  fruit  of  the  Spirit ;  There  are  three  (faith  he)  that  bear 
witneffe  on  earth,  the  Spirit,  the  Water,  and  the  Blood, 

1  Joh.  5.  8.  Firft,  the  Spirit,  to  wit,  of  illumination  [46] 
and  drawing,  whereby  he  revealeth  Chrift  to  us,  and 
worketh  Faith  in  us,  2  Cor .  4.  6.  Ephef.  1.  17,  18.  Joh. 
6,  44,  45.  Secondly,  the  water  of  Sanctification.  And 
thirdly,  the  Blood  of  atonement  (or  pacification)  pacifying 
the  confcience. 

Calvin  alfo  is  of  the  fame  judgment  in  this  Queftion,  in 

2  Pet.  1.  10  &  in  1  Joh  3.  14  &  19. 

And  Zanchy  likewife  doth  at  large  difpute  this  Queftion, 
and  conclude  it  againft  Dr.  Marbachius  in  his  Mifcellanies , 
in  that  part  of  it  entituled,  Dijceptatio  inter  duos  Theologos , 
from  pag.  598.  to  pag.  605.  Editionis  in  quarto. 

QUEST.  5. 

Whether  Chrift  and  his  benefits  be  di/penfed  in  a  Covenant 
of  Works  l 

Whereunto  my  anfwer  was, 

“  Chrift  is  difpenfed  to  the  Eleft  in  a  Covenant  of  Grace : 
“  to  others  he  may  be  difpenfed  in  fome  fort,  (to  wit,  in  a 
“  tafte  of  him)  either  in  a  Covenant  of  works,  or  in  a  Cove- 
“  nant  of  grace  legally  applyed. 

To  give  an  hint  of  the  reafon  of  mine  anfwer.  The  Cov¬ 
enant  on  Mount  Sinai ,  (wherein  Chrift  was  difpenfed  in 
facrifices  and  ceremonies)  though  to  the  faithfull  feed  of 
Abraham  it  was  a  Covenant  of  Grace,  (wherein  they  faw 

Chrift 


35° 


The  Antinomian  Controversy . 

Chrift  and  his  benefits  gracioufly  difpenfed  to  them,  Pfal. 
51,  7.)  yet  to  the  carnall  feed,  it  feemed  to  me  to  be  a  Cove¬ 
nant  of  Works,  to  prepare  them  for  the  having  benefits  of 
that  Covenant  of  Grace  which  was  formerly  given  to  Abra¬ 
ham  and  his  feed,  (but  negledted  by  them  in  Egypt)  and 
afterwards  renewed  in  the  plains  of  Moab ,  Deut .  chap.  29  & 
Chap.  30.  And  fo  Paul  maketh  that  Covenant  on  Mount 
Sinai ,  to  be  exprefly  a  different  Covenant  from  that  of 
grace,  to  wit,  a  Covenant  gendring  unto  bondage,  Gal.  4. 
24,  25.  and  the  other  Covenant  {Deut.  30)  to  be  of  Grace, 
Rom.  10.  6,  7,  8.  Mofes  alfo  himfelf,  having  recited  the 
Covenant  on  Mount  Sinai  {Deut.  5.)  he  maketh  the  obfer- 
vation  of  all  the  Commandements  to  be  the  righteoufneffe 
of  the  people,  Deut.  6.  25.  and  their  life,  Levit.  18.  4.  And 
fo  Patil  underftandeth  him,  Rom.  10.  5.  Gal.  3.  12.  Now 
that  Covenant  which  gendreth  unto  bondage,  and 
[47]  holdeth  forth  righteoufneffe  and  life  upon  obedience 
to  all  the  Commandements,  it  is  a  Covenant  of 
Works. 

And  fo  have  the  chiefeft  Germane  Divines,  as  well  as 
Pifcator ,  and  Polanus ,  taken  the  Covenant  on  Mount  Sinai 
to  bee  a  covenant  of  Workes.  See  Pifcator ,  Ezek.  16. 
Obfervat ,  ultima  in  verf.  60.  62  &  Polanus  ibidem. 

How  far  there  arofe  any  confent  or  diffent  about  thefe 
queftions,  between  my  Fellow-Brethren  (the  Elders  of  thefe 
churches)  &  my  felf,  it  is  not  materiall  now  to  particularize; 
it  is  enough,  that  upon  our  clear  underftanding  of  one 
anothers  mindes  &  judgments,  and  upon  the  due  proceed¬ 
ing  of  our  Church  againft  convinced  notorious  errors  and 
fcandalls,  wee  have  ever  fince  (by  the  Grace  of  Chrift)  much 

amiable 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared, 351 

amiable  and  comfortable  Communion  together  in  al  broth¬ 
erly  kindnefs.  But  this  fhort  relation  may  fuffice. 

To  let  Mr.  Bay  lie  know,  and  all  them  that  fhall  read  his 
Book,  to  confider,  what  flender  “  ground  hee  had  to  fpeak 
“  of  my  wandring  into  the  horrible  Errors  of  the  Antino- 
“  mians,  and  Families,  and  Tiding  therein  with  Miftris 
“  Hutchinfon ,  and  therein  to  tell  the  world  of  a  more  dan¬ 
gerous  fall  of  mine,  then  that  of  Montanifme :  And  withall 
“to  clear  up  to  him,  what  little  ground  Miftris  Hutchinfon 
“  had,  to  pretend,  that  fhee  was  of  Mr.  Cottons  judgement  in 
“  all  things :  that  fo  Mr.  Baylie  may  likewife  obferve  what 
ground  himfelf  had  to  take  up  fuch  a  report  againft  me, 
upon  her  teftimony.  Which  yet  will  the  more  fully  appeare, 
if  I  proceed  to  relate  a  principall  paffage  or  two  in  the 
Synod,  after  it  was  afiembled.  It  was  the  firft  a6t  of  the 
Synod  (after  Prayer  and  choice  of  Moderators)  to  propound 
the  feverall  offenfive  opinions,  which  had  been  difperfed  up 
and  downe  in  the  Countrey,  and  briefely  to  argue  them,  and 
bear  witneffe  againft  them.  The  opinions  were  about  four- 
fcore  (more  or  leffe)  which  being  orderly  propounded  and 
argued  againft,  I -perceived  that  Tome  of  the  Members  & 
Meflengers  of  our  Church,  were  ready  to  rife  up,  and  plead 
in  defence  of  fundry  corrupt  Opinions,  which  I  verily 
thought  had  been  far  from  them ;  efpecially  fuch  as  con¬ 
cerned  union  with  Chrift  before  Faith,  Juftification  without 
Fiath,  inherent  righteoufnes,  and  evidencing  a  good  eftate 
by  it  at  all,  firft  or  laft.  Whereupon,  affoon  as  I  could  get 
liberty  of  fpeech  with  them,  “  Brethren  (faid  I)  if  you  be  of 
“  that  judgment  which  you  plead  for,  all  thefe  Bafiardly 
“Opinions,  which  are  juftly  offenfive  to  the  Churches,  will 

“  be 


352  The  Antinomicm  Controver/y . 

“  be  fathered  upon  Bojlon.  They  anfwered  me  again, 
[48]  “  Though  they  were  not  clear  for  thofe  Opinions, 
“  which  they  fpake  for,  yet  neither  were  they  clear  for 
“  condemning  of  them,  confidering  the  tenderneffe  of  fome 
“  Confciences :  I  replyed,  if  they  were  doubtfull  of  the 
“  Erroneoufneffe  and  danger  of  fuch  Opinions,  they  fhould 
“  have  dealt  openly  with  the  Church  at  home,  when  they 
“  were  chofen  Meffengers,  and  fhould  have  declared  their 
“judgments  before  the  Church:  as  knowing  fuch  points 
“  amongft  others  were  likely  to  come  into  agitation  in  the 
“  Synod :  whereas  now  looke  what  they  fpeak,  it  is  con¬ 
ceived  by  the  whole  Countrey  to  bee  the  judgment  of  our 
“  Church. 

Hereupon  fome  of  the  Meffengers  of  our  Church  with¬ 
drew  themfelves,  and  appeared  no  more  in  the  Synod,  fuch 
as  did  appear,  did  much  what  forbear  any  profecution  of 
argument  in  fuch  caufes.  But  that  (to  my  remembrance) 
was  the  firft  time  of  my  difcerning  a  real  and  broad  differ¬ 
ence,  between  the  judgments  of  our  Brethren  (who  leaned 
to  Miflris  Hutchinfon )  and  my  felf.  And  therefore  to  clear 
my  felf,  and  the  founder  Members  of  our  Church  from 
partaking  in  thofe  manifold  errors  there  prefented,  I  de¬ 
clared  my  judgment  openly  before  all  the  affembly,  “  That  I 
“  efleemed  fome  of  the  Opinions,  to  bee  blafphemous :  fome 
“  of  them,  hereticall :  many  of  them,  Erroneous :  and  almoft 
“  all  of  them,  incommodiously  exprefled :  as  intending  to 
“except  thofe  chiefly,  wherein  I  had  declared  mine  own 
“opinion,  as  before. 

But  becaufe  I  would  deale  openly  and  ingenuoufly  with 
Mr.  Baylie ,  and  hide  nothing  from  him,  that  might  fortify 

his 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared!' 


353 


his  accufation  againft  me,  there  was  fome  colour  of  my 
leaning  to  one  Antinomian  Tenent  in  one  day  of  the  Synod. 
For  though  in  anfwer  to  the  queftions  of  the  Elders  before 
the  Synod,  I  had  affirmed  Faith  to  be  an  inftrument  for  the 
receiving  the  righteoufneffe  of  Chrift  to  our  j unification : 
yet  for  as  much  as  fome  great  Divines  had  let  fall  fome 
expreffions,  that  feemed  to  favour  the  Antinomian  party  in 
a  contrary  Tenent,  I  was  defirous  to  hear  that  Point  a  little 
further  ventilated,  and  to  fee  the  difficulties  a  little  more 
fully  cleared.  Dr.  Twijffe  (not  fufpedted  for  an  Antinomian, 
much  leffe  for  a  Familift)  in  his  vindicicz  graticz,  de  eledtione, 
Parte  2.  Sedlion.  25.  Numero  5.  bringeth  in  Arminius, 
arguing  againft  Mr.  Perkins ,  thus :  “  The  righteoufneffe  of 
“  Chrift  wrought  or  performed,  is  not  ours,  as  wrought  or 
“  performed,  but  as  by  Faith  imputed  to  us.  Whereto 
“  the  Dr.  anfwereth,  Before  Faith,  this  Righteoufneffe  [49] 
“  of  Chrift  was  ours,  and  in  the  intention  of  God  the 
“  Father,  and  of  Chrift  our  Mediator,  was  wrought  for  us. 
“  And  becaufe  it  is  wrought  for  us,  therefore  God  in  his 
“  own  time  will  give  it  us,  and  Grace  of  every  kind,  even 
“  Faith  it  felf  amongft  the  reft.  But  Faith  coming,  (which 
“  the  Holy  Ghoft  kindleth  in  our  hearts)  then  at  length  this 
“  love  of  God  to  us  in  Chrift ,  is  acknowledged  &  perceived. 
“  Whence  it  is,  that  the  Righteoufneffe  of  Chrift  is  faid  to 
“  bee  imputed  to  us,  by  Faith,  becaufe  it  is  not  defcerned  to 
“  be  imputed  to  us,  but  by  Faith  :  and  then  we  are  faid  to  be 
“juftified  with  that  kind  of  Juftification,  &  abfolution  from 
“  fin,  which  breedeth  peace  in  our  Confciences. 

“And  this  (faith  he)  I  confirm  by  two  arguments.  1.  Be- 
“caufe  by  the  Righteoufneffe  of  Chrift,  wee  obtain  not  onely 

“  Remiffion 


45 


354  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

“  Remiffion  of  finnes,  but  Faith  it  felf,  and  Repentance,  as 
“  it  is  writen,  God  hath  bleffed  us  with  all  fpirituall  bleffmgs 
“in  Chrift,  Ephef.  i.  3.  Therefore  even  before  Faith  and 
“  Repentance,  the  Righteoufneffe  of  Chrift  is  applyed  to  us, 
“  as  for  which  wee  obtain  Grace  effeCtuall  to  believe  in 
“Chrift,  and  to  repent.  2.  Becaufe  J unification  and  ab- 
“  folution,  as  they  fignify  an  immanent  aft  in  God,  are  ab 
“  eterno,  & c. 

“  Wherto  he  fubjoyneth  the  Poets  ingenuous  verfe  to  the 
reader. 

“  Si  quid  novijii  rectius  ijiis , 

“  Candidus  imperti ;  fi  non ,  bis  utere  mecum. 

Before  Dr.  Twifie ,  Chamier  (a  Divine,  as  free  as  the  other 
from  fufpition  of  Antinomianifme)  denyeth  Faith  to  bee  a 
caufe  of  Juftification :  “  For  if  it  were  (faith  hee)  Juftification 
“  fhould  not  be  of  Grace,  but  of  us.  But  Faith  is  faid  to 
“juftifie,  not  becaufe  it  effeCteth  Juftification,  but  becaufe  it 
“  is  effected  in  the  juftified  perfon,  and  requifite  to  be  found 
“  in  him.  De  Fide  libr.  1 3.  cap.  6.  And  to  the  fame  pur- 
pofe,  De  Juftifie  atione,  libr.  22.  cap.  12.  hee  contendeth, 
“that  Faith  as  it  doth  not  merit,  nor  bring  Juftification,  fo 
“  neither  doth  it  ( impetrare )  obtain  it.  For  if  it  were  fo, 
“  then  turn  ratione ,  turn  tempore  Fides  prezeederet  Jufiificatio- 
“  nem,  Faith  fhould  goe  before  Juftification,  both  in  nature 
“and  time:  Which  (faith  hee)  in  no  fort  may  be  granted. 
“  For  Faith  is  it  felf  a  part  of  SanCtification ;  but  there  is  no 
“  SanCtification,  but  after  Juftification,  quee  &  re ,  &  naturci 
“ prior  efi ,  which  both  in  the  thing  it  felf,  and  in  nature  is 
“  before  it. 


To 


Cottons  ‘ ‘ IV ay  Cleared'.' 


355 


To  the  like  purpose  doth  Mr.  Pemble  deliver  his  judg¬ 
ment  in  his  Book  of  the  Nature  and  Properties  of 
Grace  and  Faith,  Page  24.  26.  of  his  Edition  in  Folio.  [50] 

The  Difcrepance  of  all  thefe  Divines  from  the 
received  expreffions  of  the  molt,  gave  juft  occafion,  why  in 
fuch  an  Affembly,  the  judgment  of  fundry  acute  and  judi¬ 
cious  Elders,  might  be  enquired.  Accordingly,  in  one  day 
of  their  difpute  in  the  Synod  (with  Mr.  Wheelwright ,  if  I 
forget  not)  I  interpofed  fuch  a  word  as  this,  God  may  bee 
faid  to  justifie  me  before  the  habit,  or  adt  of  Faith,  and  the 
habit  is  the  effeft  of  my  J unification,  intending  the  fame 
fenfe,  as  hath  been  exprefied  out  of  thofe  Divines :  upon 
which,  the  next  day  was  taken  up  in  difputing  and  arguing 
that  Point  with  mee.  And  when  I  faw  their  apprehenfions, 
that  they  were  fuitable  to  Scripture  phrafe,  and  the  contrary 
difficulties  might  bee  removed  fano  fenfu ,  I  the  next  morn¬ 
ing  did  of  my  felf  freely  declare  to  them  publikely,  my 
confent  with  them  in  the  point,  which  (as  they  profeffed) 
they  gladly  accepted. 

Now  upon  all  this  relation  (which  is  the  fubftance  of  the 
whole  Truth  in  this  caufe)  I  defire  Mr.  Bay  lie  might  con- 
fider  what  ground  hee  had,  “  either  to  report  mee  to  the 
“World  as  fometimes  dangeroufly  fallen  into  the  horrible 
“  Errors  of  Antinomianifme,  and  Familifme :  or  to  take  Ms. 
“  Hutchinfons  report  in  this  caufe,  That  fhe  was  of  Mr. 
“  Cottons  judgment  in  all  things.  Let  him  pleafe  to  read 
the  fhort  ftory  of  the  Errors  and  herefies,  for  which  fliee  was 
admonifhed  publickly  in  Bofion  Church,  and  compare  them 
with  the  Tenents  of  mine  now  mentioned,  and  let  him  judge 
of  himfelf,  whether  fhe  was  of  Mr.  Cottons  judgment  in  all 
things. 


I 


356  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

I  would  not  have  enlarged  my  felf  fo  much,  either  to 
clear  her  teftimony,  or  to  elevate  it,  were  it  not  to  take 
off  fome  fcruples  and  furmifes  in  Mr.  Bay  lie  of  fome  dan¬ 
gerous  guilt  in  me  of  Antinomian,  and  Familifticall  errors, 
which  he  thinkes  cannot  be  avoided  by  what  he  collefteth 
from  other  teflimonies,  as  well  as  hers  which  may  fully  be 
prevented  and  avoided  by  this  relation  of  the  true  date  of 
things. 

But  before  I  leave  fpeech  of  her,  let  me  fpeak  a  word  to 
Mr.  Bay  lie  of  the  Epithet  hee  is  pleafed  to  give  her,  “  when 
“  hee  ftyleth  her,  my  dear  friend,  with  whom  I  refolved  to 
“  fide  and  feparate  from  all  the  Churches  in  New-England , 
“  as  Legall  Churches. 

At  her  firft  comming  fhe  was  well  refpefted  and 
[51]  efteemed  of  me,  not  onely  becaufe  herfelf  and  her 
family  were  well  beloved  in  England  at  Allford  in 
Lincoln/hire  (not  far  beyond  Bojloni)  nor  onely  becaufe  fhe 
with  her  family  came  over  hither  (as  was  faid)  for  confcience 
fake :  but  chiefly  for  that  I  heard,  fhee  did  much  good  in 
our  Town,  in  womans  meeting  at  Childbirth- Travells, 
wherein  fhee  was  not  onely  fkilfull  and  helpfull,  but  readily 
fell  into  good  difcourfe  with  the  women  about  their  fpirituall 
eftates :  And  therein  cleared  it  unto  them,  That  the  foul 
lying  under  a  Spirit  of  Bondage,  might  fee  and  fenfibly  feel 
the  hainous  guilt,  and  deep  defert  of  fin,  and  thereby  not 
onely  undergoe  affliction  of  Spirit  but  alfo  receive  both 
reftraining,  and  conftraining  Grace  likewife,  (in  fome  meaf- 
ure :)  reftraining  from  all  known  evill  (both  courfes,  and 
companies)  (at  leaft  for  a  feafon)  and  conftraining  to  all 
knowen  duties,  as  fecret  Prayer,  Family  Exercifes,  Con¬ 
fcience 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared 


357 


icience  of  Sabbaths,  Reverence  of  Miniders,  Frequenting  of 
Sermons,  Diligence  in  calling,  honefby  in  dealing  and  the 
like :  yea  and  that  the  Soul  might  find  fome  taftes  and 
dailies  of  fpirituall  comfort  in  this  edate,  and  yet  never  fee 
or  feel  the  need  of  Chrid,  much  leffe  attain  any  faving 
Union,  or  Communion  with  him,  being  no  more  but  Legall 
work,  even  what  the  Law,  and  the  Spirit  of  bondage  (breath¬ 
ing  in  it)  might  reach  unto.  By  which  means  many  of  the 
women  (and  by  them  their  hufbands)  were  convinced,  that 
they  had  gone  on  in  a  Covenant  of  Works,  and  were  much 
fhaken  and  humbled  thereby,  and  brought  to  enquire  more 
ferioudy  after  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrid,  without  whom  all  their 
Gifts  and  Graces  would  prove  but  common,  and  their  duties 
but  legall,  and  in  the  end  wizzen  and  vanidi.  All  this  was 
well  (as  is  reported  truely,  page  31  of  her  Story)  and  fuited 
with  the  publike  Minidery,  which  had  gone  along  in  the 
fame  way,  fo  as  thefe  private  conferences  did  well  tend  to 
water  the  feeds  publikely  fowen.  Whereupon  all  the  faith- 
full  embraced  her  conference,  and  blefled  God  for  her  fruit- 
full  difcourfes.  And  many  whofe  fpirituall  edates  were  not 
fo  fafely  layed,  yet  were  hereby  helped  and  awakened  to 
difcover  their  fandy  foundations,  and  to  feek  for  better 
edablidiment  in  Chrid:  which  caufed  them  alfo  to  bleffe 
the  Lord  for  the  good  fucceffe,  which  appeared  to  them  by 
this  difcovery. 

Hitherto  therefore  diee  wrought  with  God,  and  with  the 
Miniders,  the  work  of  the  Lord.  No  marvell  therefore  if 
at  that  time,  diee  found  loving  and  dear  refpedl  both 
from  our  Church-Elders  and  Brethren,  and  fo  from  my  [52] 
felf  alfo  amongd  the  red. 


Afterwards, 


358  The  Antinomian  Coniroverfy. 

Afterwards,  it  is  true,  fhe  turned  afide  not  only  to  corrupt 
opinions,  but  to  dif-efteem  generally  the  Elders  of  the 
churches,  (though  of  them  fhee  efteemed  befl  of  Mr.  Shep- 
heard :)  and  for  my  felfe,  (in  the  repetitions  of  Sermons  in 
her  houfe)  what  fhee  repeated  and  confirmed,  was  accounted 
found,  what  fhee  omitted,  was  accounted  Apocrypha.  This 
change  of  hers  was  long  hid  from  me  :  and  much  longer  the 
evidence  of  it,  by  any  two  clear  witneftes.  I  fent  fome 
Sifters  of  the  Church  on  purpofe  to  her  Repetitions,  that  I 
might  know  the  truth :  but  when  fhee  difcerned  any  fuch 
prefent,  no  fpeech  fell  from  her,  that  could  be  much  excepted 
againft.  But  further  difcourfe  about  her  courfe  is  not  per¬ 
tinent  to  the  prefent  bufineffe.  But  by  this  Mr.  Baylie  may 
difcerne,  how  farre  Ms.  Hutchinfon  was  dear  unto  mee, 
and  if  hee  fpeak  of  her  as  my  deare  friend,  till  fhee  turned 
afide,  I  refufe  it  not. 

But  yet  thus  much  I  muft  profeffe  to  him,  That  in  the 
times  of  her  beft  acceptance,  fhee  was  not  fo  dear  unto  mee, 
but  that  (by  the  help  of  Chrift)  I  dealt  faithfully  with  her 
about  her  fpirituall  eftate.  There  1  things  I  told  her,  made 
her  fpirituall  eftate  unclear  to  mee.  1.  “That  her  Faith 
“  was  not  begotten  nor  (by  her  relation)  fcarce  at  any  time 
“  ftrengthened,  by  publick  Miniftery,  but  by  private  Medita- 
“  tions,  or  Revelations  onely. 

“2.  That  fhee  clearly  difcerned  her  Juftification  (as  fhee 
“  profeffed :)  but  little  or  nothing  at  all,  her  Sanctification : 
“  though  (flie  faid)  fhee  beleeved,  fuch  a  thing  there  was  by 
“  plain  Scripture. 

“  3.  That  flie  was  more  fharply  cenforious  of  other  mens 

“  fpirituall 


1  Mifprint  for  “three.” 


Cotton’s  “ Way  Cleared'.' 


359 


“  fpirituall  edates  and  hearts,  then  the  fervants  of  God  are 
“wont  to  be,  who  are  more  taken  up  with  judging  of  them- 
“  felves  before  the  Lord,  then  of  others. 

Now  a  word  of  that  other  paffage,  in  Mr.  Bay  lies  fpeech, 
“  touching  my  refolution  to  fide  with  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  and 
“  to  feparate  from  all  the  Churches  of  New-England ,  as 
“  legall  Synagogues.  The  truth  is,  I  did  intend  to  remove, 
but  not  to  Separate;  much  leffe  with  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  and 
lead;  of  all  from  all  the  Churches  of  New-England :  and  yet 
leffe  then  the  lead  of  all,  to  feparate  from  them,  as  legall 
Synagogues. 

The  occafion  of  my  intent  of  removall  was  this. 

After  the  banifliment  of  Ms.  Hutchinfon  and  fundry  [53] 
others  by  occafion  of  her,1  the  generall  court  made  an 
order,  that  none  fhould  be  received  to  abide  as  Inhabitants 
in  this  JurifdiCtion,  unleffe  they  were  allowed  under  the 
hand  of  the  Governour,  or  two  Affidants.  The  Afddants 
are  our  Magidrates.  When  this  Law  came  to  be  put  in 
ufe,  I  was  informed  that  fome  godly  paffengers  who  hither 
arrived  out  of  England,  were  refufed  to  fit  down  amongd  us, 
becaufe  (upon  tryall)  they  held  forth  fuch  an  union  with 
Chrid  by  the  Spirit  giving  Faith,  as  did  precede  the  afting 
of  Faith  upon  Chrid2:  and  fuch  an  evidence  of  that  union, 
by  the  favour  of  God  died  abroad  in  their  hearts  by  the 
Holy  Ghod,  as  did  precede  the  feeing  (though  not  the 
being)  of  Sanctification. 

This 

1  Writing  careleffly  and  from  mem-  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  was  tried  and  banifhed 
ory,  Cotton  here  falls  into  an  error  as  in  the  following  November  by  another 
to  the  fequence  of  events.  The  Alien  General  Court  chofen  in  Odlober. 
law  of  1637  was  palled  at  the  May  fef-  2  Savage’s  Winthrop ,  Vol.  I.  p. 
fion  of  the  General  Court  of  that  year;  *  224. 


360  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

This  took  the  deeper  impreffion  upon  me,  becaufe  I  faw 
by  this  meanes,  wee  fhould  receive  no  more  Members  into 
our  Church,  but  fuch  as  muft  profeffe  themfelves  of  a  con¬ 
trary  judgment  to  what  I  beleeved  to  bee  a  Truth.  Befides 
I  was  informed,  that  it  was  the  judgment  of  fome  of  place, 
in  the  Countrey,  that  fuch  a  DoCtrin  of  Union,  and  eviden¬ 
cing  of  Union,  as  was  held  forth  by  mee,  was  the  Trojan 
Horfe,  out  of  which  all  the  erroneous  Opinions  and  differ¬ 
ences  of  the  Countrey  did  iffue  forth. 

Hereupon,  fearing  this  might  in  time  breed  a  renewall  of 
Paroxyfmes,  I  called  to  mind  the  intent  of  my  comming 
hither,  which  was,  not  to  difturb,  but  to  edify  the  Churches 
here :  and  therefore  began  to  entertain  thoughts  rather  of 
peaceable  removall  then  of  offenfive  continuance.  At  the 
fame  time  there  was  brought  to  mee  a  writing,  fubfcribed 
with  about  threefcore  hands  to  encourage  me  to  removall, 
and  offering  their  readineffe  to  remove  with  mee  into  fome 
other  part  of  this  Countrey. 

I  confidered,  If  wee  removed,  it  would  be  matter  of  much 
various  conftruftion  amongft  fuch  as  knew  us,  both  in  Old- 
England ,  and  New ;  and  I  was  loth  to  doe  any  thing,  (efpe- 
cially  of  importance)  but  what  I  might  give  account  of  before 
God,  and  his  people ;  I  took  advice  therefore  of  fome  friends 
here,  efpecially  Mr.  Davenport ,  and  refolved,  firft  to  clear  the 
certainty  of  the  grounds  of  the  information  given  mee  of 
the  rejections  of  thofe  godly  perfons  (of  whom  I  had  heard) 
for  their  judgments  fake  in  thofe  points.  2.  To  fee  if 
[54]  my  continuance  here  would  certainly,  or  probably 
breed  any  further  offenfive  agitation:  And  3.  If  both 
thofe  things  were  found  clearly,  then  to  take  opportunity 

with 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared'.'  361 

with  common  confent  to  remove  to  Qninipyatk 1  whereto  at 
that  time  a  door  was  opened. 

But  when  I  came  to  enquire  the  certainty  of  thefe  infor¬ 
mations,  in  conference  with  fome  of  our  chief  Magiftrates 
and  others,  I  found,  though  there  had  fpeach  been  about 
fuch  points  between  themfelves,  and  fome  paffengers :  yet 
their  refufall  of  fuch  paffengers  was  not  upon  thofe  points, 
but  (as  I  remember)  upon  denyall  of  inherent  righteoufneffe 
in  beleevers,  and  of  any  evidence  of  a  good  eftate  from 
thence,  firft  or  laffc.  Withall,  they  declared  to  mee  their 
minds  touching  fuch  points  of  Union,  or  evidencing  of 
Union,  which  I  had  taught,  that  they  did  not  looke  at  them 
to  bee  of  fuch  Fundamentall  concernment  either  to  civill 
or  Church-Peace,  as  needed  to  occafion  any  diftance  in  heart, 
(much  leffe  in  place)  amongft  godly  brethren.  Which  when 
I  heard  from  them,  and  found  upon  fearch,  the  mif-informa- 
tions  given  mee,  were  but  mifprifions,  I  then  layed  down  all 
thoughts  of  removall,  and  fat  down  fatisfied  in  my  aboad 
amongft  them,  and  have  fo  continued  (by  the  help  of  God) 
to  this  day.  By  all  this  may  appear  the  truth  of  what  I 
faid,  that  though  I  had  thoughts  of  removall,  yet  not  with 
Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  fhee  being  gone  to  Road  I/land \  but  I 
intending  Quinipyack.  Much  leffe  had  I  any  thoughts  of 
Separation  from  all  the  Churches  of  New-England :  for  the 
Churches  in  Quinipiack  are  in  New-England.  And  thofe 
Churches  at  the  Bay  (amongft  whom  I  lived)  It  was  far 
from  my  thoughts  to  feparate  from  them,  whom  I  ever  truely 

honored 

1  Quilipeak,  the  Indian  defignation  was  fettled  by  members  of  the  church 
of  the  locality  of  New  Haven.  The  of  which  Rev.  John  Davenport  became 
events  referred  to  in  the  text  took  place  paftor,  in  the  fpring  of  1638.  Supra, 
during  the  fummer  of  1637  ;  New  Haven  P-  12 8,  n. 

46 


362  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


honored  as  the  holy  Spoufes  of  Jefus  Chrift.  Nor  did  I 
ever  look  at  fuch  Points,  as  any  juft  ground  of  Separation 
from  any  Church,  (fo  much  as  in  place,  much  leffe  in  Com¬ 
munion  :)  no  nor  any  juft  ground  of  removall  from  them, 
unleffe  a  man  were  compelled  to  profeffe  contrary  to  his 
judgment.  And  leaft  of  all  durft  I  turn  my  back  upon  fuch 
Churches  as  Legall  Synagogues,  who  do  all  of  us  hold 
Union  with  Chrift,  and  evidencing  of  Union  by  the  fame 
Spirit,  and  the  fame  Faith  and  the  fame  holineffe :  though 
fome  may  conceive  the  Union  wrought  in  giving  the  habit, 
and  others  rather  refer  it  to  the  adt:  and  fome  may  give  the 
fecond  place  to  that,  whereto  others  give  the  firlt. 

It  was  therefore  too  much  credulity  in  Mr.  Baylie , 
[55]  either  to  take  up  the  former  teftimony  from  Ms. 

Hutchinfon ,  or  this  latter  from  Mr.  Williams .-1  though 
if  both  of  them  had  joyned  in  one  and  the  fame  Teftimony, 
(which  they  doe  not)  yet  the  Teftimony  of  two  excommuni¬ 
cate  Perfons  doth  not  make  up  idoneum  Tejlimonium  in 
Ecclefiafticall  caufes. 

“  No  ?  Saith  Mr.  Baylie ,  if  I  miftake  not  the  humor  of  the 
“man,  (Mr.  Williams  he  meaneth)  he  is  very  unwilling  to 
“  report  a  lie  of  his  greateft  enemy. 

I  look  not  at  my  felf,  as  his  greateft,  or  leaft,  or  any  enemy 

at 


1  Roger  Williams.  In  his  tradt 
entitled  Mr.  Cotton's  Letter  lately 
printed, \  Examined  and  Anfwered \ 
printed  in  London  in  1644,  Williams 
ufed  the  following  language  of  Cotton  : 
“  Should  he  diffent  from  the  New  Eng- 
lifh  Churches,  and  joyn  in  worfhip  with 
fome  other  (as  fome  few  yeares  fince  he 
was  upon  the  point  to  doe,  in  a  fepara- 
tion  from  the  Churches  there  as  legall) 


would  he  count  it  a  mercy,”  &c.  (p.  12). 
To  this  Cotton  replied  at  length  in  his 
Majler  John  CottotCs  anfwer  to  Majler 
Roger  Williams ;  and  he  there  (pp. 
50,  51)  dates  the  fadts  connected  with 
his  propofed  removal  from  Bodon  in 
1637  much  as  they  are  dated  in  the 
text.  Vide  Publications  of  the  Narra- 
ganfett  Club,  Vol.  I.  p.  337;  Vol.  II. 
pp.  80-84. 


Cottons  “IVay  Cleared'.' 


363 

at  all.  I  doe  not  know,  that  I  did  ever  walke  towards  him 
either  in  the  affedtion,  or  adtion  of  an  enemy,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  provoking  injuries,  and  indignities  hee  hath  put 
upon  mee. 

Nor  would  I  call  it  any  mans  humor  (as  Mr.  Bay  lie  calleth 
it,  Mr.  Williams  his  humor)  “  to  be  very  unwilling  to  report 
“  a  lye  of  his  greateft  enemy. 

But  this  I  fay,  Mr.  Williams  is  too  too  credulous  of  fur- 
mifes  and  reports  brought  to  him,  and  too  too  confident  in 
divulging  of  them.  Which  if  Mr.  Baylie  know  not,  hee  may 
(at  his  leifure,  if  hee  think  it  worth  the  while)  perufe  the 
Reply,  I  have  made  to  his  anfwer  of  my  Letter,  as  alfo  my 
anfwer  to  his  bloody  Tenent. 

But  Mr.  Baylie  giveth  the  more  credit  to  Mr.  Williams 
his  Teftimony,  becaufe  Mr.  Williams  faith  in  his  examina- 
“  tion  of  my  Letter,  How  could  I  poffibly  (faith  hee)  bee 
“  ignorant  of  their  eflate,  when  being  from  firffc  to  lafl  in 
“  fellowfhip  with  them,  an  Officer  amongft  them,  had  private 
“  and  publick  agitation  concerning  their  Eftate  with  all,  or 
“  moft  of  their  Miniffers  ? 

The  anfwer  is  very  eafie  both  to  Mr.  Williams ,  and  Mr. 
Baylie  too,  that  Mr.  Williams  fpeaketh  of  the  times  before 
his  banifhment :  then  indeed  he  had  fome  fellowfhip  with  us, 
and  might  have  had  more,  but  that  hee  fupedted  all  the 
Statos  conventus  of  the  Elders  to  bee  unwarrantable,  and 
fuch  as  might  in  time  make  way  to  a  Prefbyteriall  govern¬ 
ment.  But  this  Teftimony,  which  hee  giveth  about  my 
neereneffe  to  Separation  from  thefe  Churches,  was  many 
yeares  after  his  banifhment  from  us,  when  hee  was  in  no 
fellowfhip  with  us,  facred  nor  civill,  nor  came  any  whit  neer 

any 


364  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

any  private  or  publick  agitation  amongft  us,  nor  could  have 
any  intelligence  of  our  affaires,  but  by  report  and  fame, 
which  is  tam  fitti  pravique  tenax ,  quam  nuncia  veri ,  and  is 
indeed  in  this  point,  moft  falfe. 

[56]  “  But  yet  (faith  Mr.  Bay  lie)  the  truth  of  this  horrible 

“fall  (of  Mr.  Cotton )  if  you  will  not  take  it,  neither 
“from  the  followers  of  Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  nor  from  the  Tefti- 
“  mony  of  Mr.  Williams :  yet  wee  may  not  reject  the  witneffe 
“of  Mr.  Winthrop ,  and  of  Mr.  Wells  in  their  printed  rela- 
“  tions  of  the  Schifmes  there. 

“  Both  thefe,  albeit,  with  all  care  and  ftudy,  they  endeavour 
“to  fave  Mr.  Cottons  credit:  yet  they  let  the  truth  of  Mr. 
“  Cottons  Sedudlion  fall  from  their  Pens  in  fo  clear  termes, 
“  as  cannot  bee  avoided  :  yea  fo  clear,  as  no  Art  will  o;et  Mr. 
“  Cotto7i  cleared. 

Notwithftanding  al  this  confident  charge  of  Mr.  Bay  lie, 
there  will  be  no  need  at  al  of  any  Art  to  clear  Mr.  Cotton , 
from  fedudtion  into  any  fuch  horrible  fall,  the  naked  truth 
(by  the  helpe  of  Chriff)  will  clear  both  it  felf,  and  him.  The 
Teftimonies  of  Mr.  Winthrop ,  and  Mr.  Wells,  are  all  deliv¬ 
ered  (as  it  feemeth)  in  the  fhort  Story.  There 

“  In  the  Preface,  page  7.  It  is  faid,  by  this  time,  they  had 
“  to  patronife  them,  fome  of  the  Magiftrates,  and  fome  men 
“eminent  for  Religion,  Parts  and  Wit. 

Anfw .  1.  This  were  fomething,  if  there  were  no  more 
men  eminent  for  Religion,  Parts  and  Wit,  in  the  Countrey 
but  my  felf,  who  profeffe  no  eminency  in  any  of  thefe  in 
refpect  of  many  of  my  Brethren.  But  if  I  were  eminent, 
the  teftimony  concludeth  not.  Let  not  Art  judge,  whether 
the  conclufion  will  follow  from  both  the  premifes  particular: 

but 


Cottons  “IV ay  Cleared!' 


365 

but  let  common  fenfe  judge  of  fuch  men,  as  then  lived  in 
the  Countrey,  whether  there  were  not  many  eminent  per- 
fons  for  Religion,  Parts,  and  Wit,  who  did  patronife  them, 
though  I  had  been  out  of  the  Countrey. 

2.  I  willingly  confeffe,  that  I  myfelf,  though  I  did  not 
patronife  them,  yet  I  did  countenance  them  (in  my  meafure) 
whilffc  they  held  forth  (to  my  knowledge)  no  more  then  I 
have  formerly  delivered  of  my  own  Tenents:  which  yet  I 
hope  he  will  not  again  tax,  as  an  horrible  fall  into  Antino- 
mianifme  and  Familifm.  When  their  Errors  were  brought 
to  me,  I  bare  publike  witneffe  againft  them,  even  before  I  was 
fully  perfwaded  that  thofe  perfons  were  guilty  of  them. 

His  next  Teftimony  (which  hee  quoteth  from  page  25.  of 
the  fhort  Story)  the  former  part  of  it  concern eth  Mr.  Whele- 
wright ,  and  not  mee :  though  I  mud:  confeffe  I  doe 
not  know  how  it  can  be  collected  from  Mr.  Whele-  [57] 
wrights  dodlrin,  unleffe  it  were  by  a  foreftalled  mif- 
apprehenfion  and  mif-application  of  thofe  hearers,  who  were 
leavened  with  corrupt  Opinions.  The  latter  part  of  the 
teftimony,  “  That  the  former  Governor  never  ftirred  out,  but 
“attended  by  the  Serjants  with  Halberts  or  Carrabines,  but 
“  the  prefent  Governor  was  negledted :  I  do  not  remember, 
that  ceremony  was  any  more  then  once  neglected  :  and 
when  I  heard  it,  I  bore  witneffe  againft  it.  And  they 
excufed  their  former  obfervance,  by  the  eminency  of  the 
perfon.  But  fure  I  am,  the  prefent  Governor  (as  he  well 
deferveth  all  honor  from  this  Peopole,  fo)  he  is  feldome  or 
never  feen  in  publick,  but  in  like  fort  attended  with  Hal¬ 
berts  or  Carrabines. 

Next,  he  alledgeth  a  teftimony  from  the  Court,  which  (it 

is 


366  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

is  likely)  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Winthrop ,  being  then  Gov¬ 
ernor,  page  $5.  of  the  fhort  Story:  “  They  foon  profited  fo 
“  well,  as  in  a  few  moneths,  they  outwent  their  Teacher. 

Anfw .  This  teflimony  is  fo  far  from  taxing  mee  of  any 
horrible  fall,  that  it  clearly  acquiteth  mee  from  the  fellowfhip 
thereof.  For  if  they  outwent  their  Teacher,  as  the  Court 
faid  (and  faid  truely :)  then  I  went  not  along  with  them 
in  their  Tenents.  And  Teacher  I  was  called,  and  their 
Teacher,  as  being  called  to  that  Office  in  that  Church, 
whereof  many  of  them  were  Members. 

The  next  teflimony  (from page  33.  of  the  ftory)  expreffeth, 
“  That  upon  the  countenance  it  took  from  fome  eminent 
Perfons,  her  Opinions  began  to  hold  up  their  heads  in 
Courts  of  Juftiee.” 

Anfw.  This  might  indeed  argue,  that  fome  Magiflrates 
leaned  more  or  lelfe  to  that  way :  but  it  reacheth  not  me, 
who  am  feldome  prefent  at  any  Courts,  but  when  with  other 
Elders  I  am  fent  for.  And  let  it  not  be  forgotten,  what  I 
related  above,  that  many  held  with  thofe  Opinionifts  (as 
they  were  called)  when  they  knew  of  no  other  opinions 
held  forth  by  them,  but  what  was  publickly  taught  in  our 
Church  :  but  after  they  were  difcovered  to  overgoe  not  fo 
much  their  Teachers,  as  the  truth,  and  that  fo  evidently,  as 
could  clearly  be  convinced  by  the  teflimony  of  two  or  three 
witneffes,  they  were  foon  forfaken  by  thofe,  who  efleemed 
better  of  them  before. 

His  next  teflimony  is  from  the  ftory  page  32.  “  It  was  a 

“  wonder,  upon  what  a  fuddain,  the  whole  Church  of 
[58]  “  B oft on  (fome  few  excepted)  were  become  her  new 
“  Converts,  and  infedled  with  her  Opinions. 


“And 


Cottons  “ IV ay  Cleared 367 

“  And  Preface  page  7.  moft  of  the  Seducers  lived  in  the 
“  Church  of  Bofton. 

Anfw.  That  moft  of  the  Church  of  Bofton  confented  with 
Ms.  Hutchinfon ,  (whilft  fhee  openly  held  forth  no  more, 
then  what  was  publickly  taught)  is  true ;  but  nothing  to 
prove  Mr.  Cottons  horrible  fall,  for  after  fhee  fell  into  any 
horrible,  or  evident  erors,  it  may  clearly  appear,  the  whole 
Church  were  not  become  her  converts,  by  this  undenyable 
evidence,  that  the  whole  body  of  the  Church  (except  her 
own  fon)  confented  with  one  accord,  to  the  publick  cenfure 
of  her,  by  admonition  firft,  and  excommunication  after. 

“  But  (faith  Mr.  Bay  lie)  None  of  thefe  erroneous  perfons 
“  were  ever  called  to  account  by  the  Prefbytery  of  that 
“  Church,  till  after  the  Affembly,  though  the  Paftor  of  the 
“  Church,  Mr.  Wilfon  was  alwayes  exceeding  zealous  againft 
u  them. 

Anfw .  1.  Mr.  Bay  lie  is  miftaken,  when  he  faith,  Mr. 
Wilfon  was  alwayes  exceeding  zealous  againft  them.  For 
the  whole  Church  will  bear  him  witneffe,  hee  was  a  long 
time  full  of  much  forbearance  towards  them,  and  thought 
well  of  them,  and  bare  witneffe  to  the  wayes  of  free  Grace 
in  fuch  manner,  as  teftified  his  good  will  to  them  and  the 
Truth.  Afterwards  in  fome  private  conference,  which  one 
or  more  of  them  had  with  him,  and  (our  beloved  Sifter)  his 
Wife,  he  difcerned  fome  more  rottenneffe  in  them,  and  their 
way,  then  he  fufpefted  before.  And  after  that  time  indeed, 
he  grew  more  zealous  againft  them,  but  the  occafion  of  the 
offence  was  private,  and  (for  a  good  fpace)  unknown  both 
to  mee  and  the  Church. 

2.  But  why  they  were  not  called  to  account  by  the  Pref¬ 
bytery 


368  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

bytery  of  the  Church,  the  reafon  was  evident :  becaufe  their 
grofle  errors  were  not  confirmed  into  us,  by  two  or  three 
witneffes.  And  this  I  can  truely  profeffe,  That  when  the 
Elders  of  other  Churches  acquainted  mee  with  fome  of  their 
Errors,  (even  when  the  noife  of  them  was  fpred  far  and 
neer :)  yet  they  acknowledged,  the  Erroneous  perfons  were 
fo  cautious,  that  they  would  never  vent  any  grofle  Errors 
before  two  witneffes.  And  this  I  can  further  truely  avouch, 
that  my  felf  dealt  fadly  and  ferioufly  with  fome  chief  leaders 
of  them,  both  by  word,  and  writing  to  recover  them  from 
the  Error  of  their  way :  which  though  they  would 
[59]  argue  for,  yet  they  would  ever  excufe  themfelves  from 
fetling  upon  any  fuch  things.  I  dealt  alfo  with  others 
(whom  I  began  to  fufpedt  might  be  leavened  by  their 
Leaders)  and  earneftly  charged  them  to  beware  what  Ten- 
ents  they  received  from  them,  left  by  that  means  they  might 
be  corrupted  themfelves,  and  their  Leaders  hardned.  But 
they  would  not  bee  known  to  me,  that  they  drunke  in  any 
fuch  dregs,  as  afterwards  appeared. 

His  next  teftimony  is  taken  from  Ms.  Hutchinfons  fpeach 
in  the  open  Court.  “  Preferring  my  Miniftery  in  holding 
“forth  free  Grace,  above  fome,  or  moft  of  the  other  Elders. 
But  of  the  invalidity  of  her  teftimony  in  thefe  things  I  have 
fpoken,  (I  fuppofe)  enough  above.  An  evill  Spirit  (which 
fometimes  breatheth  both  in  good  and  bad  perfons,)  may 
give  a  glorious  teftimony  to  fome  fervants  of  God,  not  fo 
much  to  honour  them,  or  their  dodtrine,  as  either  to  cover 
themfelves  under  their  fhadow,  or  elfe  (but  that  was  not 
her  aime)  to  bring  them  and  their  Doctrin  into  fufpition, 
and  trouble,  as  the  Spirit  of  the  Pythoneffe  did  to  Paul  and 

Silas, 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared!' 


369 

Silas,  Atl.  16,  17,  to  20.  That  fpeach  of  hers,  I  bore  wit- 
neffe  againft  it,  as  prejudiciall  and  injurious  both  to  them 
and  mee. 

Another  teftimony  hee  alledgeth  out  of  the  Story,  Page  50. 
“  That  all  the  Minifters  confented  in  bearing  fome  witneffe 
“againft  Mr.  Whelewright ,  except  their  Brother  the  Teacher 
“of  Bofton. 

Anfw.  The  Story  relateth  thofe  words,  as  the  fpeach  of 
the  Elders ;  that  they  fpeak  of  me,  as  their  Brother,  to  wit, 
the  brother  of  the  Elders,  left  any  fhould  mifconceive  of 
their  fpeach,  as  ranking  me  in  a  Brotherhood  with  erroneous 
perfons. 

That  I  did  not  confent  with  the  reft  of  my  Brethren  (the 
Elders)  in  drawing  the  inference  out  of  Mr.  Whelewrights 
Sermon,  which  they  (being  required)  prefented  to  the  Court, 
I  had  a  twofold  reafon  for  it.  1.  Becaufe  I  was  not  prefent 
with  them,  when  they  fearched  Mr.  Whelewrights  Sermon, 
and  gathered  that  inference  from  it. 

2.  Becaufe  I  could  not  fpeake  it  of  mine  own  knowledge, 
“  That  the  Elders  of  the  Country  did  walk  in  or  teach  fuch 
“  a  way  of  Salvation,  and  evidencing  thereof,  as  Mr.  Whele- 
“  wright  defcribedeth,  and  accounteth  to  bee  a  Covenant  of 
“  Works. 

They  knew  what  themfelves  taught  in  that  point, 
better  then  I.  The  Elders  might  teftifie  what  they  [60] 
knew :  I  could  not  teftifie  what  I  knew  not.  But  it 
feemeth  any  teftimonies  will  ferve  turn,  when  fuch  as  thefe 
are  thought  unavoidable,  to  lay  me  under  the  guilt  of  an 
horrible  fall. 

Yet  one  more  remaineth,  from  page  21.  “  That  albeit  the 

7  “  Affembly 


370  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

“  Affembly  of  the  Churches  had  confuted  and  condemned 
“  moft  of  thefe  new  opinions,  and  Mr.  Cotton  had  in  publick 
“  view  confented  with  the  reft :  yet  the  leaders  in  thofe 
“  Erroneous  wayes  flood  ftill  to  maintain  their  New  Light. 
“  Mr.  Whelewright  alfo  continued  his  Preaching,  and  Ms. 
“  Hutchinfon  her  wonted  meetings :  and  much  offence  was 
“  ftil  given  by  her,  and  others  in  going  out  from  the  Paftors 
“  Exercife. 

Anfw .  i.  As  the  Affembly  of  the  Churches  confuted  and 
condemned  thofe  Errors,  fo  I  will  not  fay,  That  the  motion 
of  confuting  them  (as  I  remember)  arofe  from  my  felf.  And 
my  felf  alfo  had  an  hand  in  confuting  fuch  of  them,  as  the 
Elders  committed  to  my  hand,  as  themfelves  took  feverall 
likewife  taskes,  none  of  us  confuted  all.  My  confent  to  the 
confutation,  I  have  expreffed  above,  and  in  what  fenfe. 
What  I  did  in  publick  view  (as  the  Story  expreffeth  it)  I 
fpake  before  the  Lord,  and  from  the  truth  of  my  heart. 

That  notwithflanding  this  A6t  of  the  Affembly  againft 
the  Errors,  the  leaders  ftill  flood  to  maintain  their  way,  it 
was  becaufe  the  Affembly  did  not  faften  thefe  Errors  upon 
any  Perfons  either  in  our  own,  or  other  Churches.  And 
what  corrupt  opinions  were  maintained  by  our  Members,  it 
was  done  in  private,  and  not  before  fuch  witneffes,  as  might 
reach  to  publick  conviction. 

Mr.  Whelewrights  continuance  in  his  preaching,  was  8.  or 
9.  miles  diftance  from  us.  And  having  been  put  into  that 
place  before  by  the  Church,  whilft  the  Farmers  there  be¬ 
longed  to  our  Church,  (which  by  reafon  of  the  diftance,  wee 
foon  after  difmiffed  into  a  Church-eftate  amongft  themfelves) 
wee  that  were  Elders  could  not  (if  wee  would)  difcharge  him 

from 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared'.' 


37i 


from  that  worke,  without  the  confent  of  the  Church.  But 
though  hee  gave  fome  offence  in  fome  paffages  at  the  Af- 
fembly,  (which  hee  fince  upon  further  conference  and  con- 
fideration  retraced :)  yet  neither  the  Church,  nor  my  felf 
(notwithdanding  thofe  unfafe  expreffions)  did  ever  look  at 
him  either  as  an  Antinomian  or  Familift.  Many  of  us  knew 
that  hee  had  taken  good  paines  againd  both,  and  in  that  very 
place,  where  hee  was  wont  to  preach  ;  infomuch  that 
one  of  his  hearers  (who  fince  joyned  to  Mr.  Gortons  [61] 
fociety)  openly  contefted  againft  his  dodtrine  as  falfe 
and  Antichriftian.  And  when  Mr.  Whelewright  was  put 
out  of  this  Countrey  (though  hee  be  fince  redored)  yet  if 
hee  had  cleaved  to  the  Errors  which  Ms.  Hutchinfons  com¬ 
pany  fell  into,  he  would  never  have  refufed  their  earned 
invitation  and  call  of  him,  to  Minifter  unto  them.  They 
fent  to  him,  and  urged  him  much  to  come  to  them,  to  a  far 
richer  foyle,  and  richer  company  then  where  hee  lived :  yet 
hee  conftantly  refufed,  and  upon  that  very  ground,  becaufe 
of  the  corruption  of  their  judgments  :  “  Profeffing  often, 
“  whilffc  they  pleaded  for  the  Covenant  of  Grace,  they  took 
“  away  the  Grace  of  the  Covenant. 

Ms.  Hutchinfons  continuance  of  her  weekly  meetings  we 
could  not  proceed  to  the  fuppreffion  thereof,  with  confent 
of  the  Church,  before  wee  received  the  conviction  of  her 
perfonall  Errors,  which  fhee  dill  clofely  carryed,  till  after  her 
civill  cenfure.  And  then  fhee  declared  her  felf  more  plainly, 
and  witneffes  arofe  more  fully,  and  the  Church  proceeded 
againd  her  accordingly. 

The  going  of  her  felf  and  others  out  of  the  Congregation 
when  our  Pador  began  to  Exercife,  though  many  feared  it 

was 


372  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

was  a  turning  their  backs  upon  his  Miniftery:  yet  the  moft 
of  them  were  women,  and  they  pretended  many  excufes  for 
their  going  out,  which  it  was  not  eafie  to  convince  of  falf- 
hood  in  them,  or  of  their  contempt  of  him. 

But  in  fine,  when  her  Antinomian  and  Familifticall  Errors 
were  held  forth  by  her  before  fufficient  witneffes,  our  Church 
(as  I  faid  before)  proceeded  without  delay,  firft,  to  admonifh 
her  according  to  the  rule,  Tit .  3.  10,  11.  Afterwards  when 
upon  ferious  paines  taken  with  her,  Mr.  Davenport ,  and  my 
felf  (as  wee  thought)  had  convinced  her  of  her  erroneous 
wayes  in  judgment  and  practice,  fo  as  that  under  her  hand, 
fhee  prefented  a  Recantation  before  the  whole  Church, 
(indeed  before  many  Churches  then  afTembled  at  Bofton ) 
yet  withall,  (after  fome  paffages  of  fpeach)  “  Profeffmg  that 
“  fhee  never  was  of  any  other  judgment,  then  what  fhe  now 
“  held  forth,  fo  many  witneffes  forthwith  rofe  up  to  convince 
“the  contrary,  that  with  common  confent  both  of  the  Elders 
“  and  Brethren  of  our  Church,  fhee  was  caff  out  of  our 
“  Communion. 

And  now  that  (by  the  help  of  Chrift)  I  have 
[62]  perufed  all  the  teftimonies,  which  Mr.  Baylie  hath 
alledged  to  convince  me  of  an  horrible  fall  into  Anti- 
nomianifm,  and  Familifm,  I  defire  him  in  the  fear  of  God  to 
confider,  whether  any  or  all  thefe  teftimonies  feverally  or 
jointly,  will  amount  to  make  good  fuch  grievous  fcandalls, 
as  hee  hath  charged  upon  mee.  Which  if  they  neither  will, 
nor  can  reach  unto,  let  him  remember  his  promile  in  his 
Epiftle  Dedicatory,  “  That  in  all  which  he  hath  faid  over 
“and  above  (juft  teftimony)  he  will  undertake  to  give  ample 
“  fatisfadtion,  wherein  fo  ever  he  hath  given  the  leaft  offence 

to 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared'.'  373 

“  to  any.  Meane  while  the  Lord  lay  not  this  fin  to  his 
charge. 

Sect.  14.  Of  Cottons  humiliation  upon  his  former  fall ,  as 
is  reported  by  Mr.  Baylie. 

But  yet  let  me  adde  a  word  more,  to  a  word  of  Mr.  Baylies 
in  his  entrance  of  this  difcourfe  of  my  Antinomianifm,  and 
Familifm,  which  may  elfe  leave  an  impreffion  upon  the 
minds  of  fome  Reader,  as  if  I  had  acknowledged  this  my 
dangerous  fal,  and  had  been  much  humbled  for  it. 

“  This  other  more  dangerous  fall  (faith  hee)  as  it  hath 
“already  much  humbled  his  Spirit,  and  opened  his  eare  to 
“  inftrudtion,  and  I  truft  will  not  leave  working,  till  it  have 
“  brought  him  yet  nearer  to  his  Brethren :  fo  to  the  worlds 
“  end,  it  cannot  but  be  a  matter  of  fear  and  trembling  to  all, 
“  who  fhall  know  it,  and  of  abundant  caution,  to  bee  very 
“  wary  of  receiving  any  Angularity  from  his  hand,  without 
“  due  tryall. 

Anfw.  1.  Suppofe  all  this  were  true  in  terminis ,  as  Mr. 
Baylie  hath  expreffed  it,  yet  this  were  no  impeachment  at 
all  to  the  docftrin  and  pradlice  of  that  (which  hee  calleth) 
our  Independent  Church  way;  nor  is  it  any  juft  ground  of 
caution  to  bee  wary  of  receiving  my  teftimony  to  it.  Peters 
dangerous  and  dreadful  fall  into  the  denyall  of  Chrift,  (though 
hee  feemed  to  be  a  pillar)  was  no  impeachment,  but  ad¬ 
vancement  to  Chriftianity.  And  if  my  fall  were  fo  danger¬ 
ous,  walking  in  this  Church-way,  and  ftumbling  fo  foully  in 
it,  the  greater  Grace  and  witnefte  from  heaven  was  upon  his 
Churches  in  this  way,  who  by  the  bleffing  of  God  were 
inftruments  of  recovering  me  out  of  this  fall,  even  by  a 

confultatory 


374  The  Antinomian  Controver/y. 

confultatory  conference  in  a  Synod,  which  did  not  affume 
to  themfelves  any  power  of  Church-cenfures.  Let  mee  be 
accounted  to  have  fallen,  and  to  have  fallen  (as  Mr. 
[63]  Bay  lie  reprefen  teth  it)  horribly,  fo  that  the  truth  and 
wayes  of  Chrift  may  ftand  and  find  free  paffage. 

Neither  is  this  fall  of  mine  fuch  a  juft  ground  of  caution 
(as  he  would  make  it)  unto  any,  to  bee  very  wary  of  receiv¬ 
ing  my  teftimony  to  this  Church  way.  For  the  way  is  no 
way  of  fmgularity  from  my  hand,  but  that  which  the  body 
of  the  reft  of  my  Brethren,  and  of  the  Churches  in  this 
Country  doe  walk  in  with  mee. 

Anfw .  2.  But  yet,  let  not  Mr.  Baily  make  further  fpeech 
or  ufe  of  my  humiliation,  then  was  performed,  or  intended 
by  me.  For  God  hath  not  given  mee  to  this  day  (upon  my 
beft  fearch)  to  difcerne  any  fuch  dangerous  fall  into  Antino- 
mianifme,  or  Familifme,  as  either  hath,  or  might  much 
humble  my  fpirit. 

It  is  true,  my  fpirit  had  much  caufe  to  be  humbled,  (and 
fo  through  mercy  it  was)  upon  many  juft  occafions  at  that 
time.  As  fir  ft,  that  fo  many  Erroneous  and  Hereticall 
opinions  fhould  be  broached  in  the  Country,  and  carried 
on  with  fuch  Arrogancy,.  and  Cenforioufneffe,  and  guile  of 
fpirit. 

Secondly,  That  the  principall  offenders  in  this  kind  were 
members  of  our  own  Church,  and  fome  of  them  fuch  as  had 
neer  relation  to  my  felf. 

Thirdly,  that  my  felf  fhould  be  fo  fleepy  and  invigilant, 
as  that  thefe  (not  Tares  onely,  but  Bryers)  fhould  be  fowen 
in  our  Field,  and  my  felf  not  difcerne  them,  till  fundry 
perfons  up  and  down  the  Countrey  were  leavened  by  them. 

Fourthly, 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared 


375 


Fourthly,  that  fuch  as  endeavoured  the  healing  of  thefe 
diftempers,  did  feeme  to  me  to  be  tranfported  with  more 
jealoufies,  and  heates,  and  paroxyfmes  of  fpirit,  then  would 
well  ftand  with  brotherly  love,  or  the  rule  of  the  Gofpel. 

The  bitter  fruits  whereof  doe  remaine  to  this  day,  in  the 
Letters  fent  over  that  year  from  hence  to  England.  Whence 
alfo  it  came  to  paffe  finally,  that  in  the  courfe  taken  for  the 
clenfing  of  Gods  Field,  it  feemed  to  me,  that  fome  good 
Wheat  was  pluckt  up  with  the  Tares,  fome  fimple  hearted 
honeft  men,  and  fome  truths  of  God,  fared  the  worfe  for  the 
refemblance  which  the  tares  bare  to  them. 

Upon  all  which  grounds,  my  felf  with  our  whole  Church 
thought  it  needfull  to  fet  a  day  apart  for  publick  humiliation 
before  the  Lord,  wherein  thefe  and  the  like,  both  in  Prayer 
and  Preaching,  were  opened  more  at  large  before  the  Lord 
and  his  people. 

But  all  this  will  not  amount  to  make  good  Mr.  [64] 
Baylies  word,  “  That  my  dangerous  fall  into  Antino- 
“  mianifme  and  Familifme  hath  much  humbled  my  Spirit. 

Nor  can  I  fay  (as  he  doth)  that  it  hath  opened  mine  eares 
to  inftrudlion.  For  I  doe  not  know,  that  they  have  been 
fhut  to  it,  when  I  difcerned  the  Spirit,  and  Word  of  truth 
breathing  in  it. 

Nor  can  I  fay  after  him,  “  That  the  humbling  of  my  fpirit 
“for  thofe  dangerous  errours,  will  not  leave  working  till  it 
“  have  brought  me  yet  nearer  to  my  brethren. 

For  though  I  bleffe  the  Lord,  who  hath  brought  me 
nearer  to  my  brethren,  and  them  alfo  nearer  to  me,  which 
I  truft  will  ftill  grow  whilft  our  felves  grow  (in  all  the  duties 
of  brotherly  love,  wherein  we  have  much  fweet  and  frequent 

intercourfe 


376  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

intercourfe :)  yet  I  doe  not  interpret  this  as  the  fruit  of  my 
fpirits  humiliation  for  my  Antinomy,  and  Familifme  :  but 
as  the  fruit  of  our  clearer  apprehenfion,  both  of  the  caufe 
and  of  the  hate  of  our  differences,  and  of  our  joynt  content 
and  concurrence  in  bearing  witneffe  againh  the  common 
herehes,  and  errors  of  Antinomianifme,  and  Familifme, 
which  dihurbed  us  all. 

But  Mr.  Baily  as  he  began  his  difcourfe  of  my  dangerous 
fall  with  relation  of  my  humiliation  for  it :  fo  hee  fhutteth  it 
up,  pag.  58,  with  a  like  clofe  of  my  griefe  of  mind,  and  con- 
fuhon  for  it. 

“  I  have  been  informed  (faith  he)  by  a  gratious  Preacher 
“  who  was  prefent  at  the  Synod  in  New- England ,  that  all 
“  the  Brethren  there,  being  exceedingly  fcandalized  with  Mr. 
“  Cottons  carriage,  in  Mihris  Hutchinfons  proceffe,  did  fo 
“  farre  difcountenance,  and  fo  feverely  admonifh  him,  that 
“  hee  was  thereby  brought  to  the  greateh  fhame,  confufion 
“  and  griefe  of  mind,  that  ever  in  all  his  life  he  had  endured. 

Anfw.  1,  I  conceive  it  is  not  allowable  in  Prefbyteriall 
difcipline,  (fure  I  am,  not  in  Congregationall)  that  an  accu- 
fation  fhall  be  received  againft  an  Elder  under  one  witneffe, 
though  he  gratious  and  a  Preacher :  efpecially  when  this 
gratious  Preacher  is  nameleffe,  and  his  teftimony  hovereth 
in  generalities,  without  inftance  in  particular  offences :  as 
“  That  all  the  Brethren  were  exceedingly  fcandalized  with 
“  Mr.  Cottons  carriage  in  Miftris  Hutchinfons  proceffe,  but 
not  expreffing  what  carriage,  nor  what  proceffe,  nor  wherein 
they  were  fcandalized. 

[65]  “  And  that  all  the  Brethren  did  fo  far  difcountenance 

“  him,  and  feverely  admonifh  him,  as  that  he  was 

“  thereby 


Cottons  “IV ay  Cleared'.' 


377 


“  thereby  brought  to  the  greateft  fhame,  and  confufion,  and 
“grief  of  mind,  that  ever  in  all  his  life  he  endured.  But  no 
mention  for  what  offence  they  did  fo  feverely  admonifh  him, 
nor  wherein  they  did  fo  farre  difcountenance  him. 

Such  words  of  infamy,  and  reproach  may  paffe  for  Table 
talke,  (which  yet  morall  Philofophy  would  not  approve:)  but 
lurely  in  orderly  Church-Difcipline,  fuch  dealing  could  not 
paffe  without  juft  reproof,  unleffe  there  were  too  much  preju¬ 
dice  or  partiality,  the  rule  is  plain  and  obvious,  and  not  now 
the  firft  time  violated  in  the  Diffwalive,  2  Tim.  5.  19. 

Anfw.  2.  I  muft  (as  juftly  I  may)  proteft  againft  that 
teftimony,  not  onely  as  violating  the  rule  of  Love,  but  of 
Truth  alfo.  For, 

1.  It  is  untrue,  that  all  the  Brethren  were  fcandalized 
with  my  carriage,  much  leffe  exceedingly  fcandalized  at  the 
Synod,  or  in  any  proceffe  about  Ms.  Hutchinfon.  There 
were  fundry  godly  brethren  otherwife  minded,  and  otherwife 
affedled.  * 

2.  It  is  untrue  alfo,  that  fuch  as  were  fcandalized,  did 
fo  feverely  admonifh  me,  or  difcountenance  me  ;  for  I  can 
neither  call  to  mind  any  fuch  deep  difcountenance,  nor  any 
fuch  fevere  admonition  of  Brethren,  and  yet  I  had  reafon  to 
know  it,  and  to  remember  it  well,  as  well  as  any  Brother  at 
the  Synod  :  the  matter  fo  neerly  concerning  my  felf,  and 
more  neerly  and  deeply,  then  any  man  elfe. 

3.  It  is  moffc  untrue,  that  I  was  fo  far  difcountenanced, 
“  and  fo  feverely  admonifhed,  as  that  I  was  brought  to  the 
“greateft  fhame,  confufion  and  grief  of  mind,  that  ever  in 
“  all  my  life  I  had  endured. 

I  fhould  have  little  comfort  in  my  own  fpirit,  to  look 

48  either 


378  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

either  God  or  man  in  the  face,  “  if  the  difcountenance  or 
“admonition  of  men  (efpecially  for  fuch  carriage)  were  the 
“  greateft  fliame,  and  confufion,  and  grief  of  mind,  that  ever 
“  in  all  my  life  I  had  endured.  The  rebukes  of  God  upon 
the  foule  for  fin  will  put  a  man  to  far  greater  fliame,  and 
confufion  and  grief  of  mind,  then  any  difcountenance,  or 
admonition  from  Brethren,  (efpecially  for  fuch  offences) 
Pfal.  76.  7.  But  whatfoever  difcountenance,  or  dif-refpedt  I 
met  withal,  from  one  hand  or  other,  till  the  true  flate  of  my 
judgment,  and  carriage  was  clearly  manifefted,  I  have 
[66]  long  agoe  left  with  the  Lord.  But  I  conceive  I  have 
met  with  more  hard  meafure  in  Letters  to  England, , 
and  in  ungrounded  reports  there,  then  ever  I  found  from 
the  admonition,  or  difcountenance  of  any  brethren  here. 


[82]  Sect.  18.  Of  the  third  fhamefull  abfurdity  /aid  to 
bee  found  in  our  way  of  Independency . 

Come  wee  now  to  confider  of  the  third  fhamefull  Abfurd¬ 
ity,  “which  Mr.  Baylie  maketh  the  fruit  of  our  Independ- 
“  ency,  breaking  forth  in  the  pradtifes  and  profeffion  of  the 
“  moft,  who  have  been  admitted  as  very  fit,  if  not  the  fitted: 
“  Members  of  our  Churches. 

And  thefe  evill  fruits  hee  brancheth  out  into  five  forts  : 

“  1.  (Saith  he)  in  the  vileneffe  of  their  Errors. 

“  2.  In  the  multitude  of  the  erring  perfons. 

“  3.  In  the  hypocrifie  joyned  with  their  Errors. 

“4.  In  malice  againft  their  Neighbors,  and  con- 

[83]  tempt  of  their  fuperiors,  Magifirates  and  Minifters  for 
oppofition  to  their  evill  way. 


Cotton’s  “IV ay  Cleared'.'  379 

“5.  In  their  lingular  obftinacy,  fliffly  flicking  unto  their 
errors,  &c. 

Anfw .  1.  Suppofe  all  this  to  bee  true:  yet  this  is  fo  far 
from  difcrediting  the  way  of  Independency,  or  arguing  the 
Tree  to  be  bad  by  thefe  bad  fruits,  that  it  doth  rather  juftifie 
the  way  to  be  of  God,  which  fo  eafily  hath  either  healed,  or 
removed,  fo  many,  fo  vile,  fo  generall,  fo  fubtle,  fo  headflrong 
corruptions,  and  them  that  maintained  them.  Non  feclus , 
non  fcelerum  varietas  aut  atrocitas,  is  dedecus  Politico ,  fed 
fcelerum  impunitas .  The  Church  of  Ephefus  was  not 
blamed  by  Chrift,  becaufe  falfe  Apoftles  and  Nicolaitans 
were  found  amongft  them  :  but  commended,  becaufe  fhe 
could  not  beare  them,  Rev .  2.  2.  6.  Nor  is  Thyatira 
blamed,  that  J ezabell  was  found  amongft  them,  but  that 
they  fuffered  her,  Rev.  2.  20.  What  if  fo  many,  fo  hideous 
vile  Errors  were  found  in  our  Churches  ?  What  if  the 
number  of  erring  perfons  were  (as  he  fpeaketh)  incredible? 
“  Multitudes  of  men  and  women  everywhere  infefted  ?  almoft 
“  no  Society,  nor  Family  in  the  Land  free  from  the  peft  ? 
“  Bofi on  (which  he  is  pleafed  to  ftyle,  the  beft  and  moft  fa- 
“  mous  of  our  Churches)  fo  far  corrupted,  that  few  were 
“  untainted  ?  What  if  they  accounted  the  late  Governour 
“their  true  friend,  and  thought  no  leffe  of  Mr.  Cotton ,  and 
“  Mr.  JVhelewright  whom  they  adored  ?  What  if  they  had 
“  drawn  to  their  fides  not  onely  multitudes  of  the  people, 
“but  the  ableft  men  for  parts,  in  all  Trades,  efpecially  the 
“  Souldiers  ?  What  if  all  thefe  evills  were  carryed  forth 
“  with  prefumptuous  contumacy  againft  godly  Magiftrates, 
“  and  the  Orthodox  Minifters  ?  yea,  what  if  to  all  the  reft, 
“  they  added  obftinacy  againft  al  wholfome  meanes  of  re- 
“  dreffe  and  remedy  ?  I 


380  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Is  it  not  therefore  the  more  evident  Demonftration  of  the 
gratious  prefence,  and  mighty  power  of  God,  in  the  Difci- 
pline  of  our  Churches,  that  did  fo  effectually,  fo  fpeedily,  fo 
fafely,  fo  eafily,  purge  out  all  this  Leaven,  either  out  of  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  out  of  their  Families,  and  Churches,  or 
elfe  out  of  the  Country  ? 

Whence  the  argument  feemeth  to  mee  to  arife  unavoid¬ 
ably. 

Thofe  evills,  which  Independency  doth  either  heal,  or 
remove,  they  are  not  the  fruits  of  Independency. 

But  all  thefe  grievous  and  dangerous  evils,  Independency 
did  either  heal  or  remove. 

[84]  Therefore  thefe  grievous  and  dangerous  evills  were 
not  the  fruits  of  Independency. 

Again,  That  government,  which  by  the  bleffmg  of  Chrift, 
doth  fafely,  fpeedily,  and  effectually  purge  out  fuch  grievous 
and  dangerous  evills,  as  threaten  the  ruine  of  Church  and 
State,  that  government  is  fafely  allowed,  and  juftly  and 
wifely  eftablifhed  in  any  civill  State. 

But  Independency  by  the  bleffmg  of  Chrift  doth  fpeedily, 
fafely,  and  effectually  purge  out  fuch  grievous  and  dangerous 
evills,  as  threaten  the  ruine  of  Church  and  State :  therefore 
Independency  is  fafely  allowed,  and  juftly,  and  wifely  eftab¬ 
lifhed  in  any  civill  State. 

Ob .  1.  But  this  purging  and  healing  of  thefe  grievous 
and  dangerous  evills  was  not  the  fruit  of  their  Independent- 
Church-Government,  but  of  their  civill  Government.  “  We 
“  have  oft  marvelled,  that  the  Elderfhip  of  Bofton  did  never 
“  fo  much,  as  call  Ms.  Hutchinfon  before  them,  to  be  rebuked 
“  for  any  of  her  errors,  though  their  generall  Affembly  had 

confuted 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared 


381 

“  confuted  them,  and  condemned  them :  yet  ftill  fhee  was 
“  permitted  to  goe  on,  till  the  zeal  of  the  new  Governour, 
“  and  the  generall  Court  did  condemne  her  to  perpetuall 
“  banifhment.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  fo  far  as  wee  can 
“  perceive  by  the  ftory,  did  the  Church  of  Bojion  bring  a 
“  proceffe  againft  her.  And  when  the  proceffe  was  brought 
“  to  an  end,  Mr.  Cotton  would  by  no  meanes  put  it  in  execu- 
“  tion ;  that  burden  was  layed  upon  the  back  of  Mr.  Wilfon 
“  his  Colleague,  how  ever  not  the  fitted;  Inftrument,  being 
“  the  perfon  to  whom  Ms.  Hutchinfon  had  profeffed  greateft 
“  oppofition.  And  when  the  fentence  was  pronounced 
“  againft  her,  they  tell  us,  that  the  great  caufe  of  it  was  none 
“  of  her  Errors  or  Herefies,  but  her  other  praftifes,  fpecially 
“  her  groffe  lying. 

Anfw.  \<  Whatever  affiftance  the  civill  Government  gave 
to  the  purging  and  healing  of  thefe  evils,  it  was  the  fruit 
of  Independent  Church  Government.  For  whether  the 
Neighbour  Churches  fufpebted  our  Church  of  Bofton  might 
bee  partiall,  and  indulgent  to  thefe  erroneous  perfons:  or 
whether  they  faw,  we  wanted  fufficient  witneffes  upon  which 
wee  might  proceed  againft  them  in  a  Church  way,  they  took 
a  right  courfe  (according  to  the  principles  of  the  Independ¬ 
ent  Government)  to  gather  into  a  Synod  with  the 
confent  of  the  civill  Magiftrates:  and  in  the  Synod  to  [85] 
agitate,  convince  and  condemne  the  Errors,  and  the 
offenfive  carriages  then  ftirring.  Whereat  the  Magiftrates 
being  prefent,  they  faw  juft  caufe  to  proceed  againft  the 
chief  of  thofe  whom  they  conceived  to  have  bred  any  civill 
difturbance  :  and  the  Churches  faw  caufe  to  proceede  againft 
their  Members,  whom  they  found  to  bee  broachers  or  main- 

tamers  of  fuch  herefies.  A  , 

Anjw. 


382  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

Anfw .  2  It  hath  been  declared  above,  why  the  Elderfhip 
“  of  Bofton  did  not  call  Ms,  Hutchinfon  before  them  to 
“  rebuke  her  for  her  Errors,  or  to  reftraine  her  from  going 
“  on,  though  the  generall  Affembly  had  confuted  and  con- 
“  demned  her  Errors  and  courfe. 

For  though  the  Errors  were  condemned,  (and  by  the 
Elders  of  Bofton ,  as  well  as  others :)  yet  the  errors  were  not 
fattened  perfonally  upon  her :  nor  had  we  any  two  witneffes, 
that  would  affirm  it  to  us,  that  ffiee  did  broach  or  maintain 
fuch  errors  or  herefies,  till  after  her  fentence  unto  baniffiment 
by  the  generall  Court ;  And  then  indeed,  as  ffie  was  more 
bold  and  open  in  declaring  her  judgment  before  many  wit¬ 
neffes;  fo  the  Elders  of  the  Church  of  Bofton  called  her  to 
account  before  the  Church,  and  convinced  her  of  her  Errors, 
and  with  the  content  of  the  Church,  layed  her,  and  one  or 
two  more  of  her  abettors  under  the  cenfure  of  an  admoni¬ 
tion  even  for  thofe  corrupt  opinions,  which  were  charged 
upon  her,  and  proved  againft  her. 

"Ob.  1.  Yea  but  Mr.  Cotton  would  by  no  means  put  the 
“  cenfure  in  execution  upon  her,  that  burden  muff  be  layed 
“upon  the  back  of  Mr.  Wilfon ,  &c. 

Anfw .  The  cenfure  of  admonition,  becaufe  it  was  for 
matter  of  Erroneous  doftrine,  it  was  thought  meet  to  bee 
dispenfed  and  adminiftred  by  Mr  Cotton ,  who  was  their 
Teacher:  which  alfo  (by  the  help  of  Chrift)  hee  did  performe, 
fetting  before  her  both  the  corrupt  caufes  of  her  errors,  and 
the  bitter  fruits  of  them :  and  charging  her  folemnly  before 
the  Lord,  and  his  Angells,  and  Churches  then  affembled, 
to  return  from  the  Error  of  her  way. 

Afterwards,  when  upon  further  ferious  debate  and  con- 
*  ference 


Cottons  “IVay  Cleared, 


383 

ference  with  her  by  Mr.  Davenport ,  and  my  felfe,  fhe  was 
convinced  of  all  her  errors  in  particular,  fhee  being  called 
againe  before  the  Church,  did  openly  recant  every  errour 
and  herefie,  and  profeffed  her  repentance  for  every 
mifcarriage  againft  Magiftrates  and  Elders:  which  [86] 
farre  exceeded  the  expectation  of  the  whole  Congrega¬ 
tion,  which  then  confided  of  many  Churches,  and  ftrangers. 
But  when  fhee  had  done,  fhe  added  withall,  “  that  fhe  had 
“  never  been  of  other  judgement,  howfoever  her  expreffions 
“  might  feem  to  vary.  This  founded  fo  hardily,  and  faldy  in 
the  eares  of  many  witneffes,  that  many  rofe  up  to  convince 
her  of  her  falfhood  and  lying,  in  fo  faying.  Which  when 
fhee  did  not  hearken  to,  fhee  was  efteemed,  by  the  judge¬ 
ment  of  the  Elders,  and  our  whole  Church,  to  be  juftly 
fubjeft  to  excommunication.  Which  though  I  did  not  think 
meet  to  bee  difpenfed  by  my  felf  (becaufe  the  offence  was 
not  in  matter  of  Doftrin,  but  of  praftife,  which  more 
properly  belonged  to  the  Paftours  Office,  or  ruling  Elders :) 
yet  I  declared  to  the  whole  Congregation  the  righteoufneffe 
of  the  cenfure,  and  fatisfyed  the  Scruples  of  fome  Brethren, 
who  doubted  of  it.  But  yet  if  the  Church,  or  other  Elders 
had  put  that  taske  upon  me,  I  fhould  no  more  have  refufed 
the  difpenfing  of  the  cenfure  of  excommunication  upon  her, 
then  I  did  before  of  admonition.  Neither  was  her  oppo- 
fition  againft  Mr.  Wilfon  any  juft  reafon  of  exempting  him 
from  that  duty.  For  fhee  faw,  wee  all  with  one  accord, 
concurred  in  that  fentence;  it  was  no  partiall  aft  of  his, 
but  the  common  vote  both  of  the  Prefbytery,  and  Fraternity. 
And  what  if  fhe  had  profeffed  her  oppofition  againft  us  all  ? 
had  that  been  a  juft  excufe  to  exempt  any  of  us  from  per¬ 
forming 


384  The  Antinomian  Controverfy . 

forming  a  fervice  due  to  God,  and  the  Church,  yea  and  to 
herfelf  alfo  ? 

ObjeEl .  2.  “  But  when  the  fentence  was  propounded 

“  againft  her,  they  tell  us,  the  great  caufe  of  it  was  none  of 
“  her  Errours,  and  Herefies,  but  for  other  pradlifes,  efpecially 
“  her  groffe  lying. 

Anfw.  Wee  could  not  juftly  pronounce  the  caufe  of  her 
fentence  to  be  her  errors  and  herefies,  which  fhe  had  openly 
recanted,  and  given  her  recantation  under  her  handwriting. 
Neither  did  any  of  us  fay,  That  fuch  Herefies  did  not 
deferve  the  cenfure  of  excommunication,  if  fhe  had  con¬ 
tinued  obftinate  in  them :  but  wee  thought  it  needfull  to 
follow  the  rule  of  the  Apoftle,  not  to  rejeft  an  Heretick  till 
after  once  or  twice  admonition,  Tit.  3.  10.  under  which  if 
the  Heretick  relent,  the  Church  proceeding  ftayeth,  unleffe 
fome  other  offence  fet  it  forward,  as  it  did  in  her  cafe. 

[87]  Sect.  19.  Tending  to  reTtifie  fome  miftakes  of  Mr. 

Baylie  in  relating  the  former  abfurdities. 

But  before  I  leave  this  clofe  of  Mr.  Baylies  third  Chapter, 
touching  the  evill  fruits  of  Independency,  let  mee  advertife 
him  of  fome  few  further  miftakes  in  his  Narration  of  the 
fame. 

Firft,  when  he  reckoneth  in  the  front  of  vile  errours,  the 
inhabitation  of  the  perfon  of  the  Spirit  in  all  the  godly,  let 
him  weigh  what  hath  been  faid  above,  touching  that  point. 
And  if  hee  cleare  it  to  be  an  errour,  I  willingly  fhall  ac¬ 
knowledge,  hee  fhall  teach  me  that,  which  I  yet  know  not. 
I  profeffe  my  felf  willing  to  learn  of  a  meaner  man,  then 
Mr.  Baylie . 


“  Secondly, 


Cottons  “Way  Cleared 


385 

“  Secondly,  when  he  maketh  the  number  of  the  erring 
“  perfons  incredible,  almoft  no  fociety,  no  family  free  from 
44  that  peft,  Bojlon  it  felf  fo  farre  infedted,  that  few  there  were 
“  untainted  :  let  him  be  pleafed  to  confider,  whether  his  tefti- 
mony  will  make  it  good.  His  teftimonies  (recited  in  his 
Markes  FF.  GG.)  fpeak  to  the  utmofl  of  truth,  but  not  fo 
much  as  he  avoucheth.  The  fhort  Story  in  Preface,  pag.  7. 
faith  indeed,  “  They  had  fome  of  all  forts  and  qualities  in 
“  all  places  to  patronize  and  defend  them  :  and  almoft  in 
“  every  family  fome  were  ready  to  defend  them  as  the  Apple 
“  of  their  own  eye. 

But  this  will  not  make  it  good,  that  almoft  in  every  family 
fome  were  infedled  with  the  peft  of  their  errours.  It  is  one 
thing  to  fpeak  in  the  defence  of  erroneous  perfons,  another 
to  fpeak  in  defence  of  errours.  Multitudes  there  were,  that 
thought  well  of  the  perfons,  who  knew  nothing  of  their 
errours,  but  heard  onely  of  their  unbottoming  fandy  founda¬ 
tions  of  a  fpirituall  eftate,  which  hath  been  mentioned  above, 
Chap.  3. 

Which  may  alfo  truely  be  faid  even  of  Bojlon  like  wife. 
The  body  of  the  Church,  the  greateff  part  of  them  were  like 
thofe  members  of  the  Church  in  Thyatira ,  of  whom  it  is 
faid  (Rev.  2.  24)  They  knew  not  the  depths  of  Satan.  The 
truth  whereof  may  evidently  appeare  by  this,  That  when 
thofe  errors  of  Miftris  Htitchinfon  were  publickly  charged 
upon  her  before  the  Church,  and  proved  by  sufficient  wit- 
neffes,  the  whole  body  of  the  Church,  and  all  the 
Brethren  with  one  accord  (fave  onely  her  fonne)  con-  [88] 
fented  readily  to  her  cenfure :  which  they  would  not 
“  have  done,  if  the  whole  Church  of  Bojlon  (fome  excepted) 

49  “  had 


386  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

“  had  become  her  converts,  and  were  infefted  with  her 
“  opinions. 

“  Thirdly,  when  hee  faith,  they  adored  fome  of  their  Min- 
“  ifters,  and  inftanceth  in  Mr.  Cotton ,  and  Mr.  Whelewright . 

Adoration  is  too  vaft  an  Hyperbole  to  be  made  good  by 
juft  teftimonies.  All  hyperbolicall  praifes,  though  they  may 
farre  exceed  the  bounds  of  truth  in  comparifons  of  men  with 
men ;  yet  they  will  not  reach  adoration,  which  is  divine 
worfhip.  Neither  will  it  bee  made  good,  That  they  magni¬ 
fied  either  Mr.  Whelewright ,  or  me,  for  the  defence  of  their 
errors.  Yea  they  foon  forfooke  Mr.  Whelewright  (as  well 
as  he  them)  when  they  faw  his  judgement  (as  well  as  mine) 
againft  Antinomianifme,  and  Familifme. 

Fourthly,  when  he  faith,  “  Miftris  Hutchin/on ,  and  the  late 
“  Governour,  kept  almoft  every  day,  fo  private  and  long  dif- 
“  courfe  with  Mr.  Cotton ,  that  made  them  conclude  all  was 
“  their  own. 

I  muft  needs  profeffe,  that  cannot  be  made  good  by  any 
witneffe  of  truth,  Miftris  Hutchin/on  feldome  reforted  to 
mee:  and  when  fhe  did,  fhe  did  feldome  or  never  enter  into 
any  private  fpeech  between  the  former  Governour  and  my 
felf.  And  when  Hie  did  come  to  me,  it  was  feldome  or 
never  (that  I  can  tell  of)  that  fine  tarried  long.  I  rather  think, 
file  was  loath  to  refort  much  to  me,  or,  to  conferre  long  with 
me,  left  fhe  might  feeme  to  learne  fome  what  from  me.  And 
withall  I  know  (by  good  proof)  fhe  was  very  carefull  to 
prevent  any  jealoufie  in  mee,  that  fhee  fhould  harbour  any 
private  opinions,  differing  from  the  courfe  of  my  publick 
Miniftery.  “  Which  fhe  could  not  well  have  avoyded,  if  fine 
“  had  kept  almoft  every  day  fo  private  and  long  difcourfe 
with  me. 


But 


Cottons  “ Way  Cleared'.'  387 

1 

But  what  Teftimony,  or  proof  doth  Mr.  Bay  lie  alledge  for 
this  our  private  and  long  conference,  almoft  every  day  ? 
His  marke  ( YY )  referreth  us  to  the  fhort  ftory,  where  it  is 
faid,  “  They  made  full  account  the  day  had  been  theirs. 

But  did  they  make  this  account  upon  occafion  of  thefe 
our  private,  and  long,  and  frequent  conferences  every  day  ? 
not  a  fyllable  of  proofe  for  this  point.  It  is  not  righteous 
dealing,  large  charges,  and  narrow  proofs. 

Fourthly,  that  which  Mr.  Baylie  further  relateth 
from  the  teftimony  of  Mr.  Williams ,  is  as  farre  from  [89] 
truth,  as  the  former. 

“  Mr.  Williams  (faith  Mr.  Baylie )  told  me,  that  he  was 
“  employed  to  buy  from  the  Savages,  for  their  late  Gover- 
“  nour,  and  Mr.  Colton ,  with  their  Followers,  a  portion  of 
“  Land  without  the  Englijli  Plantation  whither  they  might 
“  retire  and  live  according  to  their  mind,  exempt  from  the 
“  jurifdidtion  of  all  others,  whether  Civill  or  Ecclefiaftick, 
“  Mr.  Williams  was  in  fo  great  friendfhip  with  the  late  Gov- 
“  ernour,  when  he  told  me  fo  much,  that  I  beleeve  he  would 
“  have  been  loth  to  have  fpoken  an  untruth  of  him. 

Anfw.  But  this  I  dare  be  bold  to  fay,  if  Mr.  Williams 
told  Mr.  Baylie  fo  much,  that  he  was  imployed  by  me  to 
buy  any  Land  from  the  Savages,  for  mee  and  my  followers 
(as  he  calls  them)  he  fpake  an  untruth  of  me,  whatfoever  he 
did  of  the  Governour.  Yet  becaufe  I  would  not  fpeake  nor 
thinke  worfe  of  Mr.  of  Williams  then  neceftitie  conftrayneth, 
I  cannot  fay  but  that  he  might  fpeak  as  he  thought,  and  as 
he  was  told ;  for  it  may  well  bee,  that  fuch  as  abufed  the 
Governours  name  to  him  for  fuch  an  end,  might  alfo  more 
boldly  abufe  mine.  But  I  muft  profeffe,  I  neither  wrote, 


nor 


388  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

nor  fpake,  nor  fent  to  Mr.  Williams  for  any  fuch  errand. 
If  ever  I  had  removed,  I  intended  Quinipyack ,  and  not 
Aquethnick .  And  I  can  hardly  beleeve  the  Governour 
would  fend  to  him  for  any  fuch  end,  who  I  fuppofe  never 
thought  it  likely,  that  himfelf  fhould  tarry  longer  in  the 
Countrey,  then  he  tarried  in  the  Bay . 

Fiftly,  when  Mr.  Baylie  objedleth  the  prophanenefs  of 
thefe  erroneous  perfons,  and  juftifieth  it  by  the  teftimonies 
of  Mr.  Weld  and  my  felf,  “And  aggravateth  the  fame  by 
“  their  profeffion  of  Piety  (fo  farre,  that  they  avow  their 
“{landing  loofe  from  all  reformed  Churches  as  uncleane,  be- 
“  caufe  of  their  mixture  with  the  prophane  Multitude.) 

Let  him  be  pleafed  to  confider ;  Firft,  what  was  faid  above, 
Non  fcelns ,  fed  fceleris  impunitas ,  is  the  guilt  of  a  fociety, 
whether  civill  or  facred. 

Secondly,  what  Mr.  Weld  meant  by  fouler  fmnes  then 
pride,  or  lying,  found  in  thofe  perfons,  I  cannot  gueffe :  nor 
have  I  heard  of  them  :  unleffe  hee  meant  the  adultery  of  one, 
who  upon  his  own  confeffion  was  caft  out  of  the  Church  for 
that  crime. 

As  for  the  teflimony  of  mine,  which  hee  quoteth  from 
[90]  fome  words  in  the  vialls,  wherein  the  fmnes  of  the 
people  were  reproved,  let  him  not  improve  them  fur¬ 
ther  then  they  will  bear.  Such  reproofs  doe  not  alwayes 
argue  fmnes  of  our  Church  members :  or  if  they  did,  yet 
not,  that  thofe  fmnes  are  openly  known  :  or  if  openly  known, 
yet  not,  that  they  were  tolerated.  And  yet  all  thefe  muft 
concurre,  or  elfe  the  vices  found  amongft  profelfors,  will  not 
argue  the  vicioufneffe  either  of  their  doblrine  or  worfhip,  or 
Church  Government. 


Luther 


Cottons  “IV ay  Cleared!' 


389 

Luther  complaineth,  in  Pofiill.  fuper  Evangel .  Dom.  ad - 
ventus ,  Sunt  nunc  homines  magis  v indictee  cupidi ,  magis 
avari ,  magis  ab  omni  mifericordia  remoti,  magis  immodefti , 
Cf  indifeiplinati ,  multoque  deteriores ,  quam  fuerunt  fub  pa - 
patu.  And  Chryfojlome ,  (zVz  imperfect,  in  Matth. 

Horn .  49)  fpeaketh  of  Chriftians  as  becomming  like  the 
Hereticks,  or  Pagans,  or  worfe. 

Yet  I  fuppofe  he  that  fhould  improve  the  words  either  of 
Chryfojlome ,  to  argue  the  difeipline  of  Chriftians,  worfe  then 
that  of  the  Pagans :  or  of  Luther ,  to  argue  the  difeipline  of 
Proteflants  to  be  worfe  then  that  of  Papifts,  he  fhall  doubt- 
leffe  ftretch  their  words  upon  the  Rack,  farre  beyond  the 
fcope  of  their  meaning.  The  words  I  fpake,  were  in  com- 
parifon  between  the  godly  Profeffors  in  England \  and  ours 
here,  and  at  fuch  a  time,  when  Epifcopall  perfecution  made 
them  draw  the  nearer  to  God,  and  to  walke  the  more  cir- 
cumfpeftly  before  men.  But  Sheepe  fet  at  libertie  from  the 
feare  of  Wolves,  will  draggle  further  from  their  Shepheard, 
then  when  they  refent  danger. 

Thirdly,  it  is  too  groflfe  and  heavy  an  aggravation,  which 
Mr.  Baylie  putteth  upon  us,  if  he  meane  it  of  us,  “  That  our 
“  profeffion  of  pietie  is  fo  faire  that  wee  Hand  aloofe  from  all 
“  reformed  Churches  as  uncleane,  becaufe  of  their  mixture 
“  with  the  prophane  multitude. 

For  it  is  more  then  he  can  prove,  or  we  doe  profeffe. 
Though  in  the  Bifhops  time,  we  did  not  forthwith  receive 
all  the  members  of  the  Church  of  England  into  the  fellow- 
fhip  of  our  Churches :  yet  (for  ought  I  know)  wee  are  not 
likely  to  ftand  aloofe  from  Prefbyteriall  Churches  faithfully 
adminiftred,  nor  from  the  teftimony  which  they  fhall  give  of 

their 


390  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

their  members,  that  may  have  occafion  to  Traffick  hither. 
And  the  like  doe  I  conceive  of  other  reformed  Churches 
in  other  Nations  of  Chriftendome.  Prefbyterian  Churches 
faithfully  adminiftred,  are  not  wont  to  admit  a  mixt  prophane 
multitude  to  the  Lords  Table. 

[91]  Sixtly,  let  me  take  off  one  inftance  more,  which  Mr. 

Baylie  giveth  of  one  abomination,  which  to  him  feem- 
eth  ftrange.  “  That  the  Midwives  to  our  moft  zealous 
“women,  fhould  not  onely  have  familiarity  with  the  Devill, 
“  but  alfo  in  that  fervice  commit  devillifh  Malefices:  which 
“  fo  farre  as  they  tell  us,  were  not  onely  paft  over  without 
“  punifhment,  but  never  fo  much  as  enquired  after. 

Anfw.  This  accufation  is  indeed  of  fome  weight,  because 
it  is  of  a  grievous,  and  devillifh  crime,  and  it  tolerated.  But 
how  doth  it  appeare  to  him,  that  it  was  tolerated  ?  “  not 
“  onely  paft  over  without  punifhment,  but  never  fo  much  as 
“  enquired  after  ? 

Why,  faith  he,  fo  farre  as  they  tell  us.  So  farre  as  they 
tell  us  ?  Is  the  filence  of  a  fhort  ftory  of  this  or  that  fa6t,  a 
good  argument,  a  non  did ,  ad  non  effe  ?  yea  it  is  a  good 
argument  on  the  contrary,  that  there  was  inquiry  made  after 
that  Midwife,  and  diligent  fearch  into  her,  or  elfe  it  would 
have  been  recorded,  as  fome  clofe  conveyance  of  the  erro¬ 
neous  party.  The  truth  is,  the  woman,  though  fhe  offered 
her  felf  to  the  Elders  of  our  Church,  yet  was  not  received, 
upon  difcovery  of  fome  unfound  principles  in  her  judgement. 
Being  then  no  member,  the  Church  had  no  power  to  deale 
with  her.  But  when  fufpition  grew  of  her  familiarity  with 
the  Devill,  efpecially  upon  that  occafion,  which  the  fhort 
ftory  relateth,1  fhee  was  convented  before  the  Magiftrates, 

and 


1  Supra ,  p.  188. 


Cottons  “IVay  Cleared!' 


39* 


and  diligently  examined  about  that,  and  other  evills.  But 
though  no  familiarity  with  the  Devill  could  be  proved 
againft  her ;  yet  becaufe  of  fome  other  offences  in  dealing 
with  young  women,  fhe  was  forbidden  to  stay  in  the 
Countrey.1 


1  Winthrop  fays  (Vol.  I.  p.  *263), 
“  The  midwife,  prefently  after  this  dif- 
covery,  went  out  of  the  jurifdidtion.” 
The  records  of  the  General  Court  {Col. 
Rec.  Vol.  I.  p.  224)  indicate  that  “Jane 


Hawkins,  the  wife  of  Richard  Hawkins, 
had  liberty  till  the  beginning  of  the 
third  month,  called  May,  and  the  Magif- 
trates  (if  fhe  did  not  depart  before)  to 
difpofe  of  her.” 


Robert  Keayne  of  Boflon  in  New  England 

his  Book  1639/ 

Paftor.  Thefe  3  Brethren  that  was  fent  by  the  church  to 
thofe  wandringe  fheepe  at  the  Hand2  beinge  now  returned, 

accordinge 

Mr.  John  Oliver.  Robert  Keayne  was 
in  the  cuftom  of  making  elaborate  notes 
of  the  fermons  preached  by  Cotton  and 
Wilfon,  and  alfo  of  what  took  place  at 
certain  church  meetings.  Thefe  notes 
were  contained  in  at  leaft  three  books, 
one  of  which  is  now  in  the  poffeffion  of 
the  MalTachufetts  Hiflorical  Society,  a 
fecond  in  that  of  the  Rhode  Ifland  Hif¬ 
torical  Society  (Proc.  Mafs.  Hijl.  Soc. 
Series  II.  Vol.  V.  p.  435),  while  a  third 
was  in  exiftence  in  1771,  but  has  fmce 
difappeared  (Ibid.  Vol.  IV.  p.  160;  fu- 
ftra ,  p.  285,  ri).  The  report  in  the  text 
was  taken  from  the  firft  mentioned  of 
thefe  three  books. 

Of  the  three  members  of  the  delega¬ 
tion  who  went  to  Rhode  Ifland,  Edward 
Gibbons  is  moft  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  early  Maffachufetts  hiflory.  The 
time  when  he  came  to  New  England  is 
not  known ;  but  he  is  reputed  to  have 
_  been 

2  Aquidneck,  or  Newport,  whither  years  at  the  time  the  “brethren”  of  the 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon  and  thofe  banifhed  in  Bolton  church  vifited  them  as  recorded 
the  fpring  of  1638  had  then  removed.  in  the  text. 

They  had  been  fettled  there  nearly  two 

50 


1  Captain  Robert  Keayne  came  to 
New  England  from  London  in  1635  ; 
he  died  in  1656.  A  man  of  fubltance 
and  Handing,  he  was  one  of  the  found¬ 
ers,  and  the  firft  commander,  of  the 
artillery  company,  having  been  “  trained 
up  in  military  difcipline  from  his  younger 
years,”  and  is  chiefly  remembered  be- 
caufe  of  his  lawfuit  with  the  widow 
Sherman  in  regard  to  the  ownerfhip 
of  “a  ftray  fow”  (Palfrey,  Vol.  I.  p. 
618),  which  led  to  the  divifion  of  the 
American  legiflative  body  into  double 
chambers. 

Welde,  in  his  Preface  to  the  Short 
Story  (fuftra,  p.  89),  refers  at  fome 
length  to  the  delegation  from  the  Boflon 
church  fent  to  Aquidneck  early  in  1640 
to  “convince  and  reduce”  Mrs.  Hutch¬ 
infon.  Thofe  who  went  on  this  miffion 
were  three  in  number,  Captain  Edward 
Gibbons,  Mr.  William  Hibbins,  and 


394  The  Antinoniian  Controverfy. 


accordinsre  to  the  cuftome  of  the  churches  &  fervants  of  o^od 
in  the  fcripture  when  thay  did  returne,  t hay  gave  an  accownt 
to  the  church  of  gods  dealinge  with  them  &  the  paffages  of 
his  providences  &  how  god  carried  them  a  Longe,  it  is 
expedled  of  the  church  that  fome  one  of  you,  or  all  of  you 
one  after  another,  fhould  declare  the  fame,  that  the  church 
may  have  matter  to  prayfe  god  with  you. 

Brother  Hibbens.  we  thinke  it  our  dutie  to  give  an  ac¬ 
cownt  to  the  church  of  gods  dealinge  with  us  in  our  jorny 
owt  &  in  &  of  the  fucceffe  of  our  buffines  when  we  came  to 
our  jornies  end,  at  the  Hand.  The  fecond  day  of  the  weeke, 
we  reached  the  firft  night  to  mownt  wollifton,  whear  we  were 
refrefhed  at  our  Brother  Savidges  Houfe1  wherby  we  were 

comfortably 


been  one  of  the  company  with  Thomas 
Morton  at  Mount  Wollafton  in  1628.  He 
died  at  Bofton  in  December,  1654.  The 
moft  detailed  account  of  his  checkered 
and  venturefome  career  is  in  Three 
Epifodes ,  Vol.  I.  pp.  354-360.  William 
Hibbins  was  a  merchant  of  Bofton.  He 
came  to  New  England  probably  in  1634, 
was  prominent  in  town  and  colony  af¬ 
fairs,  and  died  in  July,  1654  (Savage’s 
Genealogical  Dictionary,  Vol.  II.  p.409). 
John  Oliver  is  furmifedby  Savage  to  have 
been  the  “  younger  brother  or,  perhaps, 
nephew  ”  of  Elder  Thomas  Oliver  ( fu - 
pra,  p.  286).  He  came  to  New  England  in 
1632,  and  in  November,  1637,  was  among 
thofe  difarmed  as  adherents  of  Wheel¬ 
wright.  He  fubfequently  removed  from 
Bofton  to  Newbury,  and  died  in  1642. 

The  members  of  the  delegation  left 
Bofton  the  g*  0f  and  reached 

Newport  on  the  fgj|  of  Return- 

ing,  they  made  their  report,  as  recorded 


by  Keayne  in  his  note-book,  in  the  Bof¬ 
ton  meeting-houfe  on  March  1640, 
after  Mr.  Cotton  had  ended  hisdiicourfe. 
The  report  has  been  printed  by  Dr. 
Ellis  in  his  Life  of  Anne  Hutchinfon 
(pp.  329-337),  and  alfo  by  A.  B.  Ellis  in 
his  Hiflory  of  the  Fir  ft  Church  of B of on 
(pp.  65-68).  In  both  cafes  the  fpelling, 
etc.,  has  been  modernized  and  the  text 
punctuated  ;  and  the  narrative,  in  fo  far, 
rendered  more  intelligible. 

1  In  the  earlieft  days  of  the  fettle- 
ment,  as  now,  there  were  two  routes 
from  Bofton  to  Aquidneck,  or  Newport, 
—  the  eafterly  route,  by  way  of  Brain¬ 
tree,  leaving  the  Blue  Hills  on  the  right, 
that  fubfequently  followed  by  the  Old 
Colony  and  Fall  River  railroad  line; 
and  the  wefterly  route  up  the  valley  of 
the  Neponfet,  leaving  the  Blue  Hills 
on  the  left,  the  natural  water  line 
fubfequently  taken  by  the  Bofton  & 
Providence  Railroad  Co.  When  Mrs. 

Hutchinfon 


Robert  Keaynes  Book.  395 


comfortably  fitted  for  our  jorny,  the  next  day,  in  wch,  by 
the  good  mercy  of  god,  &  the  helpe  of  yor  prayers,  god  did 
accompany  us  with  feafonable  weather,  &  in  our  jorny  the 
firft  obfervable  providence  of  god  that  prefented  itfelfe  to 
our  vew  &  efpecially  to  my  owne  obfervation,  wch  was  in 
providinge  for  me  a  comfortable  Lodginge,  that  fecond 
Night,  wch  was  the  thinge  I  moft  feared  becas  I  never  was 
ufed  to  lye  with  out  a  Bead,  &  there  was  one  that  mett  us 
in  the  way,  that  came  from  Cohannet,1  who  had  a  Howfe  to 
him  felfe  &  he  of  his  owne  accord,  did  give  us  Leave  to 
Lodg  &  abide  in  his  Howfe  that  night,  where  my  felfe  efpe¬ 
cially,  &  all  of  us  had  comfortable  Lodginge  for  that  night, 
wch  was  a  greate  refrefhinge  to  us  &  a  deliverance  from 
my  fear. 

The 


Hutchinfon  flatted  to  go  into  exile,  on 
what  is  now  the  7th  of  April,  1638,  the 
took  the  eafterly  route,  going  from  Bof- 
ton  by  water  to  her  hufband’s  houfe  at 
“the  Mount.”  This  houfe  flood  in  the 
Hutchinfon  grant  fome where  in  the  vi¬ 
cinity  of  the  prefent  Wollafton  Heights 
ftation  in  Quincy  ( Three  Epifodes ,  Vol. 
II.  p.  536,  n.).  From  thence  fhe  fubfe- 
quently  went  to  Newport.  The  church 
delegates  of  1640  took  the  fame  route.  * 
Thomas  Savage,  who  married  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon’s  daughter  Faith,  probably 
in  1637,  has  already  been  referred  to 
( fupra ,  p.  39).  He  came  to  New  Eng¬ 

land  in  April,  1635,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  Bolton  church  the  following  January. 
He  was  among  the  difarmed  of  Novem¬ 
ber,  1637,  and  in  the  fpring  of  1638  ac¬ 
companied  the  exiles  to  Aquidneck,  but 
feems  foon  to  have  returned  to  Bolton, 
where  he  afterwards  lived,  holding  im¬ 
portant  civil  and  military  portions,  and 


died  in  February,  1682.  His  wife  Faith 
died  in  February,  1652. 

The  fite  of  Thomas  Savage’s  houfe 
at  “the  Mount”  cannot  be  fixed.  It 
may  have  been  the  Hutchinfon  houfe 
at  what  is  now  Wollafton  Heights,  then 
temporarily  held  by  him,  or  it  may  have 
flood  on  land  he  is  fuppofed  to  have 
owned  in  what  is  now  Braintree,  near 
where  Quincy  Avenue,  fo  called,  crolTes 
the  marfhes  to  Braintree  Neck,  or  on 
Commercial  Street,  not  far  from  the 
fite  of  the  old  Braintree  Iron  Works  of 
1644.  In  going  from  Braintree  to 
Aquidneck  the  party  probably  followed 
a  trail  confiderably  to  the  eaftward  of 
that  gone  over  five  years  later  by  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  defcribed  in  his 
itinerary,  printed  in  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Maffachufetts  Hiflorical  Society 
Series  II.  Vol.  VIII.  pp.  11,  12. 

1  Taunton. 


396  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

The  next  providence  of  god  that  fell  out  in  our  jorny,  was 
some  manifeftations  of  gods  hand  agaynft  us,  for  beinge  the 
4th  day  to  paffe  over  a  River1  in  a  canew,  in  wch  was  8  of 
us  our  canew  did  hange  upon  a  tree,  to  very  great  daynger, 
the  water  runinge  fwiftly  away,  now  my  Ignorance  was  Such 
that  I  feared  no  daynger,  though  thofe  wch  had  more  fkill 
fawe  we  were  in  iminent  daynger,  here  our  god  delivered  us. 

But  now,  we  cominge  fafe  over  the  water  it  pleafed  god 
to  exercife  us  much  in  the  Loffe  of  our  Brother  Oliver, 
whofe  Company  we  mift  &  did  not  perceave  it,  he  fallinge 
unto  mr.  Luttalls  company  that  was  a  goinge  that  way  to 
the  Hand,  then  they  Loft  thear  way.  &  as  our  hartes  was 
full  of  fear  &  care  for  our  Brother,  foe  was  his  of  us  &  the 
fear  was  increfed  one  both  ftdes,  becaus  thear  fell  a  greate 
fnowe,  &  very  hard  weather  upon  it,  &  it  was  to  our  greate 
reioyfmge  when  we  met  one  another  agayne  in  helth  & 
fafetie  accordinge  to  the  good  hand  of  our  god,  that  was 
upon  us  in  our  jorny,  &  they  had  bin  expofed  to  much 
daynger  in  that  could  feafon,  for  want  of  a  fiar,  &  all 
meanes  to  make  it,  had  not  the  Lord  beyond  expectation 
provided  for  them,  to  bring  forth  a  little  powder  through 
the  fhott  of  the  peece,  now  the  5th  day  we  were  to  goe  over 
another  River,2  where  we  were  in  greate  daynger,  our  Canew 
fallinge  upon  a  Rocke,  wch  had  not  fome  of  our  Brethren 
more  fkilfull  fteped  out  of  the  Rocke  &  put  of  the  canew 
our  daynger  had  bin  very  greate,  but  god  brought  us  fafe 
at  Laft  one  the  6th  day  viz  28  day  ot  the  12th  month,  to  our 
greate  reioyfmge. 

Brother 

1  Probably  the  Taunton  River.  of  the  journey,  the  party  had  reached 

2  It  is  impoffible  to  locate  this  river.  Tiverton,  and  ftruck  the  rock  in  crofling 
Not  improbably,  it  being  the  fifth  day  over  to  Aquidneck. 


Robert  Keayne's  Book.  397 

Brother  Oliver.  Now  for  the  fucces  of  our  jorny  to  our 
Brethren  at  the  Hand,  we  acquaynted  them  with  our  pur- 
pofe  in  Cominge,  &  defired  that  they  would  procure  us  a 
meetinge  that  daye,  but  for  reafons  in  thear  owne  breft,  & 
becaufe  of  the  fnowe  thay  did  not  thinke  meete  then  to  give 
us  a  meetinge  but  the  next  day  thay  promifd  &  did  give 
us  a  meetinge,  mr  Aflipinwall1  our  Brother  Bofton,1  Brother 
Sanfoard 2  &  others  &  we  delivered  our  meffage  &  the 
churches  Letter,  wch  thay  Read  &  gave  us  fatisfadfory 
Anfwers.  the  next  day  we  went  to  portfmouth  where 
beinge  entertayned  at  our  Brother  Cogfhalls 3  Howfe  we 
defired  them  to  procure  us  a  meetinge,  to  deliver  our 
meffage  &  the  churches  Letter,  But  when  we  expected  a 
meetinge  mr  Cogfhall  fent  us  word  that  by  refon  of  a  Civell 
meetinge  that  was  befor  apoynted ;  But  for  a  meetinge 
thay  did  not  know  what  power  one  church  had  over  another 
church,  &  thay  denyed  our  comiffion  &  refufed  to  Let  our 
Letter  be  read,  &  they  Confeave  one  church  hath  not  power 
over  the  members  of  another  church,  &  doe  not  thinke  thay 
are  tide  to  us  by  our  covenant  &  foe  were  we  fayne  to  take 
all  thair  Anfwers  by  goinge  to  thear  feverall  Howfes,  mr 
Hutchifon  tould  us  he  was  more  nearly  tied  to  his  wife  than 
to  the  church ;  he  thought  her  to  be  a  dear  ft  &  fervant 
of  god. 

We  came  then  to  mrs  Hutchifon  &  tould  her  that  we  had 
a  meffage  to  doe  to  her  from  the  Lord  &  from  our  church. 

She 


1  Supra ,  pp.  1 5 1,  157. 

’2  John  Sanford  came  to  New  Eng¬ 
land  in  1631,  was  a  member  of  the 
Bofton  church,  and  one  of  thofe  dif- 
armed  in  November,  1637,  and  went 


with  the  other  exiles  to  Aquidneck  in 
1638.  He  fubfequently  lived  at  Portf¬ 
mouth,  R.  I. 

3  Supra ,  p.  137. 


398  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

She  Anfwered,  There  are  Lords  many  &  gods  many,  but 
I  acknowledge  but  one  Lord,  which  Lord  doe  you  meane 

We  Anfwered,  we  came  in  the  Name  but  of  one  Lord,  & 
that  is  god.  then  fayth  fhe,  foe  far  we  agree  &  where  we 
doe  asfree,  Let  it  be  fet  downe  Then  we  tould  her  we  had 
a  meffage  to  her  from  the  church  of  ch  in  Bofton  She 
replyed,  fhe  knew  no  church  but  one  we  tould  her:  in 
fcripture  the  Ho.  Ghoft  calls  them  churches  She  fayd  Ch. 
had  but  one  Spoufe  we  tould  her  he  had  in  fome  fort  as 
many  fpoufes  as  fts;  but  for  our  church  fhe  would  not  ac¬ 
knowledge  it  any  church  of  Ch. 

Mr.  Cotton  Time  beinge  farr  fpent  it  will  not  be  feafon- 
able  to  fpeake  much,  we  bleffe  god  with  our  Brethren  for 
thear  protedlion  in  thear  jorny,  affunder  &  together  &  we 
finde  thay  have  faythfully  &  wifely  difcharged  the  truft  & 
care  put  upon  them 

For  the  Anfwers  of  our  Brethren  at  the  Hand  thay  are 
divers,  as  for  thofe  at  Portfmouth  that  thay  would  not 
reafeve  thear  meffage  &  comiffion,  except  thay  would  pre- 
fent  it  to  thear  church  well  had  bin  to  have  acknowledged 
them  a  Lawfull  church,  wch  thay  had  no  comiffion  to  doe, 
now  thefe  doe  wholy  refute  to  hear  the  church  or  to  hold 
any  fubmiffion  or  fubiedlion  to  the  church :  I  would  not 
expeft  any  Anfer  now  but  that  the  church  confider  of  it  till 
the  next  day  now,  Confider 

1  whether  this  be  not  a  tranfgreffion  of  that  Rule  in  math 
18  if  thay  will  not  hear  you  tell  the  church  &  foe  fall  under 
the  fenfure  of  the  church 

2  I' hay  were  in  covenant  with  us  as  a  wife  to  the  Huf- 
band  (i  Cor  7.  15)  but  like  a  Harlot  fhe  weibe  gone  for  all 

her 


399 


Robert  Keayne's  Book. 

her  covenant,  now  if  thay  will  goe  whether  we  be  not  dif- 
charged  of  our  Covenant  with  them  &  foe  cut  them  of  as 
no  members,  we  fhall  confider  with  elders  of  other  churches 
what  is  beffc  to  be  done  in  fuch  cafes 

Others  doe  not  refufe  to  hear  the  church  but  Anfer  as 
farr  as  thay  can  goe,  only  fome  fcruple  the  covenant,  & 
others  other  things  but  doe  not  reiedl  the  church  :  but  doe 
honor  &  eheeme  of  us  as  churches  of  Ch  now  confider 
whether,  it  is  not  meete  that  we  fhould  firh  wright  to  them 
&  Labor  to  fatisfi  them  &  to  take  of  thear  growndes  &  fee  if 
thay  may  be  redufed  befor  we  goe  to  further  profedinges 
with  them.  &  I  would  knowe  how  farr  the  wives  doe  content 
or  diffent  from  thear  Hufbands  or  whether  thay  be  as  refolut 
&  obhinatle  peremptory  as  thay  Thear  is  another  fort  & 
that  was  of  fuch  as  are  excomunicate,  now  we  have  gone 
as  far  with  them  as  I  thinke  we  can  goe  except  thay  did 
fhowe  fome  pertenacy  &  obhenacy  agaynft  ch  Je  &  then 
the  greate  cenfure  of  anathama  marinatha  that  is  for  mrs 
Huchifon  But  fuch  as  hart  afide  from  church  cenfure  & 
Rules  out  of  Ignorance,  another  corfe  is  to  be  taken  with 
them  to  redufe  them  agayne  if  we  can  ;  as  mrs  Harding1  & 
mrs  dyar,2  who  acknowledgeth  the  churches  &  defiar  Com¬ 
munion  with  us  hill  And  for  mr  Afhpinwall,  he  now 
beinge  fatished  of  the  Righteous  &  juh  profeedings  of  the 
church  in  cahinge  out  fome  of  our  members  &  foe  refufeth 
to  have  any  communion  with  them  in  the  thinges  of  god 

I  pray  confider  of  thefe  thinges  agaynh  the  next  Lords 

day 

1  Philippa,  wife  of  Robert  Harding,  church.  They  moved  to  Rhode  Ifland 
came  with  her  hufband,  though  they  in  1638. 
were  not  then  married,  to  New  England  2  Supra ,  p.  156,  note  3. 

in  1631,  and  were  members  of  the  Bolton 


400  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 

day,  accordinge  to  the  diflributions  of  the  qualetie  &  nature 
of  thear  offenfes,  as  thofe  that  are  neceffarily  tied  thear  for  a 
home  as  children  to  thear  parents  &  wives  to  Hufbands, 
and  others  that  hand  out  of  obftenacy 

I  fee  the  divel  goes  abowt  to  harden  the  harts  of  Brethren 
agaynfl  church  cenfure  &  foe  to  difpife  all  church  profeed¬ 
ings  &  therupon  quell  church  covenant  to  fhake  all  churches 
&  to  quell  it  alltogeather ;  or  fome  parts  of  it,  &  how  fare 
it  bindes,  &  whether  it  be  a  part  of  the  covenant  of  grace 
or  no,  wch  I  hope  wilbe  more  &  more  cleared  up  & 
manafefted. 

[Two  weeks  intervened  before  the  matter  was  again  fub- 
mitted  to  the  church.  On  the  ^  of  after  the  Teacher, 
Cotton,  had  concluded  his  difcourfe,  Mr.  Wilfon  made  the 
following  ftatement  to  the  congregation  :] 

Paftor  Brethren  you  know  the  Buffines  of  the  Hand 
hath  bin  a  Longe  time  propounded,  &  taken  by  the  church 
into  Confederation  &  now  we  fhould  drawe  to  fome  Iffue 
&  determination  you  know  the  Cafes  of  them  thear  doe 
much  differ,  fome  are  under  admonition  &  fome  under 
excomunication  :  &  fome  have  given  fatisfaftion  in  part  to 
the  church  &  doe  hould  themfelves  flill  as  members  of 
the  church  &  doe  yet  harken  to  us  &  feeke  to  give  fatisfac- 
tion  &  others  thear  be  that  doe  renounce  the  power  of  the 
church  &  doe  refufe  to  hear  the  church  as  mr  Coddington 
mr  Dyar  &  mr  Cogfhall,  the  2  firft  have  been  queftioned  in 
the  church  &  delt  with  &  are  under  Admonition  &  have  bine 
foe  longe,  yet  this  aft  of  the  church  hath  bin  foe  farr  from 
doinge  them  any  good,  that  thay  are  rather  growen  worfe 

under 


Robert  Keaynes  Book :  401 

under  the  fame,  for  mr  Coddington  beinge  delt  withall 
abowt  hearinge  of  excomunicate  perfons  prophecy,  he  was 
fenfable  of  an  evell  in  it,  &  fayd  he  had  not  before  foe  well 
confiderd  of  it,  yet  lince  he  hath  not  only  hearde  fuch  by 
accident  as  befor,  But  hath  himfelfe  &  our  Brother  diar  & 
mr  Cogfhall  have  gathered  themfelves  into  church  fellow- 
fhip,  not  regardinge  the  Covenant  that  thay  have  made  with 
this  church,  neyther  have  taken  our  advife  &  confent  herin, 
neyther  have  they  regarded  it,  but  thay  have  joyned  them¬ 
felves  in  fellowfhip  with  fome  that  are  excoin  unicated 
wherby  thay  come  to  have  a  coftant  fellowfhip  with  them, 
&  that  in  a  church  way,  &  when  we  fent  the  meffengers 
of  the  church  to  them  to  admonifh  them  &  treate  with 
them  about  fuch  offences,  they  wear  foe  farr  from  expreffing 
any  forrow  or  givinge  any  fatisfadtion  that  thay  did  alto¬ 
gether  refufe  to  hear  the  church  &  in  this  cafe  the  Rule  of 
ch  is  playne  we  know  not  how  otherwife  to  profeed  with 
fuch  than  by  cuttinge  them  of  from  us :  they  that  will  not 
hear  the  church,  Let  them  be  to  you  as  a  Heathen  &  a 
Publicane ;  yet  becawfe  we  know  not  how  far  god  may 
worke  relentinge  in  any  of  thear  hartes,  fince  the  churches 
meffengers  came  from  them,  it  is  thought  meete  to  forbare 
our  profeeding  yet  a  little  Longer,  agaynft  them  &  patiently 
to  wayte  a  while  to  fee  if  yet  thay  will  indeavor  to  give 
fatisfadtion,  if  not  we  fhall  take  a  feafonable  time  to  proceed 
with  them 1 

1  No  further  church  proceedings  are  church  to  which  to  difmifs  him  (Ellis’s 
recorded  except  in  the  cafe  of  Francis  Anne  Hutchinjon ,  pp  338-340).  The 
Hutchinfon.  He  by  letter  defired  dif-  matter  was  again  brought  before  the 
miffion  from  the  church  of  Bofton,  which  church  by  Mr.  Wilfon  on  the  ^  of 
was  refufed  on  the  ground  that  there  was  Soctob^r  ?  but  the  record  contains  nothing 
in  the  place  where  he  then  lived  no  of  intereft,  hiftorically  or  otherwife,  with 


402  The  Antinomian  Controverfy. 


the  exception  of  the  following  from  the 
paper  of  objections  fubmitted  by  the 
members  of  the  church  then  under  dif- 
cipline,  to  which  objections  the  anfwers 
are,  in  the  record,  appended:  — 

“  Objection  4.  But  the  Court  hath 
cenfured  us,  and  drove  us  out  of  the 
country,  and  Mr.  Winthrop  advifed  us 
to  depart. 

“  Anfwer.  Mr.  Winthrop  affirms  his 
advice  was  not  as  Governor,  nor  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Court,  but  only  in  Chriftian 
love,  to  depart  for  a  time,  till  they  could 


give  the  Court  fatisfaCtion.  He  anfwers, 
he  did  not  advife  all  to  depart,  for  he 
perfuaded  Mr.  Coddington  earneftly  to 
flay,  and  did  undertake  to  make  his 
peace  with  the  Court.  Neither  did  the 
Court  banifh  or  drive  any  away  but  two, 
Mr.  Afpinwall  and  Mrs.  Hutchinfon. 
Some  were  under  no  offence  at  all  with 
the  Court,  as  our  brother  Hazard/’ 

The  principal  portions  of  the  record 
in  this  cafe  are  printed  by  Mr.  Ellis  in 
his  Life  of  Anne  Hutchinfon ,  pp.  343- 
346. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


A. 

Abbot,  Ezra,  48. 

Agricola,  John,  founded  Antinomian- 
ifm,  13. 

Alien  Law  pafled,  359  n. 

Anabaptift  uprifing  in  Munfter,  179  n. 

Anabaptifts,  32,  35,  276,  314. 

Antinomian  controverfy,  far  reaching 
in  its  confequences,  12,  15,  65;  a 
mifnomer,  12;  Wheelwright’s  reflec¬ 
tion  on,  13  ;  influenced  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  Maffachufetts,  13-14;  the 
refult  of  intelledlual  inquiry,  14-15  ; 
hiftorical  fignificance  of  the,  15,  139; 
was  and  is  debatable  ground,  15; 
the  Short  Story,  and  Winthrop’s 
Hiflory  a  confecutive  narrative  of, 
15,64;  works  relative  to,  15-16,  64; 
excited  but  little  intereft  in  England, 
23  ;  of  unfavory  memory  in  New  Eng¬ 
land,  23  ;  nearly  forgotten  in  Maffa¬ 
chufetts,  24,  25 ;  references  to,  in 
Winthrop’s  Journal,  37-38 ;  Thomas 
Savage  one  of  the  “  chief  ftirrers,” 
39 ;  James  Savage  and  the,  39-40 ; 
documents  relating  to,  64;  Johnfon’s 
reference  to,  64  n. ;  strefs  laid  upon 


the  influence  of  the  clergy  in  mili¬ 
tary  affairs  during,  142,  143  n. ;  Cot¬ 
ton’s  account  of,  in  The  Way 
Cleared,  339  n. ;  the  fubjedt  dis¬ 
agreeable  to  Cotton,  339  n. 

Antinomianifm,  has  exifted  in  three 
forms,  12-13  5  its  meaning  in  Maffa¬ 
chufetts,  13  ;  influenced  the  courfe 
of  the  colony’s  hiflory,  13-14;  com¬ 
pared  to  Montanifm,  339 ;  Cotton 
accufed  of,  351,  355,  367,  371,  372, 
3 73,  375 ;  Mrs.  Hutchinfon  and,  372. 

Antinomians,  defined,  12;  the  firft,  13; 
Wheelwright’s  warning  againft,  13; 
complaints  againft,  in  the  Weftmin- 
fter  Affembly,  31-32;  meafures 
taken  to  fupprefs  them,  32;  Win¬ 
throp’s  narrative  aimed  at,  32 ;  to 
keep  out  of  New  England,  34-35  ; 
Wheelwright  confidered  one,  371. 

Apologetical  Narrative,  the,  29. 

Apology,  fet  forth  by  the  magiftrates, 
191  ;  written  by  Winthrop,  191  n. 

Appeal,  right  of,  denied,  147,  147  n. 

Aquidneck,  24,  188  n.,  393  n .,  394  n., 

395  «•,  396n- 

Afpinwall,  William,  account  of,  136  n. ; 
138,  148,  151,  153,  397,  399,  402. 


Index. 


B. 

Baillie,  Robert,  quoted,  29,  31,  302  n. ; 
35,  36,  46,  62,  337  zz.,  338  339  »M 

342,  351,  352,  355,  356,  358,  359,  362, 
363,  364,  367,  372,  373?  374,376,  384, 
387,  388,  389,  390. 

Balftone,  William,  disfranchifed,  154- 
155;  biographical  notice  of,  1 54  //., 
154,  39 7- 

Bartholomew,  William,  271,  271  n. 
Bell,  Charles  H.,  quoted,  13,  40,  186, 
196. 

Bellingham,  Gov.  Richard,  24. 
Bibliographical  controverfy  concern¬ 
ing  the  Short  Story,  37-43. 
Bibliography  of  the  Antinomian  con¬ 
troverfy,  15-16,  64;  of  the  Short 
Story,  37 ;  of  the  trial  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  64,  164  n. 

Bilney,  Thomas,  265  n. 

Blue  Hills,  394  n. 

Body  of  Liberties,  the,  254. 

Bofton  (England),  159  n .,  337  zz.,  385, 

393,  394  «■,  395* 

Bofton,  Maffachufetts,  19,  21,  22,  25, 
32,  39,  40  zz.,  44,  136,  136  zz.,  137, 
137  zz.,  140,  140  zz.,  142,  143,  154  zz., 
171  zz..  1 91 ,  231  zz.,  271,  285. 

Bofton,  Church  of,  80,  89,  90,  91,  132, 
143  zz.,  158,  161,  186,  189,  193,  201, 
217,  223,  223  zz.,  231  zz.,  285,  285  zz., 

286  zz.,  318,  334  335,  337  355, 

366,  367,  380,  381,  382,  385,  395 

397,  397  *•,  399  «•»  401,  401  »• 
Bofton  Common,  execution  on,  157. 
Bofwell,  James,  n. 

Bradftreet,  Simon,  242  zz. 

Brief  Apologie,  the,  prepared,  19,  44, 
191  n. 

Brown,  John  Carter,  9,  50. 


Brown,  John  Nicholas,  9,  50. 

Brownifm,  338  zz. 

Bulkley,  Peter,  86,  86  zz.,  301,  302, 314. 

Bull,  Henry,  186. 

Burnet,  quoted,  161  zz. 

C. 

Calvin,  John,  339,  347. 

Cambridge,  285  n. ;  aflembly  of  minif- 
tersat,  85, 95-124,  130  zz.,  162;  Gen¬ 
eral  Court  convened  at,  131,  141  zz. 

Campbell,  D.  G.,  quoted,  27. 

Cane,  Mr.,  139  n. 

Catalogue  of  erroneous  opinions 
brought  into  New  England,  fpread 
underhand  there,  condemned  by  an 
affembly  of  the  churches  at  New 
Town,  95-124. 

Chamier,  Dr.,  354. 

Charles  I.,  22,  25. 

Charleftown,  136  zz .,  249  zz.,  257  zz. 

Chauncey,  46. 

Chefter,  J.  L.,  quoted,  158  zz. 

Choules  Collection,  50,  50  zz.,  55. 

Chryfoftome,  389. 

Clark,  Samuel,  46. 

Cleeves,  George,  22. 

Clergy,  influence  of,  in  military  opera¬ 
tions,  142  zz. ;  forced  the  church  to 
action  againft  Mrs.  Hutchinfon, 
334  n. 

Coddington,  William,  moved  that  the 
cenfure  againft  Wheelwright  be  re- 
verfed,  138  ;  biographical  notice  of, 
138;  283  ;  refufed  to  return  to  Bof¬ 
ton,  400,  401,  402. 

Coggefhall,  Bedaiah,  137  zz. 

Coggefhall,  Hanamel,  137  zz. 

Cogfhall,  John,  deputy,  137;  biograph- 


Index. 


ical  notice  of,  137#.;  137,  148,  153, 
397,  400,  401. 

Coggefhall,  Wait,  137  n. 

Cohannet,  395. 

Colburn,  William,  140  zz.,  262,  283. 

Cole,  Edward,  93. 

Cole,  John,  93  n. 

Collicott,  Richard,  278  zz. 

Community  of  Women,  301,  302,  314. 

Congregationalifm,  29. 

Connecticut,  25,  137. 

Cotton,  John,  minifter  of  church  in 
Bofton,  24 ;  father  of  Congregation¬ 
alifm,  29,  337  n. ;  refers  to  the  Short 
Story,  37,  46,  62;  130  zz.,  13 1  ;  bio¬ 
graphical  notice  of,  131  zz.  ;  pre¬ 
vented  the  fending  the  fame  deputies 
to  the  court  and  church  trial,  140  ; 
the  petition  for  Wheelwright  not  to 
be  delivered  without  the  advice  of, 
154;  154  zz.,  155;  on  fanClification 
and  juftification,  160  zz. ;  169;  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  at  a  meeting  in  his 
houfe,  170  ;  grieved  with  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon’s  comparifon  of,  1 7 1  ; 
did  not  agree  with  teftimony  of  the 
other  elders,  172;  followed  by  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon  to  New  England,  174, 
272  ;  222  zz.,  224,  244,  247,  249,  250, 
253,  260,  262,  263,  264,  267  ;  opinion 
of,  concerning  revelations,  176,  274, 
278;  queftioned  Mrs.  Hutchinfon, 
177;  preached  againft  the  new  doc¬ 
trines,  183,  370  ;  difliked  the  fpeech 
of  Wilfon,  203,  203  zz. ;  Mrs.  Hutch¬ 
infon  to  remain  at  the  houfe  of,  225  ; 
left  the  examination  to  Wilfon,  227 ; 
denied  that  he  was  a  follower  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  243,  282-283,  351,  355; 
flood  to  juftify  her,  277,  278,  283  ; 
301,  310,  340,  359,  364;  his  fall 


407 

given  by  Baillie  anfwered,  373  ;  376, 
379,  382;  adored,  379,  386;  387, 
400;  quoted,  14  zz.,  24  zz.,  160  zz., 
362  n. 

Covenant  of  Grace,  159,  172,  178,  196, 
202,  205,  243,  247,  248,  249,  260, 
266,  327,  328,  368. 

Covenant  of  Works,  159,  159  zz.,  160, 
1 7i,  171  n.,  1 73,  195,  196-198,  199, 
200,  201  zz .,  202,  205,  244,  246,  253, 

369- 

Croker,  John  Wilfon,  11. 

D. 

Damphord.  See  Davenport. 

D’Aulnay,  25. 

Davenport,  John,  90  n.,  222  zz .,  225, 
296  n.,  297,  298,  299,  360,  361,  372, 
333- 

Deane,  Charles,  37,  43,  57,  61  ;  quoted, 
94  n.,  130  zz.,  13 1  zz.,  190,  190  zz., 
1 91  n. 

Deane,  Mrs.  Charles,  9. 

Declaration  and  Reply,  the,  brought 
to  the  court,  139;  author  of,  139  n. 
Dexter,  H.  M.,  quoted,  338. 

Dinely,  William,  disfranchifed,  156- 
157  ;  biographical  notice  of,  156  n. 
Doyle,  J.  A.,  quoted,  139  zz. 

Drake,  S.  G.,  49,  57,  57  n. 

Dudley,  Gov.  Jofeph,  24. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  242  zz.,  250,  324  n. 
Dutch,  the,  25  ;  not  given  credit  for 
being  pioneers  in  religious  toleration, 
27- 

Dyer,  Mary,  41,  88,  156  zz.,  157  zz., 
187,  189,  189  zz. 

Dyer,  William,  disfranchifed,  156-157; 
biographical  notice  of,  1 56  zz.  ;  187  ; 


Index. 


408 


refufed  to  return  to  the  church  at 
Bofton,  400,  401. 

E. 

Edwards,  Thomas,  36;  quoted,  28,  34, 
223. 

Eliot,  John,  33,  46,  252  n.,  272,  281, 
288. 

Ellis,  George  E.,  quoted,  13. 

Endicott,  John,  24,  243. 

England,  18,  20;  hoftile  proceedings 
againft  Maffachufetts,  17,  21  ;  inter- 
courfe  with  Maffachufetts  in  1638, 
20,  23;  religious  toleration,  26-30, 
3i;  178. 

Enthufiafts,  276. 

F. 

Familifm,  339,  342,  355,  372,  373. 

Familifts,  32,  35,  184,  185,  185  n.,  188, 
301,  301  302,  302  n.,  314,  339. 

Faft  Day,  appointed  before  the  Synod, 
1 91  n. 

Firmin,  Giles,  quoted,  224  n. 

Free-Lovers,  301. 

Froft,  Edmund,  387  n. 

Frothingham,  O.  B.,  quoted,  42. 

G. 

General  Court,  proceedings  of,  againft 
John  Wheelwright,  131,  131  n.,  133; 
137,  137  145.  147,  148,  151?  I91  »•, 

*93.  194,  195  «•,  201,  254  n.,  285, 
359.  359  «•»  402. 

George,  David,  185. 


Gibbens.  See  Gibbons. 

Gibbons,  Capt.  Edward,  307,  393  n. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  21,  22,  24. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  339,  371. 

Greenfmith,  Stephen,  171  n. 

Gridley,  Richard,  disfranchifed,  157; 
biographical  notice  of,  157  n . 

Gridley,  Gen.  Richard,  157  n. 

Griffin,  the,  1 58  n. 

H. 

Haines,  Mr.,  250. 

Hampden,  22. 

Hancock,  John,  41,  42  n. 

Harding,  Philippa,  399. 

Harding,  Robert,  399. 

Harlakenden,  Roger,  259  n. 

Harris,  William,  45,  47  n,  48  n. 

Harvard  ftudents  whipped,  48  n. 

Harvard  College,  34,  47,  48,  50. 

Hawkins,  Mrs.,  188  n. 

Hawkins’s  wife,  188,  188  n. 

Hawkins,  Jane,  47,  391  n. 

Hawkins,  Richard,  391  n. 

Hellgate,  93. 

Hibbins,  William,  393  n.,  394  n. 

Holland,  a  pioneer  in  religious  tolera¬ 
tion,  27-28. 

Hooker,  Edward  W.,  86  n. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  85  n. ;  biographical 
notice  of,  86  n.  ;  272,  272  n. 

Hofmer,  J.  K.,  quoted,  30. 

Hutchinfon,  Anne,  a  leader  in  intel¬ 
lectual  inquiry,  14;  trial  of,  16,  19, 
33.  33  #•,  39.  64-65  ;  her  adherents 
difarmed,  disfranchifed  and  banifhed, 
16-17, 18  ;  death  of,  24,  44,  61,  63,  93, 
93  n. ;  forgotten  in  Maffachufetts, 
25>  33  I  fubjeCted  to  the  buzzing  of 


Index. 


409 


the  clerical  tormentor,  33  n. ;  41,  60, 
136  71.,  157,  187,  188  n. ;  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Jezabel,  40,  63  n.,  232;  240; 
diffufed  her  opinions  among  the 
people,  72,  79,  139  71.,  160-161, 
161  n.,  243;  her  double  weekly  lec¬ 
ture,  79,  132,  161,  161  71.  ;  birth  of 
her  child,  88  ;  teft  of  her  fpirit,  89, 
240,  242,  271,  278,  289,  316,  325,  339, 
340,  35 352,  359  361,  364^  368, 

37°,  37b  376,  377,  38iI  delegation 
fent  to  her  from  the  church  of  Bof- 
ton,  89,  393  n.,  394  395  n.,  397  ; 

her  anfwer  to  the  delegation,  89, 
397-398,  399 ;  call  out  of  the  church 
for  lying  and  other  fouler  fins,  90-91, 
131  n .,  139#.,  189,  227,  284;  went 
to  Rhode  Ifland,  92-93 ;  moved  to 
Hellgate,  93 ;  fafcinated  Balftone, 
154  71. ;  a  breeder  and  nourifher  of 
diftemper  and  ftrife,  157-158,  235, 
242 ;  her  character  as  given  by 
Winthrop,  158,  158  n. ;  difplayed 
her  opinions  on  the  paffage  to  Amer¬ 
ica,  158,  172,  271 ;  joined  the  church 
at  Bofton,  158  ;  at  firft  efteemed  and 
refpedted,  159  11.,  356-3 57?  began 
her  teachings,  160-161,  161  n.,  243; 
charges  brought  againft,  164-165, 
170;  objected  to  informers  being 
witneffes,  170,  256,  326;  her  confer¬ 
ence  with  Wilfon,  171  ;  demanded 
the  fwearing  of  the  elders,  172,  256- 
263,  281  ;  herfpeech,  172-176  ;  came 
to  New  England  for  Mr.  Cotton’s 
fake,  174,  272  ;  her  revelations,  176, 
273-278,  330 ;  Cotton’s  judgment 
concerning,  176-177  ;  condemned 
out  of  her  mouth,  177;  flighted  the 
minifters,  170,  177-178,  249,  253, 
260;  compared  to  Daniel,  178;  re- 


fult  of  her  fpeech,  183;  detained  at 
Roxbury  till  a  feafon  fit  for  her  de¬ 
parture,  1 39  71.,  1 86, 1 86  7i.,  2 1 7,  285 
revealed  the  birth  of  the  mon- 
ftrofity,  189,  189;/.;  vifited  by  her 
followers,  217,  243,  329;  the  elders 
labored  with  her  in  vain,  217;  or¬ 
dered  to  appear  before  the  church, 
217-218,  285;  accufations  found  by 
the  church,  218-220,  287-288  ;  ac- 
cufed  the  elders  of  trying  to  entrap 
her,  221,  247,  253,  288-289;  her  fon 
excommunicated  becaufe  he  did  not 
vote  againft  her,  224,  367,  385;  re¬ 
mained  at  Mr. Cotton’s,  225 ;  partially 
acknowledged  her  errors,  225-226  ; 
denounced  the  fentence  of  excom¬ 
munication,  228 ;  abftradl  of  the 
proceedings  againft,  228,  233  ;  date 
of  her  baniftiment  and  excommunica¬ 
tion,  231  71.,  283,  284,  285  71.,  359  71. ; 
date  of  her  leaving  Bofton,  231  71. ; 
the  report  of  her  trial  as  given  by 
Governor  Hutchinfon  differs  from 
that  in  the  Short  Story,  235  71.  ; 
knew  when  to  fpeak  and  when  to 
hold  her  tongue,  245  ;  of  an  in¬ 
temperate  fpirit,  246 ;  faid  there 
were  no  able  minifters  in  the  Bay, 
251,  259,  260-261,  268,  282  ;  charges 
againft,  255,  260  ;  accufed  Wilfon  of 
giving  falfe  teftimony,  256,  259  ;  fhe 
fhould  be  delivered  by  a  miracle,  273, 
283 ;  her  trial  before  the  church, 
285  ;  not  able  to  appear  at  the  be¬ 
ginning  of  the  trial,  286;  deflred  to 
know  why  fhe  was  banifhed,  295- 
296 ;  fecond  examination  by  the 
church,  318;  denied  all  graces  to 
be  in  us,  328  ;  called  a  notorious 
impoftor,  329;  held  erroneous  opin- 


52 


Index. 


410 

ions,  329  ;  the  clergy  forced  the  ac¬ 
tion  of  the  church  againft,  334  zz. ; 
the  a6t  of  excommunication,  336 ; 
dear  to  Cotton,  358 ;  Cotton’s  refo- 
lution  to  fide  with,  359;  the  church 
confented  with  her  while  the  held 
forth  no  more  than  what  was  pub¬ 
licly  taught,  367 ;  continued  her 
meetings,  370;  guilty  of  Antino- 
mianifm,  372;  a  marvel  that  the 
elders  did  not  rebuke  her  errors, 
380,  382 ;  feldom  vifited  Cotton  for 
religious  inftruCtion,  386 ;  her  an- 
fwer  to  the  delegation  fent  by  the 
church,  397-398 ;  her  influence, 
399 ;  402  zz. 

Hutchinfon,  Edward,  Jr.,  1 54  n. 

Hutchinfon,  Edward,  Sr.,  disfranchifed, 
I54~i55  ;  biographical  notice  of, 

154  71. 

Hutchinfon,  Faith,  39,  395  zz. 

Hutchinfon,  Francis,  401  n. 

Hutchinfon,  Sufannah,  93  zz. 

Hutchinfon,  Thomas,  15,  16,  39,  1 55  zz., 
158,  158  zz.,  1 71  zz.,  235,  235  zz.,  273  ; 
quoted,  235. 

Hutchinfon,  William,  158  zz. 

I. 

Independency,  378,  380,  384  ;  Cotton 
as  exponent  of,  337. 

Independents,  28,  29,  31,  35,  380,  381. 

Indian  complications,  25. 

Indians  murdered  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
and  her  family,  93. 

J- 

James  I.,  quoted,  301  zz. 

Jennifon,  William,  284. 


Johnfon,  quoted,  64  ZZ.-65  zz. 

Joris,  David,  185. 

Joffelyn,  quoted,  41. 

K. 

Keayne,  Robert,  25,  285  zz.,  393, 393  zz., 
394  n. 

King  Philip’s  War,  153  zz. 

Kingfton,  R.  I.,  93  zz. 

L. 

La  Tour,  25. 

Laud,  Archbifhop,  22,  32,  47. 

Ledfure  Day,  79,  161,  161  zz.,  162  zz., 
218,  285. 

Leverett,  Thomas,  264  zz.,  286. 

Lion,  the,  137  zz. 

London,  271. 

Lothrop,  John,  158,  249. 

Luther,  Martin,  13,  179,  184,  389. 

M. 

Mabury,  Catherine,  334  zz. 

Manhattan,  24. 

Mansfield,  Ann,  285  zz. 

Marbachius,  Dr.,  349. 

Marbury,  Mr.,  158. 

Marfhall,  Thomas,  disfranchifed,  156; 
biographical  notice  of,  156  zz. 

Mafon,  David,  quoted,  27,  28,  31,  32, 
41,  302  zz.,  337  zz. 

Mafon,  Capt.  John,  142  zz. 

Maflachufetts,  hiftorical  fignificance  of 
the  Antinomian  controverfy  in,  12, 
1 5  ;  the  development  of,  influenced 
by  the  controverfy,  13-14;  early  fpirit 
of  inquiry  in,  14;  ftri<5t  religious 
conformity  broken  by  the  Unitarian 


Index. 


movement,  15;  Mrs.  Hutchinfon’s 
adherents  difarmed,  disfranchifed  or 
banifhed  from,  16;  letters  fent  to 
England  that  would  check  the  emi¬ 
gration  to,  18 ;  directions  of  the 
intercourfe  with  England  in  1638, 
20-21  ;  the  diforders  in,  of  no  intereft 
to  England,  22-23  ;  obliged  Wheel¬ 
wright  to  leave  Exeter,  23,  24 ;  Anti- 
nomian  controverfy  nearly  forgotten 
in,  24,  25  ;  apprehended  no  fear  from 
England,  24-25  ;  35  ;  levy  for  the  Pe- 
quot  War,  142,  142  n .,  143  n. 

Mather,  Cotton,  41,  42  n.,  44,  46,  222  n. 

Mather,  Richard,  328. 

Maurice,  Prince,  182  n. 

MelanCthon,  13. 

Mercurius  Americanus,  37. 

Minifter’s  fons  whipped  for  robbery, 
48  n. 

Monftrofity,  birth  of  a,  187,  188,  189, 
189  n .,  190,  390,  391  n. 

Montanifm,  339,  351. 

Montanifts,  339  n. 

Montanus,  339  71. 

Morton,  Thomas,  147  «.,  394  71. 

Mount,  the,  183,  395  71. 

Mount  Wollafton,  231  n.,  394  71.,  395  n. 

Munfter,  Anabaptift  uprifing  in,  179, 
179  n. 

N. 

Narraganfetts,  25. 

Naffaw,  Count,  182. 

Neponfet,  394  71 . 

New  Amfterdam,  25. 

New  England,  importance  of  the  Anti- 
nomian  controverfy  in,  12;  review 
of  the  events  in,  20-23 ;  the  Antino- 


411 

mian  controverfy  of  an  unfavory 
memory,  23  ;  the  firft  colonial  con¬ 
federation  formed,  25;  34  71.  \  Anti- 
nomians  fhall  have  full  liberty  to 
keep  out  of,  35  ;  Savage  has  no 
fuperior  in  matters  relating  to  the 
hiftory  of,  38-39;  93;  catalogue  of 
the  erroneous  opinions  brought  into, 
95 ;  people  of,  led  into  dangerous 
errors,  139  71.  ;  Mrs.  Hutchinfon 
came  to,  for  Mr.  Cotton’s  fake,  174, 
272 ;  the  clergy  of,  do  not  think 
themfelves  more  fpiritual  than  thofe 
of  England,  178  ;  fear  of  the  fpread- 
ing  of  Familiftical  opinions  in,  184, 
186;  tyranny  of  the  churches  in, 
223  n. ;  286  7t. ;  copies  of  the  Short 
Story,  and  the  Diffuafive  arrived  in, 
foon  after  publication,  338  71. 

New  England  Confederation  formed, 
25. 

New  England  Way,  the,  29,  30,  31, 

337  338  n. 

New  Haven,  137  n. 

Newport,  137  n.,  155  n. 

New-Town,  afifembly  of  miniflers  at, 
85,  95-124,  130  162. 

Niklas,  Hans,  185  71. 

Nowell,  Increafe,  257  n. 


O. 

Oliver,  John,  140  393  394  396. 

Oliver,  Thomas,  286. 

P. 

Paget,  Ephraim,  36 ;  quoted,  63,  302  n. 
Palfrey,  J.  G.,  57,  60,  63,  393  n. 


412 


Index. 


Pafcataqua,  1 86  n. 

Pemble,  Mr.,  355. 

Pequot  War,  143  71.,  148  71. 

Pequots,  142,  142  n. 

Perkins,  Mr.,  353. 

Peter,  Hugh,  24,  33,  34,  34  n.,  245, 
248,  249,  253,  264. 

Phillips,  George,  248. 

Pifcator,  350. 

Polanus,  350. 

Pomham,  converted,  94  n. 

Portfmouth,  R.  I.,  136  71.,  154  7i. 

Prefbyterians,  28,  29,  31,  35,  36,  337  n ., 
338,  39°- 

Prince,  Thomas,  46. 

Q 

Quakers,  179  n. 

Quilipeak,  Indian  name  of  New  Haven, 
361,  361  n.,  388. 

Quincy,  Edmund,  154;/. 

Quinipyack,  388. 

R. 

Religious  toleration,  firft  Englifh  battle 
over,  26. 

Revelations,  two  kinds  of,  176. 

Rhode  Ifland,  25,  92,  93,  136  71.,  137  n ., 
231,  361,  393  n.\  called  “Ifland  of 
Errors,”  93. 

Rogers,  John,  quoted,  301  71. 

Route  of  the  journey  of  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
fon  into  exile,  394  71.,  395  n. 

Roxbury,  48  71.,  137,  139,  139 «.,  186, 
186  n.,  225,  225  71.,  242,  248  71.,  252  n., 
285  71.,  286  71.,  321. 

Roxbury,  Church  of,  33,  186. 

Rutherford,  Samuel,  35,  36,  62,  337  n. 


S. 

Sacononoco  converted,  94  n. 

St.  Ives,  188,  188  71.,  221. 

Sanctification,  queftion  concerning, 
195,  195  n. 

Sanford,  John,  397,  397  7t. 

Savage,  James,  character  of,  38-39, 
42,  42  71.,  49;  dealings  with  the  An- 
tinomian  controverfy,  39-40  ;  his 
name  connected  with  Winthrop’s, 
39 ;  his  opinion  of  the  Short  Story, 
40,  43 ;  on  the  authorfhip  of  the 
fame,  41,  43,  44;  men  of  his  fpecial 
averfion,  41-42, 42  n. ;  an  admirer  of 
Winthrop,  42  ;  firft  edition  of  Win- 
throp,  43 ;  fecond  edition  of  the 
fame,  44;  criticifed  by  Thornton, 
49-50,  56-57,  57  71. ;  controverfy 
about  the  Short  Story,  51-63  ;  63  n. ; 
quoted,  32  n.,  33  n .,  36  n.,  43  71., 
46  n.,  47  71.,  48  71.,  58  n.,  86  n.,  135  n., 
136  71.,  137  71.,  143  71.,  154  71.,  158  71., 
160  n.,  171  n.,  185  7i.,  188  7i.,  189  71., 
195  71.,  203  71.,  228  71. 

Savage,  Thomas,  39,  293,  306,  394, 

395 

Savidge.  See  Savage. 

Schifmaticks,  185. 

Scott,  Richard,  334  71. 

Scull,  G.  D.,  quoted,  34  71. 

Sea-man,  93. 

Sermons,  difcufled  by  the  clergy  and 
people,  161  n. 

Shepard,  Thomas,  268,  286,  287,  287  71., 
321,  324  71.,  358. 

Sherman,  the  Widow,  25,  393  71. 

Sherman,  Philip,  186. 

Short  Parliament,  26. 

Short  Story,  the,  laft  edition  of,  9,  1 5  7t. ; 
the  relation  of,  to  Winthrop’s  Hif- 


Index. 


4i3 


tory,  11  ;  an  evidence  of  the  early 
intellectual  inquiry  in  the  colony,  14 ; 
the  pleading  of  a  great  caufe,  14-15  ; 
a  hiftory  of  the  Antinomian  contro- 
verfy,  1 5,  64  ;  events  which  led  to  its 
preparation,  16,  22-23  ;  authorfhip  of, 
1 7,  18-19,  20,  38,  41,  43,  57  62, 

366;  why  it  was  written,  17,  22; 
editions  of,  19-20,  23,  25,  32,  36,  37, 
44,  46,  50,  56 ;  a  pamphlet  miffile 
in  a  battle  for  toleration,  26,  32  ;  the 
two  titlepages  of,  32  7Z.,  45-46,  50, 
51,  52,  53,  54,  56;  Welde’s  preface 
to,  33,  36;  Welde  fent  it  to  the 
printer,  35-36 ;  Winthrop  does  not 
mention  it,  37  ;  bibliographical  con- 
troverfy  concerning  it,  37-43  ;  con- 
fidered  a  difcredi table  production, 
40;  its  unfavory  reputation  unde- 
ferved,  40-41  ;  erroneoufly  attributed 
to  Welde,  41,  43,  44,  45,  51,60;  parts 
of,  attributed  to  Welde,  43;  com¬ 
ments  of  Savage  upon  the  author¬ 
fhip  of,  44-46,  47  n.,  51 ;  prefaces  of, 
46,  50-51,  55,  62;  references  to,  by 
others,  46,  62;  Savage’s  affumptions 
queltioned,  49;  the  queftion  of  joint 
authorfhip,  59-63  ;  Thornton’s  ftate- 
ment,  61 ;  the  date  of  its  preparation 
fixed,  186  n .,  231  71. ;  Winthrop’s 
Hiftory  a  paraphrafe  of,  231  11.  \  dif¬ 
fers  in  many  eflential  refpeCts  from 
the  report  publifhed  by  Hutchinfon, 
235  n. ;  copies  reached  New  Eng¬ 
land  foon  after  its  publication,  338  71. 

Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam,  the,  34-35, 
254  71. 

Smith,  Ralph,  44,  45,  63. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  285. 

Stony  Sabbath,  the,  22. 

Stoughton,  Ifrael,  59,  143,  148,  148  n. 


Symmes,  Zachariah,  158  71.,  249. 

Synod,  Cambridge,  130  71.,  162,  191, 
195  n.t  222  71.,  339,  351,  353,  355, 
374,  376,  377,  381. 

T. 

Taunton,  395  n . 

Taunton  River,  396  7t. 

Thomafon,  Mr.,  45,  46. 

Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  49,  50,  56,  57; 
quoted,  61. 

Toleration.  See  Religious  toleration. 

Trafk,  W.  B.,  56. 

Twifle,  Dr.,  353,  354. 

U. 

Underhill,  Capt.  John,  90  ti.  ;  accufed 
of  joining  in  the  petition,  180 ;  bio¬ 
graphical  notice  of,  180. 

Unitarian  movement,  the,  broke  reli¬ 
gious  conformity  in  Maffachufetts, 
15* 

Unfavory  fpeeches  confuted,  1 25-130. 

V. 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  14,  24,  25,  26,  30,  31, 
35,  41,  48,  136,  139  171  n.,  243, 

246,  256. 

Vinton,  John  A.,  57  n. 

Voyages,  time  occupied  in  the  early,  21. 

W. 

Ward,  James,  48  n. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  254,  254  7t.,  267. 


4H 


Index . 


Watertown,  137,  248  n. 

Way  Cleared,  the,  defcribed,  338  n. 

Weekly  Ledture,  79,  161,  161  71.,  162  n. 

Welde,  Thomas  20,  34  n. ;  fpeaks  of 
the  Short  Story  as  newly  from  the 
prefs,  20,  44,  51,  59,  63;  returned 
to  England,  24,  33  ;  his  prayer 
that  the  churches  be  delivered  from 
erroneous  opinions,  26,  94 ;  bio¬ 
graphical  account  of,  32-33  ;  intol¬ 
erant,  34 ;  a  fupporter  of  Winthrop 
and  Wilfon,  35,  60;  46,  48,  48  n ., 
49;  believed  to  have  publifhed  the 
Short  Story,  35-36,  45,  51;  hated  by 
Savage,  41,  42,  46,  47  71.,  48  n ,  58; 
fuppofed  author  of  the  Short  Story, 
43,  44;  his  preliminary  matter,  44, 
54,  55,  56,  59,  60 ;  unjuftly  referred 
to  as  a  coward,  46,  47,  58  ;  completed 
the  book,  60,  61,  63  «.,  64;  his  au- 
thorfhip  difproved,  61-63,  64;  248, 
249;  held  converfation  with  Mrs. 
Hutchinfon,  264,  268 ;  obliged  to 
take  the  oath,  281 ;  286,  286  71.,  288, 

364,  338. 

Welde,  Jofeph,  33,  48  n .,  186  285. 

Wells.  See  Welde. 

Wells,  Maine,  24,  37. 

Weftminfter  Affembly,  26,  28,  30,  31, 
337  «•,  338  n. 

Wheelwright,  John,  44,  46,  59  71.,  60, 
174,  178,  182,  183,  184,  192;  date  of 
preparations  of  proceedings  againft, 
19,  44,  201  n. ;  obliged  to  leave  Ex¬ 
eter,  23-24;  lived  at  Wells,  24,  37; 
237,  267,  355,  365,  369,  370;  return 
to  Maflachufetts,  24,  371;  wrote  his 
Mercurius  Americanus,  37;  proceed¬ 
ings  of  the  General  Court  againft, 
131 ;  banifhed,  131  71 .,  139  n.,  153; 
continued  his  preaching,  132;  bio¬ 


graphical  notice  of,  132  n. ;  convidled 
of  fedition  and  contempt  of  court, 
133, 139  «•>  Hi,  143, 152,  201,  204?/.; 
motion  that  the  cenfure  on,  be  re- 
verfed,  138;  his  reply  to  the  fen- 
tence,  140 ;  fruits  of  his  fermon, 
141-144,  370-371  ;  will  make  good 
his  dodlrines,  145-148  ;  his  right  of 
appeal  to  the  King’s  court  denied, 
147,  147  n.\  juftified  by  Cogfhall 
and  Afpinwall,  149,  150,  151;  peti¬ 
tion  for  reverfton  of  fentence  not  to 
be  delivered  without  Cotton’s  advice, 
1 54 ;  preached  againft  men  in  cove¬ 
nant,  163-164:  went  to  Pafcataqua, 
186  n.  ;  his  Faft  Day  fermon  pro¬ 
nounced  feditious,  139,  191  ?i. ;  judg¬ 
ment  pronounced  againft,  191  71. ; 
queftioned  concerning  his  fermon, 
194,  196,  199,  200,  201 ;  did  not  be¬ 
lieve  in  juftification  by  fandtification, 
195  71 .,  200 ;  juftified  his  fermon, 
199;  ufed  with  humanity  and  re- 
fpedl,  200;  date  of  his  Faft  Day 
fermon,  201  ;  diflent  of  part  of  the 
court,  201,  212  ;  grounds  of  the  cafe 
againft,  202-204 ;  mifquoted  in  the 
charges,  209  ;  ftirred  up  the  people 
and  hindered  the  public  unity,  214, 
215,  216;  one  of  his  fympathizers 
not  disfranchifed,  262  71.  ;  influenced 
by  Mrs.  Hutchinfon,  278;  his  fer¬ 
mon  gave  encouragement  to  opinion- 
ifts,  342  ;  adored,  379,  386 ;  quoted, 

1 57  71.,  158  7t.,  188  71. 

Wightman,  340. 

William  of  Orange,  182  71. 

Williams,  Roger,  14,  30,  31,  362,  363, 
387,  388;  quoted,  30,  362. 

Wilfon,  John,  24,  35,  132,  143,  148  n., 

1 71,  1 71  71.,  195  71.,  203  71.,  222  71., 


Index. 


227,  231  n 248,  256,  259,  285,  285  n ., 
367,  380,  382,  383,  400,  401  n. ; 
biographical  notice  of,  132  tz. 

Wilfon,  Thomas,  186. 

Winfor,  Juftin,  quoted,  64  n. 

Winthrop,  John,  his  teftimony  in  re¬ 
gard  to  the  Antinomian  controverfy, 
1 1— 1 2 ;  23,  59  n. ;  the  author  of  the 
Short  Story,  15,  17,  18-19,  20,  43, 

57  n.,  62,  364,  366 ;  his  purpofe  in 
writing  the  fame,  17,  44;  received 
notice  of  the  creation  of  a  provincial 
government,  22 ;  conditions  under 
which  he  wrote  the  Short  Story,  22- 
23 ;  governor  at  various  times,  24 ; 
his  narrative  printed,  31,  32,  35-36; 
fupported  by  Welde,  35  ;  his  manu- 
fcript  of  the  Short  Story  unchanged, 
35-36;  reference  in  his  journal  to 
the  Antinomian  controverfy,  38 ;  ad¬ 
mired  by  Savage,  42 ;  fuppofed  to 
have  been  affifted  by  Welde,  43,  51, 

58  n.,  59,  60  ;  wrote  the  Brief  Apol- 


4i5 

ogy,  44,  191  n. ;  compared  to  Welde, 
60 ;  letter  of,  concerning  the  remon- 
ftrance,  136  n. ;  author  of  the  Decla¬ 
ration  and  Reply,  139;  date  of  his 
preparation  of  the  Short  Story, 
186  zz. ;  advifed  the  excommunicated 
to  depart,  402 ;  his  Hiftory  quoted, 
39  n .,  43  47  n.,  48,  59  13 1  n., 

157  186  191  n.,  231  n.,  28472., 

391  ». 

Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  395  n. 

Wollafton  Heights,  395  n. 

Woman  of  Elis,  the,  325. 

Y. 

Yale  College,  285  n. 

Z. 

Zanchy,  349. 


